Scandinavian thing-assemblies and cultic sites as ritual space: research status

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Scandinavian thing-assemblies and cultic sites as ritual space: research status

Nazar Rizun Rizun Nazar, M. A. in History, M. A. in Cultural Studies, Manuscript Department, Vasyl Stefanyk National Scientific Library of Ukraine in Lviv.

Abstract

The article investigates the most recent studies on ritual space (thing-assemblies, cultic sites, and ceremonial buildings) in the late Iron Age and medieval Scandinavia. Various rituals, performed at these locations, allowed elites and rulers to gain and maintain power, to create and sustain social order, to resolve conflicts. The paper explores the works of A. Sanmark (research on assemblies as ritual space), F. Iversen (centers of cult), O. Sundqvist (cultic sites and buildings), L. Sonne (political leaders and cult), L. Larsson (ceremonial structures), and other contemporary scholars.

The newest studies on ritual space analyze problems of rulership, relations of rulers and people. Scholars investigate how exactly political and social leaders utilized ritual acts and places to their benefit. This leads to a focus on the socio-political aspect of rituals and ritual space. Studies also indicate mythological and religious dimensions of assemblies. Archaeologists and historians analyze a variety of ritual acts and emphasize the most important features of ritual places. Researchers interpret landscape, man-made structures, and show their relation to performative acts. Among them, O. Sundqvist and F. Iversen, who study outdoor cultic sites. The research on ceremonial structures (cultic buildings and meeting halls) indicates similar traits.

The studies on ritual space demonstrate similarities between thing-assemblies, cultic sites, and ceremonial buildings, in particular meeting halls. Most researchers emphasize that it is hard to distinguish between these types of gathering places, inasmuch as they were multifunctional. Contemporary scholars also stress the impact of rituals on the local, regional, and nationwide communities as well as on rulers of various ranks and their relations.

Keywords: Scandinavia, thing place, cultic site, ritual, historiography.

Paul Barnwell emphasizes the significance of medieval political assemblies and stresses that they are hard to define (Barnwell 2003, p. 1). For this reason, in the article gatherings are understood quite broadly, as public interactions of social or political importance. In addition, Timothy Reuter argues that «the phrase `assembly politics' [...] refers both to politics conducted through assemblies and to politics constructed at (italics in original. - N. R.) assemblies» (Reuter 2001, p. 432). Therefore, he underscores the performative aspect of medieval gatherings.

Contemporary historians often define and analyze late Iron Age (6th-8th centuries) and medieval Scanidnavian assemblies as an important ritual space. A few articles and a number of chapters in collective monographs explore these meetings from such a point of view. Timothy Carlisle and Karen Milek argue that in Scandinavia, in general, and in Iceland, in particular, «community cohesion was achieved through a complex set of reciprocal social relationships that were formalized at the local, regional, and national assemblies» (Carlisle & Milek 2016, p. 246).

Many researchers of the late Iron Age and medieval Scandinavia study «ritualized acts with a focus on political meetings and feasts», argues Lars Hermanson (Hermanson 2015, p. 1). According to the scholar, they explain such rituals «as rational techniques that actually accomplished something; the acts were performative (italics in original. - N. R.) and not simply representative» (Hermanson 2015, 2). Rituals, writes Philippe Buc, «are a complicated point of entry into early medieval political culture» (Buc 2011, p. 9). Finally, T. Reuter stresses the significance of assemblies for medieval polities and politics (Reuter 2001, p. 432-433). Overall, it is possible to understand a variety of meetings as a form of ritual space and a place for ritual communication.

L. Hermanson also discusses the most important works on rituals and implications of this scholarship for Scandinavian studies (Hermanson 2015, p. 1-18). However, there is no systematic overview of contemporary research on various meeting places as well as their ritual significance. For this reason, the goal of the article is to investigate the most recent studies on Scandinavian ritual space, such as thing-assemblies, cultic sites, and ceremonial buildings.

In the paper «At the Assembly: A Study of Ritual Space», Alexandra Sanmark explores Scandinavian gathering (ping) as sacred space and focuses on two places, namely Anundshog and Gamla Uppsala, Sweden (Sanmark 2015, p. 79). The goal is to analyze «how the space was used both by the political elites and the wider ritual community» (Sanmark 2015, p. 80). According to A. Sanmark, «the majority of the rituals [...] seem to have been elite-driven» (Sanmark 2015, p. 80). At the same time, some evidence suggests that lower stratas of society also performed ritual acts at assemblies (Sanmark 2015, p. 80). The analysis of rituals is «performative, i.e. their very performance accomplishes a change» (Sanmark 2015, p. 81).

In the study Scandinavian assembly is understood as enclosed sacred space with stricter punishments. Boundaries demarcated such a place and taboos defined it. A. Sanmark argues that it is impossible to distinguish between various types of meeting places such as thing-assembly and cultic site, although both represent sacred space. Perhaps, thing meetings often happened at cultic sites (vi), but thing sites were rarely used for cultic purposes (Sanmark 2015, p. 87-88).

Olof Sundqvist agrees that clearly defined boundaries demarcated assemblies and states that the sources describe the Frostathing as enclosed place. He points to the phrase sacred bonds (vebgnd) and emphasizes its connection to the phrase sacred space (ve). Such phrases as assembly sanctity (pinghelgi) and assembly peace (fr/'dr) are also linked. Under no circumstances bonds of the assembly could be violated. He interprets the Frostating as social microcosm, represented by the people from particular provinces (fylki). This regional assembly symbolized communities under particular law. Spatial circles as well as representatives of various provinces symbolized specific communities. Staffs, which had symbolic meaning among the Germanic peoples, separated sacred and profane space at assemblies (Sundqvist 2016, p. 299-300).

According to A. Sanmark an assembly was an enclosed sacred location. It was obvious where participation in performance started and ended. Natural and man-made boundaries such as water, wetlands, and wooden posts demarcated space. Entry into an enclosed location was both restricted and ritualized (Sanmark 2015, p. 101-102). O. Sundqvist also emphasizes the existence of taboos and landscape demarcation (Sundqvist 2016, p. 290).

A. Sanmark describes the theatrical character of assemblies. The place of a meeting consisted of an area for a stage and another for spectators (Sanmark 2015, p. 103). Inasmuch as assembly rituals were performative, they produced sacred space and collective memory. Ritual acts were strictly organized and restricted, although sometimes they started before the gathering in a form of procession from a farm to a site. This feature is evident in the developed system of roads, which surrounded most thing sites (Sanmark 2015, p. 105-106). Assembly rituals communicated permanence and stability (Sanmark 2015, p. 110).

Additionally, A. Sanmark argues that elites organized assemblies in order to gain and maintain political power (Sanmark 2015, p. 104). O. Sundqvist agrees with this view and insists that Scandinavian rulers legitimized authority by performing ritual roles at various public meetings, inasmuch as they provided appropriate setting for the display of power (Sundqvist 2011, p. 166). Both scholars investigate power strategies of the highest stratas.

In the article «Peace Agreements through Rituals in Areas of Confrontation in the Viking Age», Stefan Olsson analyzes the «Islendingabok» and the «Landnamabok» and studies how conflicts were resolved through rituals. He defines the areas of confrontation as foreign and domestic political relations (Olsson 2017, p. 265). Rituals, such as swearing of oaths, functioned as a regulatory framework. Thing-assemblies, markets, and churches represent a form of communicative space (Olsson 2017, p. 278).

As well as A. Sanmark, S. Olsson thinks that thingsteads (tingsplatser) and places of cult had been multifunctional. In particular, they played an important communicative role. Mobility was characteristic for both thing sites and cultic sites. Therefore, there is a distinction between an act of a meeting and a meeting place. He further argues that peace was achieved at communicative space through rituals and ceremonies. Relations were established by engaging in oath-taking, gift-giving, banquets, tributes or hostage exchange. These rituals were performed at assembly places and meeting halls. Such communication happened not only at assemblies, but also at markets and other temporary places (Olsson 2017, p. 267-269).

The establishment of the Icelandic althing was a consequence of numerous conflicts. In the areas of confrontation the result was the emergence of communicative space. In addition to thing sites, cultic buildings and farms were places of conflict resolution (Olsson 2017, p. 274-275). S. Olsson interprets attacks against thingsteads as performative ritual acts, inasmuch as they accomplished change (Olsson 2017, p. 277).

In the article «Ping goda - The Mythological Assembly Site», Nanna L0kka analyzes depictions of thing meetings in mythological sources such as «Gnmnismal», «Voluspa», «Havamal», «Hy- miskvida», and others. She collects and studies assembly-place motifs present in Old Norse poetry. Many stories describe the gods and mention their gatherings. N. L0kka argues that the assembly-place motif is one of the central in the sources (L0kka 2013, p. 18-19).

Mythological thing-assembly located near the Yggdrasils (a mythical tree) is depicted as enclosed by four rivers. This is interpreted as a feature of a sacred area. Some rivers symbolize untamed nature, while others represent control, power and wealth (L0kka 2013, p. 20-21). N. L0kka explains that this contrast between unordered, wild and ordered, established promotes «an ethos of community, a collective ideal» (L0kka 2013, p. 21). Thing sites functioned not only as a space for discussions and decision-making, but also as places for rituals, which allowed them to gain hidden wisdom. The analysis of mythological thing places shows that they represented hierarchy within the cosmos and society. Fate was superior to the gods, and their best tool to control events was an assembly meeting (L0kka 2013, p. 21-22).

Another story shows that the mythological thing was connected with such ritual objects as cauldron and sticks. The first one was significant within the socio-religious sphere of Scandinavian societies. The second were used in rituals of foresight and prophecies. The mythological sources reveal the thing's connection to various ritual acts (L0kka 2013, p. 23). O. Sundqvist states that for Scandinavian rulers it was crucial to appear at various public meetings, to perform rituals, and in such a way to legitimize power (Sundqvist 2011, p. 166). According to another mythological narrative, the gods captured a beer cauldron and brought it to a thing site. This place is presented as in relation to the development of cosmic order. It provided a foundation for ritual acts (L0kka 2013, p. 23, 25).

In the article «Sacred Legal Places in Eddic Poetry: Reflected in Real Life?», Anne Irene Riis0y studies depictions of thing meetings in the eddic poetry. Similarly to the mythological motifs, poetic descriptions indicate the centrality of assemblies in Scandinavian societies. A. I. Riis0y argues that inhabitants of the Viking Age Scandinavia tried to create an ideal assembly site, which would resemble gatherings from the eddic poetry. They are depicted as surrounded by rivers and trees (Riis0y 2013, p. 28-29). The water is a boundary «between everyday events and events that took place on a more irregular basis» (Riis0y 2013, p. 29).

The sources show the importance of proper conduct at assemblies. On the contrary, improper behavior could result in banishment (Riis0y 2013, p. 29). O. Sundqvist also emphasizes the connection of assemblies to Old Norse mythology and religion (2015, p. 120-121). A. I. Riis0y thinks that thing site was a stage for performance of religious, judicial and social functions. The gods participated in assemblies in order to make judgements and to engage in discussions (Riis0y 2013, p. 30, 32). Overall, thing-assembly is explained as a ritual space of high importance and as an ideal form of gathering.

In the paper «Courtyard sites and their cultic context», Frode Iversen analyzes various meeting places and states that «the aim of this article is to investigate the degree of centralization of religious ritual in Scandinavia in the second half of the first millennium. The issues under investigation include: the location of the cult sites, their features and characteristics, as well as the areas which they represented» (Iversen 2017, p. 26). Courtyard sites may or may not be equivalent to thing sites. Nonetheless, they represented space for public meetings and served for «social/cultural, judicial, ritual and military purposes» (Iversen 2017, p. 30). The question is, whether courtyards played only a role of assemblies or, also, of cultic centers (Iversen 2017, p. 30).

F. Iversen argues that the meeting place in Skei (town in the inner Tr0ndelag) existed for «gatherings of cultic, judicial and military form» (Iversen 2017, p. 32). In such a way he stresses its multifunctional character. F. Iversen thinks that courtyard sites located at burial grounds represented a «link to ancestors and former leaders of society» (Iversen 2017, p. 35). This was their cultic (ritual) function, manifested as ancestral worship. Courtyard sites were used during feasts, in particular those, which happened at assemblies. These places were multifunctional and often played a role of ritual space (Iversen 2017, p. 35). A. Sanmark argues that Scandinavian religion and law were represented in landscape through various rituals, which involved human-made features (Sanmark 2015, p. 85). Anders Andren also emphasizes the importance of ritual landscape. As well as F. Iversen, he thinks that cult sites were multifunctional and that burial mounds, grave-fields, and votive trees often surrounded them (Andren 2013, p. 38-40).

In the paper «Custodian of the Sanctuary: Protecting Sacred Space as a Ritual Strategy for Gaining Legitimacy and Power in Pre-Christian Scandinavia», O. Sundqvist analyzes the performative dimension of cultic sites. He examines how local rulers constructed power through rituals and what was the connection between leaders and sanctuaries. O. Sundqvist discusses various aspects of sacred space and introduces such concept as the custodian of a cultic site or the custodian of a sanctuary. He identifies three functions of rituals performed at cultic sites: display of power, construing of distance between ruler and community and orchestrating a leader's place in the cosmos (Sundqvist 2015, p. 113-115).

O. Sundqvist analyzes the «Ynglingatal» (Old Norse poem) and extracts such words as vordr (keeper, custodian, patron), vestallr or ve (sacred place, sanctuary) and stallr (pedestal, podium). He concludes that the source describes an altar or a podium for the cultic image of custodian. Accordingly, Scandinavian rulers were linked to both cultic sites (sacred space) and its rituals (ritual objects). The main problem is the interpretation of this connection. He explains the link between rulers and sanctuaries as related to ritual and ideology. Pagan leaders played a significant role in the creation and elimination of cultic sites and buildings. It was a deliberate strategy to prevent any challenger from controlling sacred space (Sundqvist 2015, p. 114-118).

O. Sundqvist studies the «Landnamabok» and emphasizes restrictions intrinsic to most sacred places. This feature of cultic sites (vi) was similar if not identical in cultic buildings (hof). Such customs were more or less the same among the Germanic and Slavic peoples. In most cases chieftains protected their sacred space. Moreover, O. Sundqvist thinks that in this aspect thing sites were not much different from cultic sites (Sundqvist 2015, p. 122-124). Additionally, he emphasizes the phrase granda ve, which means «to harm or injure sanctuary» (Sundqvist 2015, p. 125).

Both cult sites and places of assemblies constituted sacred space and represented an arena, where rulers showed their power through ceremonies. Restrictions and taboos existed in order to favor them. For this reason, weapons were prohibited at assemblies (Sundqvist 2015, p. 125). A. Andren also emphasizes the restrictions of cultic sites and buildings (Andren 2013, p. 40). O. Sundqvist defines sacred space as «places where ritual and religious restrictions prevailed» (Sundqvist 2015, p. 126).

The «Vellekla» (skaldic poem) and the «Fagrskinna» (saga) present both religious and ideological messages. In particular, only the ruler who is able to protect cultic sites, to uphold its rules and in such a way to acquire the support of the gods, should have power over his people. The «Vellekla» says that one pagan earl rebuilt destroyed cultic sites. The poem alludes to Ragnarok, inasmuch as he fulfilled the prophecy about the restoration of the world (Sundqvist 2015, p. 131-132). O. Sundqvist interprets this information as a textual tool «used to create authority and legitimacy» (Sundqvist 2015, p. 132). Restoration of cult sites allowed the earl to maintain old tradition (forn sidf) and conditions of his community. This narrative describes the behavior of legitimate pagan leaders (Sundqvist 2015, p. 132).

Various cultic sites, such as ceremonial houses and halls, were often rebuilt. The same is true about outdoor sanctuaries. Archaeological findings confirm this position. O. Sundqvist explains such a renovation as symbolic restoration of Asgardr. It was a ritual similar to calendrical ceremonies. This performative act showed the community that the ruler renewed his relations with the mythical world. The new leader could challenge existing hierarchy by re-building old sanctuary. Some rituals were used to close a cultic site (Sundqvist 2015, p. 133-134). O. Sundqvist explains such action «as a symbolic act of abdication» (Sundqvist 2015, p. 134).

In the article «Kings, chieftains and public cult in pre-Christian Scandinavia», Lasse Sonne discusses involvement of rulers in pagan ceremonies. Historian mentions the theory of a sacral kingship, which claims sacrality of Scandinavian rulers. It was popular in the middle of the twentieth century. On the contrary, contemporary historians often criticize its major positions. L. Sonne focuses only on one aspect of this theory, namely examines the involvement of pre-Christian rulers in a public cult and investigates their role in various ceremonies. Among these rulers, konung (konungf) or king (rex) as well as leaders of local and regional political entities (Sonne 2014, p. 53-54).

Critics claim that there is no basis for the theory of sacral kingship in the Scandinavian sources.

L.Sonne asks, how exactly local, regional and supra-regional rulers participated in public cult. He states that sagas present unreliable narratives and that their analysis should be based on comparative approach (Sonne 2014, p. 55-56). L. Sonne defines public cult «as a set of religious rituals performed on behalf of all, or a majority, of the members in any social segment at an integration level higher than the single farmstead or urban household» (Sonne 2014, p. 56). Other variations of cult are understood as private (Sonne 2014, p. 56).

Limited evidence from runic stones and other written sources suggests that kings and earls sometimes led cult ceremonies (Sonne 2014, p. 57-60). There is even less information for the same role of chieftains (godi). However, most of these events were private. Members of other social stratas, if they possessed enough knowledge and wealth, also led religious ceremonies. As well as O. Sund- qvist, L. Sonne stresses that rulers of all ranks were responsible for maintenance of cult sites (Sonne 2014, p. 66-68).

In the article «A ceremonial building as a `home of the gods'? Central buildings in the central place of Uppakra», Lars Larsson analyzes recent archaeological discoveries from the Iron Age and the Viking Age Sweden. Among them, very well preserved remains of a unique building. This large house had three entrances and was connected to smaller structures. Archaeologists discovered the remains of a hearth, the pit with the offerings and numerous artifacts. Also, they identified that this building was rebuilt many times (Larsson 2011, p. 191).

The structure at Uppakra had high walls and roof and was located on the edge of the plateau. The location of the house made it visible from a long distance. L. Larsson thinks that this place was chosen intentionally. Burial mounds, stone pavement and weapons deposits surrounded the building. The study of this archaeological site shows its long continuity, namely from the Roman Iron Age to the Viking Age and, therefore, indicates that this was a central place (Larsson 2011, p. 195-196).

Lydia Carstens, who discusses the development of Scandinavian meeting hall (hgll) from the Iron Age to the Viking Age, also emphasizes the importance of its height. The goal was to create a strong impression on possible observers. Such a structure had many entrances, which were used in entrance rituals. At halls rulers and their people performed various cultic ceremonies and spent time at feasts (Carstens 2014, p. 16). L. Carstens argues that such an event «was an act of hospitality, but also a way of political governance» (Carstens 2014, p. 16).

L. Larsson states that it is not obvious how to identify the structure from Uppakra, however evidence indicates that it was a hall. Such buildings were used to perform rituals important to local leaders and regional community. Often it can be complicated to identify various structures of ritual significance, inasmuch as they were very different. L. Larsson argues that the lack of greater conformity is unexpected. In his opinion, ritual buildings should have been known not only to members of a particular community, but also to strangers (Larsson 2011, p. 199-201).

This hall is unique within the settlement of Uppakra, particularly in its status and architecture. It had existed for a very long period (200-950) and unlike other structures was never burnt or destroyed in any other way. Despite changes in the social order and the worldview of the inhabitants of Uppakra this ceremonial building had been in continuous use (Larsson 2011, p. 203).

As well as L. Larsson, L. Carstens stresses that the fireplace was a crucial feature of every meeting hall and explains that it was not used for cooking, but for cultic ceremonies. Usually, these buildings were surrounded by grave mounds. She also emphasizes that such structures lasted for a very long time (centuries) and after abandonment were treated in a special way. Burning of a hall symbolized the end of a particular ruler's dynasty. Therefore, these buildings should be interpreted as symbols of power (Carstens 2014, p. 17-19).

In the chapter of the book entitled as «Sacred Sites, Ritual Restrictions and Religious Strategies for Rulership», O. Sundqvist analyzes meeting halls. In Old Norse an adjective heilagr means holy and indicates sacred space. Such places had various ritual restrictions and taboos and were related to the rulers political strategies. At these locations leaders from all social levels (kings, earls, chieftains) performed ritual acts of distinct political significance. Also, rulers participated in the consecration of halls (Sundqvist 2016, p. 290-292).

According to O. Sundqvist, an important question is when exactly various rules restricted cult sites and buildings. Space of meeting halls was sacred only during feasts and other cultic events. In the Scandinavian sources ritual role of these buildings is indicated by the word hof. At thing-assemblies restrictions existed exclusively during the gatherings. The Frostathing was protected with peace (fridr, grid), which has been active only until the end of the meeting. During this time assembly sanctity фіпд- helgi) could not be violated. Some ritual restrictions were permanent (Sundqvist 2016, p. 302-304).

In the paper entitled «An arena for higher powers. Cult buildings and rulers in the late Iron Age and early medieval period in the Malar region», O. Sundqvist studied various cultic structures. Researchers insist that Scandinavian societies often used rituals to express power. The idea of the study is to analyze cultic structures in the long run (400-1100), in particular to focus on the shift from pagan meeting halls to Christian churches (Sundqvist 2011, p. 163).

O. Sundqvist argues that outdoor gatherings were important in both pagan and Christian Scandinavia. They allowed rulers to perform rituals, to demonstrate power and wealth. O. Sundqvist assumes a similar role of gatherings at meeting halls and churches. They represented ritual space full of religious symbols and created political significance for rulers and elite (Sundqvist 2011, p. 166). At cult ceremonies the ritual role of a ruler gave legitimacy to his place in social order (Sundqvist 2011, p. 198). ritual scandinavia ceremonial ting

O. Sundqvist emphasizes continuity from cultic buildings to churches. Both of them represented ritual space and allowed rulers to legitimize power through performance of rituals. Halls and churches were also used for profane purposes. They were placed in distinct locations within landscape, thus symbolized power and expressed an ideology of rulership. Also, both halls and churches represented ceremonial arena (ritual space). The ruler was placed on the high-seat in a hall or on the balcony in a church. In addition, various ritual objects symbolized his authority (Sundqvist 2011, p. 203).

In the study «Constructing society in Viking Age Iceland: Rituals and power», T. Carlisle and K. Milek analyze ceremonies performed at farms. They argue «that household ritual performances were an important mechanism by which people attempted to influence or negotiate perceptions of social space and social relationships within households and communities» (Carlisle & Milek 2016, p. 245). The newest archaeological discoveries show that farms provided an arena for feasts, cultic events and social negotiations (Carlisle & Milek 2016, p. 246). O. Sundqvist also stresses that rituals constituted an important part of life at farms of magnates and at their cultic buildings and sanctuaries (2015, p. 118).

T. Carlisle and K. Milek highlight two aspects of household rituals, namely emotional impact of performances and world-views negotiation through individual rituals (Carlisle & Milek 2016, p. 252). A. Sanmark also states that «the effectiveness of ritual is judged on how well it is remembered» (2015, p. 97). In particular, «sensually spectacular objects [...] sacrifices and executions [...] the most dramatic forms of spectacle» (Sanmark 2015, p. 98) played a significant role. T. Carlisle and K. Milek argue that ritualized performances, feasts, and gift-giving as well as nearby cult sites created a space for social negotiations. Also, they think that household gatherings were somewhat similar to political assemblies (Carlisle & Milek 2016, p. 264-265).

The newest studies on Scandinavian ritual space (thing-assemblies, cultic sites, and ceremonial buildings) analyze problems of rulership, relations of rulers and their people. The question is how exactly political and social leaders utilized ritual acts and places to their benefit. This leads to a focus on the socio-political aspect of rituals and ritual space.

Archaeologists and historians study a variety of ritual acts and emphasize the most important features of ritual places. Meeting sites represent both political and ritual dimensions. Scandinavian thing-assemblies created space for performative acts of social and political significance. Often these places were connected with cult sites. This information indicates religious aspect of political gatherings. Additionally, researchers highlight ritual importance of thing-assemblies based on the analysis of Old Norse mythological narratives from sagas and skaldic poetry. Studies of gatherings as of ritual space also indicate mythological and religious dimensions of the meetings.

Medievalists evaluate political and social importance of rituals. They analyze how both elites and rulers utilized particular space. Researchers interpret landscape, man-made structures, and their relation to performative acts. Among them, O. Sundqvist and F. Iversen, who study outdoor cultic sites. The former emphasizes the political and social importance of such ritual acts as consecration, renewal, and ending of a cult place. The research on ceremonial buildings (cultic houses and meeting halls) indicates similar features. In particular, the papers of O. Sundqvist and L. Larsson show the ritual importance of the latter.

Overall, the studies on Scandinavian ritual space demonstrate clear similarities between thing-assemblies, cultic sites, and ceremonial buildings, in particular meeting halls. Most researchers emphasize that it is hard to distinguish between these gathering places, inasmuch as they were multifunctional. Majority of the studies rely on a performative interpretation of ritual. They stress the impact of ritual acts on the local, regional, and nationwide communities as well as on rulers and their relations. Researchers use this approach to study both rituals and their descriptions in the sources. The future historiographic studies could investigate a larger variety of the late Iron Age and medieval Scandinavian rituals.

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Анотація

Скандинавські тінги й осередки культу як ритуальний простір: стан дослідження

Різун Назар, магістр історії, магістр культурології, відділ рукописів, Львівська національна наукова бібліотека України ім. В. Стефаника.

У статті висвітлено найновіші дослідження ритуального простору (місць тінгів, осередків культу і церемоніальних будівель) у Скандинавії пізньої залізної доби та Середніх віків. Різні ритуали, які проводили в цих локаціях, давали змогу елітам і правителям здобувати й утримувати владу, створювати й підтримувати суспільний порядок, вирішувати конфлікти. Проаналізовано праці А. Самнарк (дослідження тінгів як ритуального простору), Ф. Іверсена (центрів культу), О. Сунквіста (культових осередків і будівель), Л. Соне (політичних лідерів і культу), Л. Ларсона (церемоніальних споруд) та інших сучасних науковців.

Автори найновіших досліджень ритуального простору аналізують проблеми влади, взаємин між володарями й підданими. Науковці вивчають, як саме політичні та суспільні лідери використовували ритуальні акти й місця на свою користь. Результатом цього є акцент на соціально-політичному аспекті ритуалів і ритуального простору.

Дослідження також вказують на міфологічний і релігійний виміри асамблей. Археологи й історики аналізують різноманітні ритуали і підкреслюють найважливіші ознаки ритуальних місць. Науковці інтерпретують ландшафт, структури, що їх створила людина, і демонструють їхній зв'язок із перформативними актами. Серед них О. Сунквіст і Ф. Іверсен, які вивчають культові осередки, котрі існували просто неба. Дослідження церемоніальних споруд (культових будівель і залів для зустрічей) вказують на подібні ознаки.

Вивчення ритуального простору засвідчує подібності між тінгами, осередками культу і церемоніальними будівлями, зокрема залами для зустрічей. Більшість учених наголошує, що ці місця складно розрізняти, оскільки вони були багатофункціональними. Сучасні науковці також вказують на вплив ритуалів на стосунки між локальними, регіональними і загальнодержавними спільнотами, а також на правителів різних рангів і їхні стосунки з підданими.

Ключові слова: Скандинавія, місце тінгу осередок культу, ритуал, історіографія.

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