The second stage of Sarmatian settlement in Wallachia

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The second stage of Sarmatian settlement in Wallachia

L. Ota

The aim of this paper is to discuss the features of the graves that can be attributed to the second stage of Sarmatian settlement in Wallachia. The first stage of arrival of the Sarmatians in Wallachia can be dated in the last decade of the 1^st century AD and the first decades of the 2^nd century AD. The second stage of arrival of the Sarmatians in Wallachia, linked to the Marcomannic Wars, begins in the late 2^nd century AD and continues during the following century. Sarma- tians entered Wallachia not as enemies of the Roman Empire, but as allies always supervised by the Roman troops. A number of 153 graves can be linked with the second stage of Sarmatian settlement in Wallachia, whose territorial distribution, although extended in comparison with the first stage, does not uniformly cover the entire territory of Wallachia. The features of Sarmatian burials are discussed in detail: grave layout (types of interments, orientation, position of the deceased, age and sex of the individuals), main categories of grave goods (pottery, adornments, dress accessories, toilet implements, household tools, weapons).

Based on this analysis, the main features of the funerary ritual are emphasized. The tendency to uniform the orientation and the position of the deceased individuals can be clearly observed. As regards the funerary inventory, not only the diversity of the categories of items is visible, but also their deposit in higher numbers in the burials. Dacian pottery is deposited even more often than the handmade Sarmatian pottery, but the Roman imports not only register the same low frequency, but also do not differ too much compared to the previous stage. A clear change in the display of the status during the period between the late 2^nd century AD and the middle of the following century can be noticed: the tumuli lose their significance as status markers, grave goods with significant value disappear, possible higher status is emphasized by association of several items. Against a general background of diversification and increase in the number of items chosen to be deposited inside the grave, a real series of female burials stands out. The loss of the Roman control over Wallachia resulted in the sudden decrease, until almost extinction, of the number of Sarmatian discoveries here.

Keywords: Sarmatians, Wallachia, Roman Empire, graves, funerary ritual, grave goods.

Другий етап сарматського перебування у Валахії

Л. Оца

Метою даної роботи є дослідження поховань, які можна віднести до другого етапу сарматської культури у валахії. Перший період появи сарматів у валахії може бути датований останнім десятиліттям І ст. н. е. та першими десятиліттями II ст. н. е. Другий етап перебування сарматів у валахії, пов'язаний з Маркоманськими війнами, починається наприкінці ІІ ст. н. е. і триває протягом наступного століття. Сармати увійшли у Валахію не як вороги Римської імперії, а як союзники, яких завжди контролювали римські війська. Добірку з 153 поховань можна пов'язати з другим етапом сарматського перебування у валахії, територіальне поширення якого, хоча і розширене порівняно з першим етапом, не охоплює однаково всю територію валахії. Детально досліджуються особливості сарматських поховань: розміщення могил (типи поховань, орієнтація, положення померлого, вік та стать осіб), основні категорії поховального начинння (кераміка, прикраси, аксесуари одягу, предмети туалету, господарські інструменти, зброя).

На основі цього аналізу підкреслюються основні риси поховального ритуалу. Чітко спостерігається тенденція до уніфікації орієнтації та позиції померлих. Що стосується поховального інвентарю, наявна не лише різноманітність категорій предметів, але й більша їх кількість у похованнях. Дакійська кераміка вміщується до могил навіть частіше, ніж ліпна сарматська кераміка, але римський імпорт стабільно рідкісний, що не надто відрізняється від попереднього етапу. Можна помітити чітку зміну відображення статусу в період між кінцем II ст. н. е. і серединою наступного століття: кургани втрачають своє значення як маркери статусу, коштовний поховальний інвентар зникає, можливий вищий статус підкреслюється значущістю декількох предметів. На загальному тлі диверсифікації та збільшення кількості предметів, обраних для поховальних дарунків, виділяється серія жіночих поховань. втрата римського контролю над валахією призвела до раптового зменшення, майже до зникнення тут сарматських знахідок.

Ключові слова: сармати, Валахія, Римська імперія, могили, поховальний ритуал, поховальне начиння.

Introduction

The present study is a continuation of two previously published articles on the funerary structures attributed to the first stage of arrival of the Sarmatians in Wallachia, in the last decade of the 1^st century AD and the first decades of the 2^nd century AD (Ota, Sirbu 2016a; 2016b). A relatively small number of burials (53 or 54) in Wallachia can be dated to what we have defined on other occasions (Ota, Sirbu 2009, p. 178--196; 2013, p. 291, 292; 2019a, p. 151--154) as the first stage of penetration of the Sarmatians in Walla- chia. The graves, both isolated (seven for certain and three raising doubts) and grouped (43 or 44 graves in six groups) are concentrated in the northeast, east and south of Wallachia (Ota, Sir- bu 2016a, p. 262; 2016b, p. 149).

Second stage of Sarmatian settlement in Wallachia

The second stage of penetration of the Sarmatians in Wallachia, linked to the Mar- comannic Wars (Ota 2016, p. 139), begins in the late 2^nd century AD and continues during the following century. There are two explanations for those written above. The first regards the connection between the arrival of the Sarmatians in Wallachia and the Marcomannic Wars, which, in this particular case, should be interpreted differently than it would be assumed at first sight. From the very beginning, the Sarmatians entered Wallachia not as enemies of the Roman Empire, but as allies always supervised by the Roman troops, a hypothesis in support of which five arguments can be invoked: a) the limited total number of Sarmatian discoveries in Wallachia; b) the limited number of the burials in the groups of graves; c) the limited number of tumular burials; d) the fact that the graves in which weapons were deposited are few; e) the territorial distribution of the Sarmatian discoveries in Wallachia, mostly concentrated in areas with significant Roman military presence (Ota 2016, p. 131-135; Ota, Sirbu 2013, p. 291; 2016c, p. 215, 231).

The fact that the five characteristics listed above remain unchanged throughout the entire archaeologically documented Sarmatian presence in Walla- chia (late 1^st century AD -- late 3^rd century AD) indicates that the Sarmatians in Wallachia have always been supervised by the Romans, with the Roman control over Wallachia reaching its peak in the first half of the 3^rd century AD. As in the first stage, at the end of the 2^nd century AD, the Sarmatians entered Wallachia not as enemies of the Romans, but as allies, while their presence can be linked to the needs for supply of the Roman garrisons on the Danubian limes rather than to a form of military support (Ota 2016, p. 138). The second stage of Sarmatian settlement in Walla- chia is therefore occasioned by the Marcomannic Wars, but does not properly fall into the category of population movements of the barbaricum and it rather seems to be a consequence of these wars, probably in connection with the need to strengthen the Danubian limes.

The second explanation regards the paradigm of interpreting the Sarmatian discoveries in Wallachia. Generally, even since the Bronze Age, the movements of the steppe populations have been seen as successive waves of newcomers set-tling in certain areas (Frachetti 2011, p. 196-206; Olbrycht 2000, p. 101-103). Lately, however, this model of explaining the discoveries that can be connected with the steppe populations as a result of periodic population inflows is being challenged, at least regarding the Sarmatian presence in the North-Pontic area (Dan 2017, p. 100; Mordvintseva 2013, p. 205-216; 2015, p. 114). Speaking strictly from the point of view of the Sarmatian discoveries in Wallachia, their grouping in three main chronological stages -- the last decade of the 1^st century AD -- the first decades of the 2^nd century AD; the late 2^nd century AD -- the first half of the 3^rd century AD; the late 3^rd century AD (Ota 2016, p. 135-146; Ota, Sirbu 2013, p. 291-293; 2019a, p. 151-157) -- derives from the dating of the inventory items deposited in the graves, among which the items originating from the Roman Empire have an important role. This pattern of interpretation of the Sarmatian presence in Wallachia in three different chronological stages is based both on the main features of the Sarmatian graves (which are, at least at the moment, almost the only evidence of the presence of the Sarmatians in Wallachia, to which a few discoveries without funerary features are added -- Sirbu et al. 2014, p. 94), and on the historical and geographical context of the mentioned area. Regarded as a whole, Wallachia (meaning the territory bordered to the south and the east by the Danube River, to the north by the Southern Carpathians and to the west by the Olt River) is a limited region that is located, unlike other areas inhabited by the Sarmatians, in the immediate vicinity of the Roman Empire, being bordered to the south and the east by the Danubian limes and to the west by the limes alutanus and, certainly starting from the 3^rd century AD, by the limes transalutanus (Petolescu 2010, p. 185-188). The hypothesis of a territory controlled at least until the middle of the 3^rd century AD by the Roman troops is in agreement with both the Roman military strategy (for which the limes never represented a barrier in the proper sense of the term -- Opreanu 1994, p. 212; Opreanu, Lazarescu 2016, p. 43-48; Tentea 2013, p. 144), and the archaeological discoveries that certify the presence in Wallachia of Roman military detachments that had a surveillance role (Ota 2016, p. 145; 2020, p. 423, 424, 427, 428; Petolescu 2010, p. 187).

The Sarmatian communities which the Romans allowed to populate this area were numerically reduced (a fact proved by the limited number of archaeological discoveries and the small number of the graves in groups, the largest number being recorded, so far, in Targ§or, 36 graves -- Ciuperca, Magureanu, Anton 2015, p. 777), with a pastoral economy that depended on the mobility of the herds and the people over varying distances (Bernbeck et al. 2016, p. 52; Kradin 2015, p. 41-70; Wendrich, Barnard 2008, p. 5-7). The relatively small number of graves in groups (between a minimum of two and a maximum of 36 burials) and the fact that the burials in a group are not very scattered from a chronological point of view indicate a not so long use of the burial sites, probably a result of the mobility. The fact that this is not a population that penetrated into Wallachia at one single time and remained there for 200 years is proved by the obvious numerical disproportion between the funerary discoveries that can be dated to the first stage of the Sarmatian settlement (53 or 54 graves -- Ota, Sirbu 2016a, p. 262; 2016b, p. 148), the second stage (153 funerary structures) and the last stage (12 burials).

In addition, the funerary ritual and the inventory reveal certain changes, by giving up certain features and the appearance of new characteristics, which can demonstrate a permanent contact with the areas of origin, unlike the Sarmatian burials in Lower Moesia, which continue to use the same code of display of the elite status even after it was abandoned in the North-Pontic areas (Ota, Sirbu 2019b, in press). Especially in the absence of settlements, it is difficult to say at this time what happens to the Sarmatians from Wallachia in the few decades between the first two stages or after the middle of the 3^rd century, when the number of graves seems to decrease abruptly. The explanation is probably also related to the mobility of the population, which at one point chose to move to other areas (perhaps to the east of the Prut or, rather, in the North-Pontic area).

A possible supplementation with newcomers of the Sarmatian communities that had already entered Wallachia at the end of the 1^st century AD or in the first decades of the following century is not supported by archaeological evidence, at least at the moment. I pointed out the existence of some graves, within the groups from Gradi§tea (Ota, Sirbu 2009, p. 194, 195), Pauleasca, Ciulnita, Ulmeni and Dorobantu (Sirbu et al. 2014, p. 126-128), which had certain archaic features of funerary ritual or chronological differences in terms of grave goods. The earlier dating of the above-mentioned burials based only on ritual similarities (more precisely the orientation of the graves and the position of the deceased individuals) with the Sarmatian graves from the first stage is however uncertain, especially if we consider the great variety of the features of the funerary ritual that characterize the early Sarmatian burials in Wallachia, a variety that is preserved, albeit to a lesser extent, in the second stage. We can talk about chronological differences only in two cases, from Mariuta and Ulmeni.

The two Sarmatian burials from Mariuta are separated not only chronologically (G. 2 is dated to the end of the 1^st century AD, while the dating of G. 2/2009 can be assumed during the second half of the 2^nd century AD -- Sirbu et al. 2014, p. 129), but also spatially (about 30 m), without other Sarmatian burials between them (Lazar et al. 2011, fig. 2).

Fig. 1. Dacian, Roman and handmade pottery found in graves from the second stage of Sarmatian settlement in Wallachia: 1 -- Bucu G. 7; 2, 3 -- Braila-Liceu; 4 -- Braila- Hipodrom G. 3; 5 -- Ciulnita G. 18 (after: 1 -- Renta 2000; 2-4 -- Ota, Sirbu 2009; 5 -- Renta 2016)

The situation in Ulmeni is complicated because of the destruction of several inhumation burials (10-12), with pottery as inventory, on whose dating nothing can be said, due to the fact that the vessels were lost (Morintz, Ionescu 1968, p. 109, 110; Morintz, Ionescu 1970, p. 40). The hypothesis of a number of graves higher than the one currently known (five), of which some would have had a dating similar to that of G. 3 (more precisely during the second half of the 2^nd century AD -- Sirbu et al. 2014, p. 76-84, no. 41, and p. 127, 128) can no longer be verified, unfortunately. The data we have today for the group of graves and for the accidental discoveries from Ulmeni are limited to the capture of two chronological moments (Sirbu et al. 2014, p. 127, 128): an early one (the late 1^st century AD and the beginning of the following century -- to which G. 1, 2 and 4, perhaps also G. 5 belong, and the bronze casserole and the glass unguentarium, too) and a later one (which can be dated during the second half of the 2^nd century AD, if not later -- G. 3 and a Roman mug discovered by accident). Given the fact that in Mariuta it is not possible to speak of a proper group, but rather of an accidental joining of the two graves (which becomes easier to understand due to the existence of a tell, therefore of an elevated terrain nearby which could have served as a guiding mark -- Wendrich, Barnard 2008, p. 12), the situation in Ulmeni must, however, be analyzed with caution. The only grave that can be dated later belongs to a woman and its dating to the late 2^nd century AD is not very certain, which raises an additional doubt about a connection to the second stage of Sarmatian settlement in Wallachia, as the female mobility can have other explanations (exogamous marriage, for example -- Rustoiu 2008, p. 28; Przybyla 2011, p. 237-241). This is the reason why I have included in this paper G. 2/2009 from Mariuta among the Sarmatian graves from the second stage of penetration of the Sarmatians in Wallachia, but I have excluded G. 3 from Ulmeni, at least for now.

Fig. 2. Dacian pottery found in graves from the second stage of Sarmatian settlement in Wallachia: 1 -- Calarai G. 1; 2 -- Chiscani-Trei Movile; 3 -- Braila-Hipodrom G. 3; 4 -- Pauleasca G. 1; 5 -- Gradi tea G. 17; 6 -- Bucu G. 4 (after: 1 -- Ota, Com§a 2012; 2, 3, 5 -- Ota, Sirbu 2009; 4 -- Sirbu et al. 2014; 6 -- Renta 2000)

Number and territorial distribution of graves

As I have already written, the number of burials that can be linked to the second stage of settlement of the Sarmatians in Wallachia currently amounts to 153 (fig. 9). It is not excluded that the nine funerary structures from Ploieti-Triaj, if they could be indeed dated during the 3^rd century, could be also related to this moment (and then the number of graves would amount to 162), but, given that the funerary inventory is only listed without being illustrated at all and the mention of the coin issued by Emperor Elagabalus does not exist in the initial excavation report The secondary graves in mound II researched in 1943 were dated to the 4^th century AD (Nestor 1944, p. 56; Vulpe 1987, p. 177; Cornea 1989, p. 181). The author who assigned these burials to the Sarmatians and who mentioned the presence in their inventory of a coin issued by Emperor Elagabalus in AD 219-- 220 is Gh. Bichir (1971, p. 276; 1972, p. 139; 1977, p. 172, 193; 1985, p. 1167)., I chose to exclude them from my discussion for now.

The majority of the graves (130) were found in groups with variable numbers of funerary structures, ranging between two and 36. Again, an explanation is required. Although a total number of 36 Sarmatian graves in Targ§or and 16 in Oltenita-Renie is mentioned in the literature, the actual number of the graves that can be used for an analysis of the funerary ritual and inventory is only 32. A number of 18 graves from Targ§or are still unpublished, and from the 16 graves in Oltenita-Renie (which did not represent a proper cemetery, but groups of 4-6 graves -- Morintz, Ionescu 1968, p. 95, 96, 100, 101; Morintz, Ionescu 1970, p. 38, 39) data is known about only nine of them. Therefore, in order not to introduce a very large margin of uncertainty in the analysis I will undertake, I decided to operate with the number of graves for which there is, in fact, information at the moment, and thus I excluded the 13 burials from Targ§or and the seven from Oltenita-Renie about which we have no data whatsoever. Leaving aside the two groups of graves above-mentioned, the number of graves from the remaining 18 groups is the following: 14 (Bucu), 10 (Largu and Gradi§tea), eight (Oltenita-Jordoc), seven (Buzausud), six (Ciulnita and Pauleasca), five (Braila- Hipodrom, Calara§i G. 6-10 and Dorobantu), four (Sultana), three (Jilava, Galatui, Oltenita- Coada Lupului and Smeeni-Movila Mare) or two (Calara§i G. 3--4, Cetatea Veche and Vlad Tepe§). 17 graves are isolated (Braila-Liceu, Braila- Radu Negru, Bordu§elu, Bogdana, Bucure§ti- Dealul Piscului, Calara§i G. 1, Cazane§ti G. 1, Chiscani-sat, Chiscani-TTei Movile, Dridu-sat, Mariuta G. 2/2009, Oltenita-Coada Malului, Pie- troiu, Suditi, Ulmu, Faurei near Ulmu, Mihail Kogalniceanu), to which can be also added the burials from Cascioarele, Dridu-tell, Luciu and Oltenita-Putul de Caramida, because the other graves from Cascioarele and Luciu were completely destroyed, and G. 1 from Dridu-tell and G. 2 from Oltenita-Puful de Caramida are chronologically uncertain. Due to their accidental discovery and the fact that they are unpublished, it is not known if G. 2 from Calara§i For the bibliography of the graves, see the catalogue, at the end of the paper. and the only grave about whose inventory there is a mention from Chirnogi are isolated or were part of groups of graves.

The aspect that draws attention most of all by comparison with the first stage of arrival of the Sarmatians in Wallachia is that the total number of funerary structures that can be attributed to the second stage has almost tripled, which seems to indicate a higher number of Sarmatian communities that arrived now in Wallachia. Two aspects are to be emphasized regarding the territorial distribution of the graves. The first, immediately visible on the map (fig. 9), is the extension of the regions with Sarmatian discoveries, although, on the whole, they do not uniformly cover the entire territory of Wallachia. To the previously known areas (northeast, east and south of Wallachia), the center and north of Wallachia are added. The second aspect regards the change of the center of gravity of the Sarmatian discoveries, now concentrated in the southern and eastern part of Wallachia (92 graves), less in the northeastern region (41 graves) or the central-northern region of Wallachia (40 burials).

Regarded in terms of geographical area, the evolution of the Sarmatian discoveries shows that the real explosion takes place in southern and eastern Wallachia (if only 8--10 discoveries, most of them isolated -- Ota, Sirbu 2016a, p. 262; 2016b, p. 149 -- are known in the first stage, in the second stage there are 13 groups, totalizing 76 graves and 14 isolated discoveries, added by two more graves about which it cannot be said whether they were isolated or not). The northeast of Wallachia has not so much an increase of the number of discoveries -- compared to the 41 or 43 graves that could be dated in the first stage (Ota, Sirbu 2016a, p. 262; 2016b, p. 149), the number remained the same in the second stage (41), of which six isolated discoveries and 35 graves concentrated in five groups, as a change of the territorial distribution, by extending to the Buzau Plain and the Subcarpathian region, along the courses of the Buzau and Calmatui rivers. Although numerically comparable to northeastern Wallachia (40 graves), however, the central and northern regions of Wallachia remain exceptions in terms of the Sarmatian discoveries, concentrated in only three sites.

The grave layout, the age and sex of the buried individuals. Unlike the Sarmatian graves dated in the last decade of the 1^st century AD and the first decades of the following century (Ota, Sirbu 2016a, p. 265; 2016b, p. 149), which were buried especially in elevated terrain (the so- called tells), in the late 2^nd century AD and the first half of the following century, most graves (122) are flat. There are 29 exceptions, of which 13 are tumular burials (Jilava, Ciulnita, Smeeni- Movila Mare, Faurei), 10 in sand dunes (Largu) and six in tells (Cazane§ti, Dridu-tell, Suditi and Galatui). As regards the layout of the graves, it should be noted the disappearance in the second stage of the individual tumular graves. Except for the secondary burial from Faurei (individual burial), all the other secondary graves buried in already raised mounds are grouped (three burials in Jilava, six in Ciulnita distributed into two tumuli, three at Smeeni). Except for the three graves from Galatui, the rest of the tell burials are singular (Cazane§ti, Dridu-tell and Suditi). The disappearance of the tumuli (either purposely raised as in Vitane§ti -- Leahu, Trohani 1979, p. 127, 128, 133; Sirbu et al. 2014, p. 85--89, or already existent as in Mohreanu and Ro§iori -- Ota, Sirbu 2009, p. 129, 132, 133) is noticed only in the case of the individual elite burials, so probably the tumuli lose their value as status symbol (Mordvintseva 2016, p. 393) in the second stage and remain simple burial places, perhaps easier to located in the surrounding landscape.

Fig. 3. Sarmatian graves with weapons: 1--3 --Bucu G. 10; 4--7 -- Braila-Hipodrom G. 2 (after: 1-- 3 -- Renta 2000; 4--7 -- Ota, Sirbu 2009)

Unfortunately, the orientation of a high number of graves (45) is unknown. Unlike the previous period (Ota, Sirbu 2016a, p. 265; 2016b, p. 149), in the second stage there is a uniformity of the orientation of the graves in the N-S direction (83), with the NW-SE variations (10) and NE-sW (two), which means an overwhelming percentage of 88.78 % of the number of graves for which the orientation is known. The exceptions are only 11 (possibly 13, if G. 3 and G. 7 from Oltenita-Renie would not be N--S oriented), most of them (nine) in the E--W direction (all five graves from Braila-Hipodrom, G. 2 and G. 3 from Smeeni-Movila Mare, G. 10 in T. III from Ciulnita Initially published as being oriented in the W-E direction (CCA 1994, p. 23) and later, in a monograph, E-W (Renta 2016, p. 9б, 97). It is obvious that somewhere there is a typo, but I decided however to take into consideration the information published in the monograph, given the similarity with the five graves with the same orientation from Braila-Hipodrom. and the burial from Chiscani-Trei Movile). Prevalent in the first stage, the orientation in the W-E direction is registered in the second stage only exceptionally (G. 10 from Smeeni), while the S--N orientation remains singular (G. 23 from Pauleasca).

Although with an unexpectedly high number of cases (65) in which it is not known, some observations can also be made in connection with the position in which the deceased individuals were buried. Again, for the graves from the second stage of Sarmatian settlement in Wallachia, a tendency towards uniformity can be observed, more precisely the prevalence of the supine position, with legs extended and arms extended along the body (68 cases, which means a percentage of 77.27 %). There are 20 exceptions, but in most cases these are positions registered in one single case: with the right hand on the pelvis and the legs extended (Targ§or G. 208), with the right hand on the pelvis and the legs slightly bent (Bucure§ti-Dealul Piscului), with arms extended and the right leg bent (Ciulnita G. 18), with the right hand on the pelvis and the right leg bent (Buzau-sud G. 6), with the arms extended and the left leg bent (Gradi§tea G. 11), body laid out in dorsal position, with arms extended and left leg slightly bent (Galatui G. 3), with left arm extended along the body, right arm bent, palm towards the head and disturbed position of the legs (Mariuta G. 2/2009), lying on the left, with legs extended, left arm bent with the palm under the chin and right arm above the head (Gradi§tea G. 17), with the thorax lying on the left, the skull turned to the right, arms extended and both legs bent (Targ§or G. 200 -- fig. 8: 9).

More common are the crouched position (five cases -- Pauleasca G. 2, 3, 57 -- fig. 8: 8, Oltenita-Coada Malului and Targ§or G. 415), the supine position with the palms on the pelvis (four cases -- Bucu G. 6, Buzau-sud G. 6, Dridu-tell, Targ§or G. 219) and the supine position with the left hand on the pelvis (Gradi§tea G. 9, Targ§or G. 221). A review of the orientations and the positions of the deceased in groups with more than two burials creates space for a few observations. Regarding the orientations, there are several groups, some even with a high number of graves, where the N-S orientation was chosen exclusively (the 10 burials from Gradi§tea, the seven from Buzau-sud, the three graves from Galatui and Oltenita-Coada Lupului) or E-W (the five graves from Braila-Hipodrom). The groups that certainly have deceased individuals with a different orientation than the prevailing one are Oltenita-Renie (one or two deceased oriented E-W), Ciulnita (a deceased oriented E-W), Smeeni-Movila Mare (a deceased oriented W-E).

The uniformity is less pronounced in the case of the positions of the deceased individuals, where only the five graves from Braila-Hipodrom have the same position (body laid out in supine position with legs extended and arms extended along the body) and the three burials from Smeeni-Movila Mare (same position). Otherwise, if only the known positions are taken into account, various positions are registered even in the homogeneous groups in terms of orientation: Gradi§tea (seven supine positions with arms and legs extended and three exceptions), Buzau-sud (four supine positions with arms and legs extended and two exceptions), Galatui (two supine positions with arms and legs extended and one exception). Unfortunately, as regards the rest of the groups, the large number of graves for which the position of the deceased is unknown does not allow, at least for the time being, certain conclusions about the prevalence of a certain position. The reason for choosing an orientation or a position different from the majority cannot be deciphered, at least for the moment.

However, it does not seem to be related to the age of the deceased individuals (as the only children are those from G. 23 and G. 2, 3 from Pauleasca, a group that is characterized, however, by the large number of burials of children, more precisely four -- Sirbu et al. 2014, p. 126) nor with differences in social status, at least judging by the example from Braila-Hipodrom, where all five adults were buried with the same orientation and position, whether or not they had inventory. In Targ§or, three of the graves with position different from the supine position with arms and legs extended had no inventory (G. 219, 221 and 415), but other three graves without inventory were not characterized by another orientation or position (G. 220, 227, 274), and G. 200 and 208, with other positions than the majority, had grave goods that did not differ from that of the rest of the burials.

Also in connection with the treatment of the deceased, three particular cases, all from Targ§or, should be mentioned: the interment in a pit shorter than the body (G. 255, which resulted in the movement of the jaws), the diagonal deposition of the deceased in the pit (G. 220) and the deceased covered with four stone blocks (G. 118). Another particular case concerns G. 1 from Ciulnita, where a man and a woman were buried together (fig. 6: 1), both with the same orientation (N--S) and position (lying on their backs with their arms extended along their bodies and their legs extended, only with the right forearm of the woman slightly overlapping that of the man), reason for which I considered, in the statistics of orientations and positions, that it is a single case and not two different burials.

Of the 92 cases where the age of the deceased individuals could be determined, most are adults -- 62 graves, with 63 individuals (Galatui G. 2, 3, Mariuta G. 2/2009, Oltenita-Renie G. 6, 9, Bucu G. 6, 8-10, 14, Ciulnita G. 3, both deceased individuals in G. 1, 18, Pauleasca G. 57, Calara§i G. 1, one grave from Vlad Tepe§, Gradi§tea G. 1, 4, 5, 9, 13, 17, 18, Braila-Hipodrom G. 1-5, Braila- Liceu, Braila-Radu Negru, Buzau-sud G. 1-6, Cetatea Veche G. 1, Chiscani-sat, Chiscani- Trei Movile, Largu G. 4-8, Smeeni G. 2-3, 10, Targ§or G. 148, 184, 196, 198, 200, 205, 206, 208, 219, 221, 228, 253, 255, 267, 274). The 27 burials of children are: Oltenita-Iordoc G. 4, Oltenita-Renie G. 2, 8, Bucu G. 1-5, 7, 11-13, Ciulnita G. 2, 4, Pauleasca G. 23, 26, 2, 3, Gradi§tea G. 12, 19, Jilava G. 1, 2, Largu G. 2, 3, Targ§or G. 220, 227, 261). In three graves were buried adolescent females (Dridu-tell G. 2, Gradi§tea G. 11, Largu G. 1).

Even if the large number of undetermined cases (93) is likely to call into question any conclusion, it is perhaps worth mentioning that, out of 60 individuals whose sex can be known (by anthropological analysis or the judgment of the archaeologist: Calara§i G. 1, 7, 9, Cascioarele, Galatui G. 2, 3, Mariuta G. 2/2009, Dridu-tell G. 2, the deceased female in G. 1 from Ciulnita, Buzau-sud G. 3, 6, Cetatea Veche G. 1, Smeeni G. 2, Targ§or G. 184, 198, 200) or assumed (based on the funerary inventory: Bordu§elu, Calara§i G. 3, 6, Pietroiu, Oltenita-Renie G. 1, 7, Dridu-sai G. 1, Bucu G. 6, 8, Mihail Kogalniceanu, Galatui G. 4, Oltenita-Iordoc G. 2, 3, Braila-Radu Negru, Chiscani-sai, Gradi§tea G. 9, 11, Largu G. 1, 7, 9, Luciu, Targ§or G. 411, possibly also Bucure§ti- Dealul Piscului), 39 are women. We can talk about «male» funerals in the case of G. 1 from Ciulnita (one deceased out of two), G. 1 from Cazane§ti, G. 6 from Oltenita-Iordoc, G. 3 from Oltenita- Renie, G. 10 from Bucu, G. 2 from Braila-Hipodrom, G. 1, 2 and 4, 5 from Buzau-sud, G. 1 and 4 from Gradi§tea, G. 4 and 6 from Largu, G. 3 and 10 from Smeeni-Movila Mare, G. 148, 196, 205, 208, 255 from Targ§or.

About the age ratio of the deceased individuals from the different groups of Sarmatian burials I wrote on another occasion (Ota 2018, p. 44-46, table 1). The groups where adult burials prevail are: Gradi§tea (7 out of 10), Largu (5 out of 10, but the adolescent female from G. 1 can also be added here, because strictly in terms of funerals there is no difference between the burials of women and those belonging to adolescent females -- Ota, Sirbu, Matei 2013, p. 334, 335), Targ§or (15 out of 23) and Ciulnita (4 adults in 3 graves). The majority of the deceased in the groups from Bucu (9 out of 14), Pauleasca (4 out of 6) and Jilava (2 out of 3) are children. The groups from Braila- Hipodrom (5 burials), Smeeni-Movila Mare (3), Galatui (3, all women) and possibly Buzau-sud (6 certain burials out of 7) are made up exclusively of adult graves.

The intentional cranial deformation could be observed in 13 cases: Bucu G. 3, Calara§i G. 1 and 9, Cetatea Veche G. 1, Dridu-tell G. 2, Largu G. 6, Mihail Kogalniceanu, Oltenita-PuЈul de Caramida G. 1, Targ§or G. 184, 196, 200, 205, 267 (Ota 2015, p. 119--134).

Fig. 4. Sarmatian grave from southern Wallachia,

Grave goods. If from the total number of graves that can be linked with the second stage of Sarmatian settlement in Wallachia are subtracted the 18 graves that had no inventory (which means a percentage of 11.76 %) and the 10 graves about whose inventory we have no data, 125 burials remain valid for an analysis of the grave goods.

The most common category of grave goods is represented by the ceramic vessels, deposited in at least 83 funerary structures (the expression «at least» is due to the fact that the inventory of the three burials from Oltenita-Coada Lupu- lui is published in block, so it is difficult to know exactly in how many graves pottery was found). Regarding the minimum 42 graves in which pottery was not deposited, it can be seen that this custom is not attested at all in the group of three graves from Galatui and is rarely found (only in three graves out of seven) in Largu. A fairly large number of graves in which the funerary inventory did not contain ceramic vessels is also attested in Targ§or (nine burials out of the 23 about which we have information, therefore a percentage of 39.13 %). In the case of the double burial in G. 1 from Ciulnita, the woman had a vessel as funerary inventory, while the man did not.

A single vessel was deposited in most of the graves (55). The inventory of 18 graves included two vessels, three vessels were deposited in three cases and in G. 7 from Oltenita-Renie were discovered seven vessels. The number of the ceramic vessels cannot be known in eight cases, either because of the publication deficiencies, or because the funerary inventory was partially or totally destroyed as a result of their accidental discovery.

Unlike the graves dated to the late 1^st century AD and in the first decades of the following century (Ota, Sirbu 2016a, p. 269-272; 2016b, p. 151-153), in most burials dated to the late 2^nd century AD and in the first half of the 3^rd century, Dacian wheel-made pottery was deposited (certainly in 41 tombs, maybe 42 if the vessel in G. 1 from

Oltenita-Iordoc would also be Dacian). An explanation is required regarding the fact that I have included the grave from Braila-Liceu and G. 10 from Smeeni among the graves with two vessels. Although the cup from Braila-Liceu covered the pot (fig. 1: 2, 3), the functionality of the vessels (Suceveanu 20O0, p. 60, 99) led me to think that, in this case, we are dealing with two different vessels, which were placed on top of each other only because of the particular circumstance of the burial. Normally, a jar covered with a special lid should be regarded as a single recipient, but the fact that the jar in G. 10 from Smeeni was deposited near the head while the lid was deposited at the feet could indicate an intentional separation of the two ceramic vessels.

The typology of the vessels (about the typology of the Dacian vessels found in Sarmatian graves from Wallachia, see Ota, Sirbu 2009, p. 152-155; 2012, p. 125-163; Sirbu et al. 2014, p. 104--106) is much more varied compared to the Dacian pottery previously deposited: mugs (28 graves -- Braila-Hipodrom G. 1-3 -- fig. 2: 3; 3: 7, Bucure§ti-Dealul Piscului, Jilava G. 1 and 3, Buzausud G. 1, 2, 5, 6, Calara§i G. 1, 4, 10, Cascioarele, Cetatea Veche G. 1, Chiscanisat -- fig. 5: 3, Dorobantu G. 5, Gradi§tea G. 17, Largu G. 4, 6, 7, one grave from Oltenita-Coada Lupului, Oltenita-Iordoc G. 3, Oltenita-Renie G. 3, 7, 9, Smeeni G. 2, 3), bowls (seven -- Buzau-sud G. 7, Calara§i G. 8, Cetatea Veche G. 1, Luciu -- fig. 7: 1, Oltenita-Renie G. 7, Pauleasca G. 1 -- fig. 2: 4, perhaps Oltenita-Iordoc G. 1), jugs (five recipients -- Bucu G. 2, Calara§i G. 1 -- fig. 2: 1, Chis- cani-Trei Movile -- fig. 2: 2, Oltenita-Renie G. 4, Targ§or G. 253), biconical vessels (Braila-Radu Negru, Gradi§tea G. 9 -- fig. 5: 10 and 17 -- fig. 2: 5), pot (Targ§or G. 196), cut mug (Bucu G. 4 -- fig. 2: 6). The handmade pottery (about the typology of the handmade pottery see Ota 2014--2015, p. 99--101; Ota, Sirbu 2009, p. 150--152; Sirbu et al. 2014, p. 102, 103) from the 36 graves consists mainly of jars (29 cases -- Braila-Hipodrom G. 1, Bucu G. 1, 6, 12, Jilava G. 1, 2, Bordu§elu, Buzau-sud G. 4, Calara§i G. 6, 7 -- fig. 4: 6, Cetatea Veche G. 2, Chiscani-sa( -- fig. 5: 1, Ciulnita G. 2--4, Dorobantu G. 1, Gradi§tea G. 5, 9 -- fig. 5: 7; 11, 17, Largu G. 3, 7, Oltenita-Renie G. 2, 7, Smeeni G. 10, Targ§or G. 184 -- fig. 7: 9; G. 198 -- fig. 8: 2, 3; G. 261, 267), less from mugs (Bucu G. 13 and Ciulnita G. 18 -- fig. 1: 5) or bowls (Sultana G. 3).

The typology of the ceramic vessels (Ota, Sirbu 2009, p. 174; Sirbu et al. 2014, p. 106, 107) imported from the Roman provinces found in 12 graves indicates a prevalent deposit of mugs (eight cases -- Braila-Hipodrom G. 3 -- fig. 1: 4, perhaps also G. 2, Bucu G. 14, Buzau-sud G. 2, Gradi§tea G. 19, Luciu -- fig. 7: 2, Mariuta G. 2/2009 and Suditi). Much less common are the pots (Braila- Liceu -- fig. 1: 2 and Jilava G. 2), the jugs (Bucu G. 7, reused -- fig. 1: 1, and Luciu -- fig. 7: 3), the cup (Braila-Liceu -- fig. 1: 3), and the bowl (Bucu G. 10, repaired -- fig. 3: 1).

An attempt to correlate the type and number of ceramic vessels discovered inside a grave indicates that, where a single vessel was deposited, it was mainly handmade pottery (24 funerary structures) or Dacian wheel-made pottery (22 burials), while Roman vessels are much less common (only six cases). Due to its fragmentary state, we cannot know the type of the handmade vessel found in G. 13 from Gradi§tea, G. 4 from Oltenita-Ior- doc and G. 1 from Oltenita-Renie, however this observation is not likely to change the conclusion about the prevalence of the handmade jars in the case of depositing one vessel in the funerary structure (18 graves -- the jars in G. 1 and 6 from Bucu, Buzau-sud G. 4, Calara§i G. 6, 7, Cetatea Veche G. 2, Ciulnita G. 3, 4, Dorobantu G. 1, Gradi§tea G. 11, possibly also 5, Largu G. 3, Oltenita-Renie G. 2, Targ§or G. 184, 261, 267 and the jars with lids from Bordu§elu and G. 2 from Ciulnita). The handmade mug was the only recipient in the inventory of G. 13 from Bucu and G. 18 from Ciulnita, and in G. 3 from Sultana a bowl was found, this one also handmade. The only vessel that falls in the category of Dacian wheel-made pottery that was deposited in the 22 funerary structures with a single ceramic recipient was notably the mug (14 cases -- Bucure§ti- Dealul Piscului, Jilava G. 3, Buzau-sud G. 1, 5, Calara§i G. 4, 10, Cascioarele, Gradi§tea G. 4, Largu G. 6, Oltenita-Iordoc G. 3, Oltenita-Renie G. 3, 9, Smeeni G. 2, 3), less often jug (Bucu G. 2, Oltenita-Renie G. 4, Targ§or G. 253) or bowl (Buzau-sud G. 7, Pauleasca G. 1, and Oltenita- Iordoc G. 1, if it is indeed a Dacian vessel) and quite exceptionally biconical vessel (Braila-Radu Negru) or cut mug (Bucu G. 4). As regards the Roman pottery, in four graves was deposited a mug (Bucu G. 14, Mariuta G. 2/2009, Suditi, Gradi§tea G. 19), and in other two cases a jug (Bucu G. 7) and a bowl (Bucu G. 10).

Fig. 5. Sarmatian graves from northeastern Wallachia: 1--6 -- Chiscani-sat; 7--10 -- Graditea G. 9 (after Ota, Sirbu 2009)

The combinations between the types of the two vessels in the 18 graves in which two ceramic vessels were deposited are characterized by a great variety. Only Dacian wheel-made vessels were discovered in G. 6 from Buzau-sud and G. 5 from Dorobantu (both mugs), G. 1 from Calara§i (mug and jug), G. 1 from Cetatea Veche, possibly also G. 8 from Calara§i (mug and bowl). The associations between a handmade vessel and a Dacian wheel-made vessel are notably jar + mug (Braila-Hipodrom G. 1, Jilava G. 1, Chiscani-sa( -- fig. 5, Largu G. 7) or undetermined type of vessel + pot (Targ§or G. 196). In three cases, handmade vessels were observed (two jars in G. 12 from Bucu and G. 198 from Targ§or -- fig. 8, jar + lid in G. 10 from Smeeni), and in the same number of graves a Dacian wheel-made recipient is combined with a Roman vessel (without exception Dacian mug + Roman mug in G. 2 and 3 from Braila-Hipodrom and G. 2 from Buzau-sud). The associations between two Roman vessels (Braila-Liceu -- fig. 1: 2, 3) and a handmade vessel and a Roman one (Jilava G. 2) are singular cases. Each of the three graves with three vessels revealed a different combination of types of containers: two handmade jars + Dacian biconical vessel (Gradi§tea G. 9 -- fig. 5), handmade jar + Dacian wheel-made mug + Dacian biconical vessel (Gradi§tea G. 17), Roman wheel-made jug + Roman mug + Dacian wheel- made bowl (Luciu -- fig. 7). Two of the seven vessels in G. 7 from Oltenita-Renie are not described, but the other five are either handmade (both jars), or wheel-made (two mugs and one bowl, all Dacian pottery). In order to conclude, other two observations should be noted: exclusively handmade pottery was discovered in the six graves from Ciulnita, Roman pottery seems to be absent in the case of the eight graves with inventory from Calara§i, the burials from Largu and the eight graves with inventory from Oltenita-Renie. Although the Roman pottery is absent in the 14 burials about which we are able to gather information from Targ§or, however, the mention of three Roman vessels (bowl, pot and mug -- Niculescu 2003, p. 195) in the unpublished graves excludes this necropolis from among those in which Roman pottery was not registered as grave goods.

Regardless of the origin of the ceramic vessels, their presence in the graves seems to emphasize, just like in the first stage, the functionality of the recipient and not a possible increase in its value, dictated by the way it was achieved (Theuws 2009, p. 292). The positions in which the vessels were found remain the same as in the previous period -- near the head or the feet, added by the deposit in the shoulder area (Ciulnita G. 3 and), the thigh area (the handmade vessels from Calara§i G. 7, Oltenita-Renie G. 1 and Targ§or G. 198) or the area of the knees (the Dacian mugs in G. 1 and 2 from Buzau-sud near the right knee; the handmade jar in G. 2 from Ciulnita over the knees; the Dacian mug in G. 2 from Smeeni over the tibiae).

An additional argument in favour of the emphasis placed on the functionality of the vessel is the grouped deposit inside the graves of recipients of different tradition: handmade jar and Dacian wheel-made mug, both deposited near the head in G. 1 from Braila-Hipodrom, Dacian mug and Roman mug in the same position in G. 2 from Braila-Hipodrom, the handmade jar and the Dacian wheel-made mug deposited near the feet in the funerary structure from Chiscani- sat, handmade jar and Dacian pot in the same position in G. 196 from Targ§or, two handmade jars and a Dacian biconical vessel deposited near the feet in G. 9 from Gradi§tea. When speaking of different positions of the pottery inside the grave, one can notice a tendency to place near the head especially the handmade vessels and near the feet Dacian or Roman vessels (Jilava G. 1, 2, Gradi§tea G. 17, Oltenita-Renie G. 1), although there are exceptions (apart from the already mentioned G. 10 from Smeeni where the jar was found near the head and the lid in the area of the feet, we can mention G. 198 from Targ§or where the handmade jars were deposited near the head or in the thigh area, and G. 7 from Largu where the handmade jar was found near the feet and the Dacian mug in the area of the knees).

The adornments are observed in a relatively small number of graves -- 36, but it should be noted from the beginning that this number may be due to the quite numerous cases in which the position of the beads is unknown, therefore some doubts raise whether or not they were adornments in the proper sense of the term (Ota, Sirbu 2016a, p. 272; 2016b, p. 153; Sirbu et al. 2014, p. 108). The adornments found in the graves of the second stage of Sarmatian settlement in Wallachia are: beads (22 graves -- Braila-Liceu, Bucu G. 8, Calara§i G. 7 -- fig. 4: 7, 8, Cascioarele, Chirnogi, Chiscani-sat, Ciulnita G. 1B -- fig. 6: 7, 8, G. 18, Dridu-teZZ G. 2, Gradi§tea G. 11, Largu G. 1, 2, 7, Mariuta G. 2/2009, Oltenita-Renie G. 1, 8, Targ§or G. 184 -- fig. 7: 13, 14, G. 198 -- fig. 8: 5, G. 206, 267, probably also G. 3 from Galatui, and G. 5 from Largu); earrings (22 graves for sure, perhaps 23 if the item from Largu G. 5 is an earring and not a pendant); pendants (five graves: Calara§i G. 7 -- fig. 4: 5, 9--12, Cascioarele, Chirnogi, Targ§or G. 184 -- fig. 7: 15 and 253, of which, the pendants were attached either to the string of beads in G. 184, or to the beads sewn on clothes in G. 253); bells (Cascioarele, Largu G. 1, 10, Lu- ciu A bell fragment is mentioned in the inventory of G. 3 from Smeeni-MoviZa Mare, but given the doubts of the authors (Simache, Teodorescu 1962, p. 279, 280), the absence of any illustration and the association with dagger -- the only of this type in Wallachia, I did not take it under consideration. -- fig. 7: 7); bracelets (four cases: Calara§i G. 7 -- fig. 4: 1, Cascioarele, Dridu-teZZ G. 2, and, with some doubts, Bucu M. 11). Although for the moment we cannot know whether or not it has a certain significance (as some authors assume for the Roman world -- Aparaschivei et al. 2012, p. 176, 177; Aparaschivei 2014, p. 70), it is still worth noting the almost equal number of cases in which only one earring was found (11 -- Braila-Radu Negru, Bucu G. 11, 14, Calara§i G. 6, 7, Chiscani-sat, Galatui G. 2, Gradi§tea G. 19, Lar- gu G. 7, Pauleasca G. 3, and if it was indeed an earring, Dridu-tell G. 2) or two (10 -- Bucu G. 8, Bogdana, Cascioarele, Ciulnita G. 18, Largu G. 8, one grave from Oltenita-Coada Lupului, Oltenita- Putul de Caramida G. 1, Sultana G. 2, Targ§or G. 184 and 198). It is also worth mentioning that the two earrings in G. 1 from Oltenita-Putul de Caramida, although of the same type, do not belong to the same set, a fact that appears from their visibly unequal dimensions (Muntenia... 2001, nos. 127, 128). In the Sarmatian graves dated to the late 2^nd century AD and the first half of the following century were discovered either a single type of adornment, or several associated types. Where a single type of adornment was found inside the grave, this was prevalently a string of beads (Braila-Liceu, Ciulnita G. 1B, Galatui G. 3, Gradi§tea G. 11, Largu G. 2, Mariuta G. 2/2009, Oltenita-Renie G. 1, 8, Targ§or G. 206, 267), that sometimes had pendants or bells (Chir- nogi, Largu G. 1).

Fig. 7. Sarmatian graves from northeastern and northern Wallachia: 1--8 -- Luciu; 9--15 -- Targor G. 184 (after: 1--8 -- Drambocianu 1974; 9--15 -- Diaconu 1965)

One or two earrings were the only adornment in G. 14 from Bucu, Bogdana, G. 6 from Calara§i, G. 2 from Galatui, G. 8 from Largu, one grave from Oltenita-Coada Lupului, G. 3 from Pauleasca, perhaps in G. 5 from Largu, too, and in the grave from Luciu was found only a bell. The combinations between beads and earrings are attested in six certain cases (Bucu G. 8, Chiscani-sat, Ciulnita G. 18, Largu G. 7, Targ§or G. 184 and 198), a number that could amount to 11 if we would also consider the beads whose position is unknown in G. 1 from Oltenita-Putul de Caramida, G. 57 from Pauleasca (in doubt about the fact that the links could have been not necessarily earrings, but pendants or even loop rings), G. 2 from Sultana, G. 19 from Gradi§tea, and Braila-Radu Negru. At least so far, the association between earring and bracelet found in G. 11 from Bucu remains singular. The combination beads + earrings + bracelet is found in three cases, however each time supplemented by another type of adornment: bronze tube perhaps used as a pendant, possibly also link decorated with knobs in G. 2 from Dridu-tell, pendant in G. 7 from Calara§i, pendant and bell at Cascioarele.

Fig. 8. Sarmatian graves from northern and southern Wallachia: 1--7 -- Targ^or G. 198; 8 -- Pauleasca G. 57; 9 -- Targ^or G. 200 (after: 1--7, 9 -- Diaconu 1965; 8 -- Bichir 1977)

The number of graves in which dress accessories were found is 23 (in doubt about the uncertainty of the functionality as a buckle of the link found left to the pelvis of the deceased individual in G. 4 from Buzau-sud). The majority of the dress items are brooches (14 cases: Calara§i G. 7 -- fig. 4: 3, Cascioarele, Cazane§ti G. 1, Chiscani-sat -- fig. 5: 2, Ciulnita G. 1B -- fig. 6: 5 and G. 4, Dorobantu G. 1 and 5, Largu G. 1, Luciu -- fig. 7: 6, Sultana G. 2, Targ§or G. 198 -- fig. 8: 7 and G. 411, possibly also Smeeni-Movila Mare G. 2), followed by buckles, in descending order of frequency (Braila-Hipodrom G. 2 -- fig. 3: 6, Bucu G. 8, Ciulnita G. 1B -- fig. 6: 4, Targ§or G. 198 -- fig. 8: 4, possibly also Buzau-sud G. 4), footgear (Ciulnita G. 1A, Largu G. 6, Smeeni G. 3, Targ§or G. 148, 205), appliques (Braila-Radu Negru and Cascioarele), buttons (Largu G. 6) or bronze clasps (Smeeni G. 3).