Modern music discourse in specialized media: specifics of language and communication
The specifics of language and communication of the modern professional music discourse in Russian specialized media. The mechanisms of metaphorization The common metaphors, aspects of their usage. The new media language in the field of music journalism.
| Рубрика | Журналистика, издательское дело и СМИ |
| Вид | дипломная работа |
| Язык | английский |
| Дата добавления | 18.07.2020 |
| Размер файла | 141,0 K |
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The thematic spectrum of music discourse is usually defined by one invariable and one variable value: the genre of the text (review, announcement, news item etc) and the thematic parameters of its subject. At the same time, the naturalness of the text could be defined by few extralinguistic factors: orientation of the media, its audience, its editorial policy etc. One could assume that journalists who work in a lifestyle magazine would probably communicate with a reader in the informal and “natural” way, whereas authors who are employed at academic media would primarily maintain the partly official tone of communication.
Our research demonstrates that lexical diversity and mixture of functional styles are very typical of the language of music journalism. Three out of four types of music media are characterized by such lexical eclecticism; basically, only academic music media do not maintain the naturalness of colloquial discourse as far as they violate some of its preconditions.
21-
“Дабы закрепить солидный успех дебютника, со следующим релизом решено было не затягивать. Но, к сожалению, один из главных сонграйтеров, Стив Хоу, находясь в творческом кризисе, выпал из процесса сочинительства. Поэтому все вещи написали Джефф Даунс (Geoff Downes) и Джон Уэттон” (Music Box) [“In order to confirm the solid success of the debut album, they decided not to delay the next release. But, unfortunately, one of the main songwriters, Steve Howe, who was living through the creative crisis, was out of the composing process. That is why all the things were written by Geoff Downes and John Wetton.”]
“Новый альбом должен стать заключительной частью трилогии, куда входят релизы “Valleys of Neptune” (2010) и “People, Hell and Angels” (2013). Что ж, страстные коллекционеры олдскульных артефактов, упертые фанаты Джими и дотошные исследователи такого явления, как патологическая жадность родственников великого гитариста, получили новую игрушку”. (Guitarz Magazine) [“The new album has to become a final part of the trilogy that also includes “Valleys of Neptune” (2010) and “People, Hell and Angels” (2013). Well, committed collectors of old school artefacts, stubborn Jimi's fans and meticulous researches of such phenomenon as pathologic greed of guitarist's relatives would get a new toy.”]
“Вспомнить примеры из музыки не сложно: от Radiohead, перенаправивших тоску скулящих гитар в мудреную электронику, до Ивана Дорна, который, демонтировав кондовые устои местной поп-музыки, занялся музыкой исследовательской”. (The Flow) [“It is not difficult to remember the music examples: from Radiohead, who redirected the grief of whining guitars into sophisticated electronics, to Ivan Dorn, who has deconstructed the solid foundations of local pop music and started to record research music”].
The lexical diversity could be observed in every example. The lexis could be classified into following groups:
Colloquial lexis: “вещь” (thing), “затягивать” (delay), “солидный” (solid), “фанаты” (fans), “дотошный” (meticulous), “мудреный” (sophisticated), “кондовый” (solid);
Obsolete lexis: “дабы” (in order to), “сочинительство” (composing);
Internet slang: “олдскульный” (old school);
Music jargon: English loan word and barbarism “сонграйтер” (songwriter), “электроника” (electronics);
Special lexis: “релиз” (release), “дебютник” (debut album) borrowed from the language of music industry;
Bookish lexis: “демонтировать” (deconstruct), “патологический” (pathologic), “устои” (foundations), “кризис” (crisis).
“Colloquial language is weaved out of contrasts”, - Zemskaya writes; that could also be applied to music discourse (Земская, 1979, p. 41).
Besides the broad thematic spectrum and naturalness of the communication, there is the unpreparedness of colloquial language that motivates its lexical diversity and mixture of styles, too. The absence of the latter feature in music discourse lets us assume that its eclecticism is either a part of its speech strategy or a sign of a certain stylistic negligence.
Lexical diversity of professional music discourse clearly corresponds with the well-known stylistic eclecticism or “openness” (Клушина, 2004) of media texts that were previously described by various linguists. Explaining the specifics of Russian “journalese” language, G. Solganik also pointed at its recent democratization and consequent “expansion of media vocabulary” (2004, p. 10) that led to the general “colloquialization” of media language and its switch from the formal to more informal register.
Some researchers also utilize a musicological term “polystylistics” to characterize this phenomenon. Thus, G. Andriyevskaya points out that polystylistics of modern Russian music criticism is a result of the conflict of the local tradition of art criticism and the language of mass media (2013, p. 172).
3.7 Words-substitutes
The use of semantically deflated words, or words-substitutes, is characteristic for both colloquial language and music discourse. Linguists utilize this term to refer to the “hollow” nouns that could accept any meaning and virtually fulfill the pronominal function: see “вещь” (thing), “штука” (thing), “история” (story), “дело” (deal) etc. (Земская, 1979, p. 37).
22-
“А с социальным рэпом другая история…” (The Flow) [“And social rap is a whole other story…”]
“Еще одна важная вещь в его мифологии - аскетизм” (The Flow) [“There is one more important thing in his philosophy - austerity.”]
“Не знаю, как с этим делом сейчас, но однажды мне на глаза попался скан какого-то спец-вегетарианского журнала, где красовались фамилии наших героев” (Music Box) [“I do not know, what is the deal with it now, but once I saw a scan of special vegetarian magazine with surnames of our characters in it.”]
Words-substitutes apparently lower the stylistic register of a text and support its lexical diversity; in the examples above you could meet the “hollow” colloquial words along with bookish lexis (“социальный” (social), “аскетизм” (austerity)). Although the word “вещь” (thing), that is considered semantically deflated here, usually has another, slang meaning in music discourse and simply refers to a song.
23-
“Кто знает эту вещь, должен помнить в ней характерный басовый проход.” (Music Box) [“Those who know this thing must remember the distinctive bass line in it.”]
“Одна из вещей со свежего альбома посвящена супруге музыканта.” (Guitarz Magazine) [“One thing from the fresh album is dedicated to the spouse of the musician.”]
3.8 Intermediate Conclusions
This chapter of our research was dedicated to the juxtaposition of colloquial and music discourse. We have demonstrated that the language of music journalism adopts a wide spectrum of colloquialisms on various levels of language: lexical, morphological and syntactical. These loaned colloquial structures usually help journalists to imitate the canonical communicative situation with its natural atmosphere and spontaneity to establish a contact with the audience. Thus, music discourse is characterized by three key features of colloquial discourse mentioned above: deicticity, expressiveness and dialogue. Music journalists intensively use deictic elements, expressives and dialogue markers to reduce the distance between a reader and a speaker and enhance the efficiency of the communication.
At the same time, our research demonstrated that the degree of “colloquialization” of music discourse apparently differs in various types of music media. The difference in the dependence on colloquial discourse in various media could be presented in the form of the scale, where the most “colloquialized” media would be placed on the right side and the least “colloquialized” would be placed on the left side:
Table 4 “Colloquialization” scale of music media
|
Academic media |
General music media |
Professional and hobby media |
Style-oriented media |
The scale proves that the specifics of the subject of media coverage largely affect the specifics of language of these media. The websites and magazines oriented towards rock and hip-hop music utilize the language of the audiences of these music styles and the specifics of rock or hip hop discourse correspondingly. The most “democratic” music styles, those rooted in mass culture, primarily use colloquial language and informal register, whereas music academia obviously utilize more bookish language and formal register. These differences directly influence the discursive specifics of various music media.
4. Metaphorics of Music Discourse
4.1 Metaphorics
Language finds different approaches to music. It could avoid the nomination or analysis of music phenomena by simply pointing on them with various deictic elements. It could also imitate the impression that music leaves on a person by utilizing certain expressive structures or non-verbal instruments. But the difficulty of music as a speech subject also triggers the metaphoric mechanisms of language. Metaphors allow a speaker to properly structure the unique audial experience in visual or physical terms to make it more understandable and clearer; researches show that audial experience usually is much less stable than visual one (Bigelow & Pojemba, 2014). They could also provide a reader with a vivid image of music and fulfill the expressive function. Therefore, music journalists not only intensively use the regular conceptual metaphors, but also broaden and explore them and, finally, create new ones.
Our research applies the classic theory of conceptual metaphors coined by J. Lakoff who pointed out that “the essence of metaphor is understanding and experiencing one kind of thing in terms of another” (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980, p. 5). Thus, Lakoff defines conceptual metaphors as metaphors that “structure our everyday conceptual system, including most abstract concepts, and that lies behind much of everyday language” (Lakoff, 1993, p. 204).
Commenting on Lakoff's theory, A. Baranov also describes the structure of the metaphorization model within it (Baranov, 2004, p. 18). According to Baranov, every metaphor supposes the interaction between a cognitive target, or an unknown essence that has to be understood, and a cognitive source, or an already known essence that is compared with the unknown.
Cognitive sources of metaphors, which are linked to the same or contiguous thematic fields, could be grouped into metaphorical models. For example, the particular metaphors that equate audial experience with visual one could be united in a metaphorical model “sound is a picture”. The most important characteristics of a metaphorical model are: its denotative stability, which is defined by the regularity of use of conceptual metaphors that are related to this model; its denotative diversity, which depends on the amount of phenomena that could be structured with the cognitive sources of the model. Finally, the group of metaphorical models, which are typical of a certain discourse, is called its metaphorics.
In this chapter of our research we are going to analyze the metaphorics of music discourse in specialized media; this field remains almost untouched in linguistics by now. Previously the metaphorics of art criticism in general have been examined by M. Kozlovskaya (2003) and A. Bulatova (1999), whereas the functions of metaphors in music education and music therapy were described correspondingly by S. Bjerstedt (2015) and L. Ole Bonde (2007). Australian musicologists A. Falk and S. K. Land had provided the basis for our research by exploring the communicative function of metaphor in music discourse (2011). The group of German scientists also made a significant contribution to the music discourse studies by examining the role of metaphor in the formation of music semantics (Jungaberle et al, 2009). Finally, M. Johnson and S. Larsson analyzed the principles of metaphorization of motion in music (2009); their paper became the perfect example of the detailed review of conceptual metaphors in music discourse. Besides that, the theoretical framework of our research was provided by the classic article “Metaphor and Discourse” written by N. Arutyunova (1990) and more recent research of the metaphorics of political communication completed by A. Chudinov (2001).
4.2 Metaphorical Models of Music Discourse
First of all, we have defined the cognitive sources of the metaphors which were found on the first stage of the analysis of our research base and grouped them into metaphorical models. The quantitative results of our research could be presented in the shape of a table, where every metaphorical model is represented by a certain amount of metaphors found in the texts and its share in the overall sum of metaphors in the research base. The name of every model is cut to the name of its general cognitive source and could be reconstructed as “music is an X”.
Table 5 Metaphorical models in music discourse
|
Metaphorical model |
Number of metaphors |
Percentage |
Example |
|
|
Space (spatial) |
54 |
13 |
“техно-дэтовые территории” (“techno-death territories”) (InRock) |
|
|
Person (personification) |
53 |
13 |
“скулящих гитар” (“whining guitars”) (The Flow) |
|
|
Picture (visual) |
40 |
10 |
“яркая мелодия” (“bright melody”) (Zvuki.ru) |
|
|
Substance (substantial) |
30 |
7 |
“едкий флоу” (“acid flow”) (The Flow) |
|
|
Building |
22 |
5 |
“возвести альбом” (“to erect an album”) (The Flow) |
|
|
Material |
21 |
5 |
“жёсткий звук” (“stiff sound”) (Classical Music News) |
|
|
Narrative/ Literature |
17 |
4 |
музыка “глаголит” (music “talks”) (Classical Music News) |
|
|
Way |
17 |
4 |
“берет за отправную точку поп-музыку” (“takes pop music as a starting point”) (The Flow) |
|
|
Religion |
16 |
4 |
“адепты тяжмета” (“heavy-metal adepts”) (MusicBox) |
|
|
Cookery |
13 |
3 |
“вкусные вставки” (“tasty inserts”) (Guitarz Magazine) |
|
|
Game |
13 |
3 |
(альбом) “не переворачивает игру” (an album “does not turn the game upside down”) (The Flow) |
|
|
Nature |
12 |
3 |
“монохромная река”(“monochrome river”) (Afisha.Music) |
|
|
Surface |
11 |
2 |
“ровный тон”(“smooth tone”) (Zvuki.ru) |
|
|
War |
10 |
2 |
“рэп-ветеран” (“rap veteran”)(The Flow) |
|
|
Generation (generative) |
9 |
2 |
“вырастать из музыки” (“to grow out of music”) (Classical Music News) |
|
|
Science |
9 |
2 |
“смелый эксперимент” (“brave experiment”) (MusicBox) |
|
|
Jewels |
7 |
2 |
“жемчужина компиляции” (“pearl of the compilation”) (Muzykalnaya Zhizn') |
|
|
Container |
7 |
2 |
“кроется в альбоме” (“hidden in the album”) (The Flow) |
|
|
Fabric |
6 |
1 |
“кружевное звучание” (“lacy sound”) (Classical Music News) |
|
|
Performance |
6 |
1 |
“рок-театр” (“rock theatre”) (InRock) |
|
|
Cinema |
4 |
1 |
“песни-боевики” (“thriller songs”) (The Flow) |
|
|
Medicine |
4 |
1 |
“реанимировать музыку” (“reanimate music”) (The Flow) |
|
|
Family |
3 |
1 |
“мать российского метала” (“mother of Russian metal”)(InRock) |
|
|
Technology |
3 |
1 |
“обновлять прошивку” (“to update the firmware”) (The Flow) |
|
|
Other |
23 |
5 |
- |
|
|
Overall |
419 |
100 |
- |
NB: The “Other” section consists of metaphorical models which are represented by less than 3 metaphors and, consequently, make less than one percent of the overall amount of metaphors.
As one could see, some of the listed metaphorical models could be considered particular representations of the broader ones: for example, the building model obviously supposes the use of spatial terms and is literally built on the spatial metaphorical model. Since the process of building requires actual space, technically a spatial metaphor logically “precedes” a building metaphor, but it could not be understood as its only source: the process of metaphorical “building” also requires such dimensions or categories as time and motion and addresses material or substantial qualities of objects. Nonetheless, it is obvious that this list of metaphorical models illustrates the inner hierarchy of metaphors. To analyze the metaphorics of music discourse properly, we have to classify these models by their conceptual generality to separate general ontological metaphors from particular conceptual ones.
4.3 Ontological Metaphors in Music Discourse
Lakoff defines ontological metaphors as “ways of viewing events, activities, emotions <...> as entities and substances” (1980, p. 25); these metaphors could be also called basic as they serve as the foundations for more complex metaphors. For example, the common metaphor “sound is a picture” firstly requires the objectification of sound which could also be presented as an ontological metaphor “sound is an object”.
The ontological metaphors in music discourse could be classified into two primary types that reflect the basic ontological dichotomy: objectification (“x is an object”) and subjectification (“x is a subject). The majority of metaphorical models could be unambiguously classified as based on either objectification or subjectification, except the most complex ones that refer to the very complicated processes that are usually connected with human culture such as medicine and religion. The hierarchy of conceptual metaphors could also be presented in the shape of levelled tables:
Table 6.1 Objectification in music discourse
|
Level |
Metaphor |
||||
|
1: Basic ontological |
Objectification |
||||
|
2: Ontological |
Spatial |
||||
|
3: Ontological |
Substance |
||||
|
4: Ontological |
Container |
Surface |
Material |
Visual |
|
|
5: Conceptual |
CinemaWayPictureNatureBuildingFabricCookeryJewels etc |
Table 6.2 Subjectification in music discourse
|
Level |
Metaphor |
||
|
1: Ontological |
Subjectification |
||
|
2: Ontological |
Personification |
Organic |
|
|
3: Conceptual |
Emotional |
Generative |
Finally, we could evaluate the actual `weight' of the various ontological metaphorical models within the music discourse by recalculating the use statistics according to this levelled classification.
Table 7 Ontological metaphors in music discourse
|
Metaphorical model |
Number of metaphors |
Percentage |
|
|
Objectification / Spatial |
301 |
72 |
|
|
Substance |
247 |
59 |
|
|
Subjectification |
118 |
28 |
|
|
Material |
69 |
16 |
|
|
Surface |
58 |
14 |
|
|
Personification |
53 |
13 |
|
|
Visual |
43 |
10 |
|
|
Container |
20 |
5 |
|
|
Organic |
12 |
3 |
Presented tables make it clear that the majority of journalists tend to objectify music rather than subjectify it. Objectification simplifies the abstract and intangible nature of music and makes it easier to describe certain music phenomena. Understandable terms of physical experience are easily more efficient when it comes to persuasion or suggestion than specific analytic terms developed by musicologists. These metaphors make texts more accessible for the general audience or for the audience that lacks professional or any other solid music background.
4.4 Metaphorics of Music Media
Music media differs in the frequency of use of metaphors as well as in the quality of used metaphors. We have made an attempt to measure and evaluate the “metaphorization degree” of music discourse in different types of music media and define the specific metaphorics of each type. To calculate the frequency of use of metaphors we have divided the total number of words in the group of texts, referring to a certain part of the research base, by the number of metaphors found in these texts. (For example, to calculate the metaphorization degree of academic media we have divided 12216 by 123 and got 99.)
The level of metaphorization of 4 types of music media could be presented in the shape of the scale, where media with the least metaphorized language would be placed in the left side, and those with the most metaphorized language would be placed in the right.
Table 8 Metaphorization of the language of music media
|
Professional/ hobby media |
Academic media |
Style-oriented media |
General music media |
||
|
Freq. |
118 |
99 |
76 |
54 |
As one could see, the professional and hobby music media turned out to be the least metaphorized among others, whereas general music media have proven to be the most metaphorized.
Although the table 8 mainly differs from the table 3, the position of academic media on both scales remains very similar: here this type of media also leans towards the least level of metaphorization, whereas previously it turned out to be the least “colloquialized” among others. It proves the idea that academic media rely on analytic language and mostly apply professional terms while describing music. At the same time, very “colloquialized” professional media avoid using metaphors and prefer more straight-forward, explicit language, too. Less “colloquialized” general music media surprisingly use the most metaphorized language; mostly fulfilling the communicative function of music journalism, the authors of Afisha.Music and Zvuki.ru also tend to make their texts very illustrative and vivid.
Our research also demonstrates that certain types of music media apply certain metaphorical models more often than others.
Table 9 Metaphorical models affiliated with certain types of music media
|
Metaphorical model |
Type of music media |
Its share in the total of metaphors (%) |
|
|
Jewels |
Academic media + Style-oriented media |
100 |
|
|
Fabric |
Academic media + Professional/hobby media |
100 |
|
|
Narrative/Literature |
Academic media + Style-oriented media |
94 |
|
|
War |
Style-oriented media |
80 |
|
|
Religion |
Professional/hobby media |
73 |
|
|
Picture |
Academic media |
65 |
|
|
Cookery |
Professional/hobby media |
62 |
|
|
Material |
Academic media |
57 |
|
|
Building |
Style-oriented media |
55 |
|
|
Science |
Professional/hobby media |
50 |
|
|
Personification |
Style-oriented media |
49 |
|
|
Way |
Style-oriented media |
41 |
We could draw several conclusions on the basis of the data presented in the table. First of all, academic music media rarely use metaphors in general, but, on the other hand, apply a very limited spectrum of particular metaphorical models and abide by them. Use of these models is motivated by the specifics of “academic”, or Western classical, music itself. For example, literature and narrative metaphors in academic music discourse are apparently linked to the written tradition of classical music and its strong connections with literature (other media barely use these metaphors). Moreover, academic media intensively utilize the “material” metaphoric model to specify the manner of performance or type of sound, but the majority of these metaphors are actually “dead”, they do not seem creative or original.
Secondly, general music media do not rely on specific metaphorical models but use a broad variety of them with similar frequency. The language of these media is metaphorized in general and is notable for its creativity and expressiveness.
At the same time, style-oriented media rely on the expressiveness of language even more and use subjectification/personification significantly more frequently than other media. Style-oriented music magazines also tend to subjectify music with hypallages; in this case the feelings and emotions of a listener or a performer, a real subject, are projected on music: “амбициозный альбом” (“ambitious album”), “ленивые куплеты” (“lazy verses”) etc.
In the third place, professional and hobby music media tend to use production-oriented metaphors that fit their thematic specifics. Both “cookery” and “science” metaphorical models address the process of creating music and its technical specifics rather than its final product or simply refer to music as a craft rather than art.
5. Conclusions
5.1 Suggestive strategy of music journalism
The natural difficulty of speaking about music that we described in the introduction to our research motivates certain characteristics of music discourse. As we demonstrated above, the language of Russian specialized music media is heavily influenced by colloquial language, which also determines the row of possible solutions to the natural “problems” of music discourse and, correspondingly, its linguistic specifics. For example, the language of music journalism intensively uses deicticity as opposed to nomination by substituting the names of the objects with pointing on them; it also replaces the proper names of the objects with words-substitutes. Moreover, music discourse relies on the expressiveness of colloquial language instead of its analyticity and tends to demonstrate rather than explain certain music phenomena.
According to the concept coined by O. Issers, we could consider these features of music discourse “communicative actions”; this term refers to “methods and devices that lead to the solution of the macrotask of a speech” (2008, p. 110). The macrotask of the communicative actions mentioned above could be formulated as follows: to offer or to force a certain evaluation of music phenomenon while avoiding its particular analysis.
The paradigm of communicative actions, which are connected with a single macrotask and could be chosen or varied in accordance with particular communicative circumstances, is called communicative tactics (2008, p. 127). Communicative tactics, in their turn, serve as a particular realization of a certain communicative strategy, or a communication plan, which is inevitably aimed at the correction of the world model of the addressee of the speech (2008, p. 125).
Thus, the specifics of language of music journalism observed above could be presented as indicators of certain communicative tactics used by speakers within music discourse. The general features of communicative tactics of music journalism could be analyzed within the special scheme developed by O. Issers (2008, pp. 128-129):
Table 10 Communicative tactics of music discourse.
|
Aspect of analysis |
The feature of the communicative tactics of music discourse |
|
|
The speaker's knowledge about the forthcoming communicative event. |
Within the terms of the non-synchronous communicative situation the speaker's knowledge about a communicative event is significantly limited. A speaker could be aware of the overall portrait of his audience, specifics of the channel, its noise sources and other factors that shape the communicative situation. |
|
|
Positions in the dialogue. |
Positions are usually unsymmetrical. The default position of a speaker is an expert's one, whereas a reader turns out to be in the position of an amateur, non-expert. This role model is characterized by the information asymmetry and its overall orientation towards persuasion. At the same time, music journalists tend to eliminate this asymmetry and reduce the “vertical” distance between a reader and a speaker and establish “horizontal” connections. |
|
|
The orientations of the participants of the dialogue towards a certain type of communication. |
Participants usually cooperate with each other. A reader of a music media tends to share the tastes and opinions of its journalists. |
|
|
The conditions of the success of the chosen communicative tactics. |
Reader's commitment to a media, reader's awareness of certain facts or possession of certain background that would guarantee the appropriate understanding of the text and the expected reaction to it. |
|
|
Perlocutionary effects that proves the successfulness of the chosen communicative tactics. |
The “mediated” nature of the communicative situation obstructs the evaluation of the reader's immediate reaction to the speech. Nevertheless, such factors as increase in the sales of certain albums or tickets for a certain show, the growth of the audience etc could indirectly prove the positive effect of the chosen communicative strategy. |
The latest shift in media landscape and music consumption as well as low marketability of music media forced music journalists to change the communicative strategy within professional music discourse and switch from analysis to persuasion, or from proper criticism to communication. Music media adopted the “democratic” model of the dialogue while its participants developed the cooperative strategy within it. The fight for the attention of the audience and the process of adapting to the new media market motivated the reinforcement of the suggestive communicative strategy.
As N. Klushina points out, “the main intention of an author of a journalist text is to convince a reader of the rightness of his idea” (2008). Usually this idea is supported by the authors' evaluativity, specific nominative strategy and stylistic organization of the text.
Our research has already demonstrated the use of these linguistic instruments in music journalism and thereby proved that suggestion is a basic communicative strategy of music discourse in modern Russian specialized media.
The peculiarity of this strategy lies in the intensive exploitation of colloquial language. For example, theatrical criticism as well as theatrical journalism also relies on the expressive means of language, appeals to emotion and pathos and tends to reduce the distance between a speaker and a reader and to imitate the naturalness of informal communication (Мошникова, 2005). But, on the other hand, theatrical journalists do not tend to incorporate colloquialism into their professional language.
5.2 Language specifics of music media
Our research has demonstrated that language specifics of music media differ in accordance with their thematic focus. We have drawn several general conclusions concerning every type of music media:
1. Academic music media (AMM) mostly avoid using colloquial language and abide by more formal register of the discourse. AMM prefer analytical language of concrete nominations to expressive language with spoken deicticity. Metaphorics of AMM are very limited, but stable; metaphors exploited in these media are also very restrained and rooted in the academic tradition. Nowadays the language of AMM remains only slightly colloquialized and significantly differs from the languages of other types of media. Its standalone status is clearly connected with the specifics of the communicative situation of AMM, which work with loyal and stable audiences.
2. General music media (GMM) frequently use colloquial language and actively exploit its expressiveness. GMM avoid analyticity and prefer illustrative and vivid suggestive language with creative metaphors, diverse lexis and expressive word building. These media compete for the attention of the online audience and attempt to engage the audience; GMM deconstruct the vertical model of media communication and organize horizontal connections with readers.
3. Style-oriented music media (SOMM) is the most “colloquialized” group of music media. SOMM demonstrate the greatest lexical diversity and journalist eclecticism. SOM establish “democratic” connections with readers and intensively use the language (slang, jargon) of corresponding music styles and “personal” metaphors. SOMM also imitate colloquial syntax more frequently, than other types of music media. The language specifics of SOMM underline its involvement in the social environment of certain subcultures.
4. Professional and hobby music media (PHMM) in general apply the same communicative strategy as SOMM. PHMM rely on dialogue with the readers and actively use various dialogue markers. The language of PHMM is characterized by certain stylistic negligence and colloquial lexis as well as overall simplicity, uncreativeness and explicitness.
5.3 Prospects
Our research indicates the significant specifics of modern music discourse influenced by various extralinguistic factors. These results have to be reviewed in the grander context of Russian media language and other segments of Russian cultural journalism and other media that utilize any given professional discourse.
The correlation between particular features of the language of modern popular music and modern music journalism in Russia also has to be explored in greater detail. Further research may also study the historical establishment of music discourse in Russian media that would certainly elucidate the tendencies of its development.
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