The objectives are as follows:

The studying of framing in the context of political communications in media has undergone some visible changes in perspective. The most recent and relevant ones deal with the transformation that mass media experienced in the later 20^th century. Previously concerned with questions of ideology influencing mass media content, scholars began paying more attention to the process of constructing a news message. The unique process of such a construction makes for a very certain image of `reality' that does not necessarily portray the issue in its entirety. Quite the opposite, it is comprised of the elements of the factual basis of information, that are connected within the story through the usage of a certain frame. The formation of such a frame also depends on the genre of a publication as well as on a political leaning tendency of the content producer. All parts of the news story that are highlighted within a frame are given a certain value within the text, they are prioritized. Through construction of the story in media comes the construction of the story within the perception of a single person, and the way they may view reality. Here framing enters the realm of political effects, due to the fact that the studying of framing was based on a concept of mass media being a strong and powerful influence on one's views and attitudes but also being under the influence of pre-existing values and attitudes of their audiences. The latter is very influential because it affects the manner in which media audiences select and process information offered them by media. (McQuail, 2005).

As many other theories of mass communication, framing theory has sociological roots. It was established that it is people's natural incentive to make sense of all the important developments and occurrences that are happening in the society's public life at large. Processing such vast amounts of information is a challenging task, so, in order to raise efficiency, people employ different `schemas' and `frameworks' that are meant to make the information more orderly. It also makes for a better understanding of the meaning of such information (Goffman, 1974).

Essentially, the theory of framing states that the way different elements of the reality are portrayed in the news if going to have an effect on the way media audiences make sense of the story (Pan & Kosicki, 1993).

Framing is also recognized as an important psychological phenomenon, due to the fact that it strongly influences decision making process. For example, Kahneman and Tversky introduced a `decision problem'. It implies the existence of a set of options to choose from, the overview of the possible outcomes and consequences of a decision. `Decision frame' is, in turn, referring to a general idea that actors have about the decision they have to make: what results a certain choice is going to yield. Such a frame is influenced both by the formulation of the decision problem and by the specific characteristics of person's background and belief system. The formulation of a decision problem can often be executed in multiple ways. And this choice of formulation will ultimately influence the decision making process and thus the decision that is being made (Kahneman and Tversky, 1981).

Thus, framing exists at both micro- and macrolevels (Scheufele, 1999). Macrolevel framing suggests a way the information is presented in the media. However, this choice is often based on the knowledge of `schema' their audiences operate with. Framing of a message is usually executed in accordance with this knowledge (Shoemaker & Reese, 1996). However, it does not necessarily mean that a medium has a certain agenda that influences its content or that it goes beyond the boundaries of journalistic integrity to cater to their audiences. What it does mean though, is that framing is a useful instrument for making a message digestible, especially when it comes to complicated political and societal issues. The usage of framing makes for an efficient presentation that works with their audiences `schemas' in order to highlight the crucial parts of the message at hand (Gans, 1979).

Microlevel framing refers to the way audiences themselves process the given information to form opinions and make decisions. The acceptance of a frame presented by the media is largely influenced by cultural norms and other aspects of social life (Gamson & Modigliani, 1987). This process is commonly referred to as `frame building' and it unfolds within a certain culture and is shaped by it. The creation of a news message is only a part of a framing chain and is not the single most influential element of it (Scheufele, 1999).

The processing of the given information plays a crucial part in this process. So much so, that information processing has a theoretical basis of its own. It is established that audiences are most likely to internalize a message when presented with information that they actively engage with. Thus, the presence of an issue is more visible when media audiences actively engage with the messages highlighting it (Eveland, 2004).

However, this effect may not always be in place, due to the fact that media audiences are not homogenous in their views, beliefs, interests and media preferences. Consistent engaging with framed messages is more likely to have an influence on audiences that are not especially interested in a discussed issue. Knowledgeable audiences, on the other hand, prefer the systematic processing of information, within which they can compare different frames to form an educated opinion. Moreover, the usage of certain frames may yield the results opposite to the ones previously anticipated. It can go as far as to cause audiences to side with an oppositional frame, especially if the original frame is weak (Chong, Druckman, 2007).

Other studies have shown that the framing process is incredibly complex, so much so, that readers' retention of information may even be the result of internalizing multiple or even competing frames. A study describing such a phenomenon was conducted regarding the perception of of 9/11 terrorist attacks and the war in Afghanistan. Audiences' frames did not just align in a sequence of separate frames: a one describing a national tragedy and the other one referring to warfare. Both of those frames morphed into each other, creating a context in which processing of the September 11 events was crucial for the formulation of an opinion about the Afghan War. The original view on framing suggests that the influence of a framed message is only defined by the way an issue is presented in the media. However, pre-existing interpretative `schemas' audiences' possess tend to influence the effect of a framed message in a very significant way. The effectiveness is dictated not only by whether we encounter a certain issue in media for a significant period of time, the crucial element is how this encounter unfold depending on our pre-existing notions and beliefs (Eddy, Meirick, 2007).

There is also another angle when it comes to working with multiple frames. Two concepts connected in one message may be perceived as interconnected irrespective of the context they are built in (Price & Tewksbury, 1997). To better illustrate this, Scheufele and Tewksbury present the interconnected concepts of tax policy and unemployment rate. We may stumble upon the connection of these two terms in the news media. The message presented to you may suggest an opinion that determining whether or not higher or lower taxes should be more preferable depends on whether you strive for lower or higher unemployment rate. By doing this it establishes that questions relevant to unemployment are also relevant to the issues of tax policy. And it does not necessarily require deeper knowledge about unemployment. Sufficient knowledge of unemployment issues would contribute to the overall understanding of the topic, if the news message itself does not provide this information. Therefore, if media audiences are not familiar with the concept and the news message does not give exhaustive explanation of it, a frame that is build is not going to be very effective. The effects of a framed message are going to differ depending on whether the concepts it consists of already exist in audiences' memory or not (Scheufule, Tewksbury, 2007).

Information about isolated issues, however, are more likely to be processed differently, with more focus to the actual content of a news message and its factual basis, as well as questions and solutions presented in the article itself (Zaller, 1992).

Media bias

Along with framing, media bias is another widely recognized phenomenon in media research. And just like framing it can be motivated by several different incentives. Generally, media bias is referred to as a disturbance of balance that results in certain aspects of a news story appearing more salient than the others. However, just like agenda setting, media bias can have an ideological component as well, relating mostly to the political leanings of news producers themselves. Media bias can also be a result of distortion of information, whether motivated or not. However, it is difficult to navigate what information can be considered `distorted' and which one should be seen ad objective and unbiased. For example, public evaluation of the nature of bias concluded, that people consider bias to be the manner in which a news message is constructed and reported, but only if it is a highly charged one. Many also see media bias as an attempt at persuasion. The studies have also found that the more knowledge audiences possess about a certain issue, the more scrutiny all the other messages on this topic are under (ASNE, 1999).

There have been many theories speculating about the origin of media bias. For instance, engaging with certain topics is only possible if there is a platform provided for their presentation. And the control of such platforms usually belongs to news organizations. From an economical perspective it is more efficient to provide a platform for issues that are of interest to the public. Incomplete nature of information does not always play the crucial part in the formation of bias (Stromberg, 2004).

Another theory that focuses on reader preferences suggests that publishers may succumb to media bias by attempting to highlight certain aspects of a news story in order to appeal to their main audiences and their previously held beliefs, thus confirming them (Mullainathan & Shleifer, 2003).

In general, financial incentives as well as a structure of news production process are of great importance when it comes to formation of media bias. Ideological stance of the owner of a publication also plays a significant part when it comes to bias in media (Bovitz, 2002).

Thus, media bias is constructed within a complicated system of actors. And the most active ones are bound to influence the direction a news story will ultimately take, especially when it comes to bipartisan issues, dealing with which journalists usually tend to engage with a single influential group (Groseclose & Milyo, 2004).

When it comes to reporting on electoral politics, media outlets exercise media bias that is especially visible, because even if a ruling party changes, partisan media bias foes not (Puglisi, 2004).

The structure of a news article can also influence the salience of its message. For example, it has been noted that headlines tend do highlight more positive messaging than the articles themselves (Lott & Hassett, 2004).

Overreporting about an issue can also be considered a variation of media bias. Thus, an issue gains salience because of intensity and repetition of presence. Studies show that media audiences tend to follow the lead of disproportionate salience (Ansolabehere, 2004).

And though the consensus about the influencing power of media bias is consistent, multiple different methods have been utilized in order to identify it. Some researchers have followed the `audience based' approach, inspecting the reader-base of different media outlets (Munson & Resnick, 2010). Others have decided to pay more attention to media's sourced of information. Thus, media bias was identifiable through different `think tanks' outlets often cited (Groseclose & Milyo, 2005). Automated sentiment analysis has been applied not only to the articles themselves but also to the audiences' commentary. However, such research requires pre-labeled data, which is oftentimes difficult to obtain (Guerra & Veloso, 2011).

Overall, identifying the way a message is phrased in a news report or what issues have been made more salient may lead to the identification of media bias.

Selective exposure

Considering that mass media are not homogenous by nature, the specific nature of a person's media consumption may be connected to the nature of their political leanings, to influence it or to be an expression thereof. s than others. In particular, those viewing FOX news were more likely to believe in both the link and the weapons while those watching PBS and listening to NPR were less likely (Kull et al. 2003-4). The implications of this finding are troubling: Varying exposure to news media makes for a development of different views and beliefs regarding political and societal changes. If there is no widespread general consensus for an assessment of public policy matters, it leads to the existence of polarizing views and opinions shared among different societal groups. (Kull, 2003-4).

Media exposure influences the development of beliefs, however the factors that influence exposure itself are not as clear. However, one of the more visible and identifiable influences if the emergence of online media outlets that suggest a vast variety of presented views and opinions, never seen in the traditional media before (Iyengar, Hahn, 2009).

The variety of today's media is so unprecedent that one can successfully utilize media without encountering political messages or even specifically aim to gain knowledge about specific issue (Atre and Katz 2005, Galston 2003). It is often related to the phenomenon of partisan selective exposure which suggests focusing on media that supports one's already held political views, especially regarding the support of certain political parties or various polarizing issues. An ever-increasing supply of news media makes it much easier to search for an outlet that expresses beliefs similar to audiences' very own. Thus, the instances of selective exposure increase as well. In this case, audiences acts customers who tend to reach out for a media product that is more favourable to them (Mutz and Martin, 2001).

However, not everyone agrees that the effect of selective exposure is so influential. It has been noted that people themselves do not necessarily intentionally look for information that would support their beliefs (Kinder, 2003).

Some researchers also do not consider the effect of selective exposure to be the prevalent one when it comes to the choice of media outlets. However, they note that the instances of selective exposure occur under certain unique conditions that do not necessarily have something to do with the attempts at setting an agenda (Zaller, 1992).

It contrasts with the general consensus on the nature of information seeking, which suggests that looking for new information, one usually favours whichever one doesn't oppose his own vies and predispositions (Jonas, 2005).

Generally, the views on selective exposure have always varied. It is especially notable when it comes to research. There have been multiple studies that noted a connection between media consumption and audiences' beliefs and predispositions. However, the nature of the connection remained largely unclear (Best, 2005; Chaffee, 2001).

Though many researches have studied the instances, where it is more obvious that individuals preferred the sources of information that corresponded with their previously held beliefs and predispositions (Donsbach, 1991; Redlawsk, 2002; Taber & Lodge, 2006). There also have been some publications expressing opposing views on the subject at hand, stating that the influence of selective exposure cannot be considered crucial when it comes the choice of media outlets (Meffert, 2006). Such a difference may suggest the existence of other interfering factors that determine whether one is going to succumb to selective exposure or maintain a less rigid approach towards his media consumption habits.

As has been established before, theoretical basis describing the selective exposure phenomenon poses that people's previously held views determine their media consumption habits. However, not every such view or predispositions is capable of navigating the choice of a media outlet. Therefore, some of those predispositions have more capability to lead the decision-making process.

From a psychological standpoint, those views and beliefs that hold some kind of personal relevance are the ones that are most likely to pose as influential when it comes to formation of media preferences. Some of those beliefs have such a presence that they remain salient irrespective of the context they are accessed within (Price & Tewksbury, 1997).

For example, partisan political leanings can serve as an example of a belief with a very strong presence (Green, 2002). Unlike with other subjects, when it comes to partisan political leanings, audiences tend to reach out for those outlets that do not oppose their position on a political spectrum, precisely because it holds such a great personal relevance to them. It has also been noted that topics that evoke a strong emotional response may influence the choice process. It is mostly due to the fact that media audiences not only seek new information to gain knowledge, but also to find sentiments that resonate with their own emotions (Valentino, 2007). There is evidence that a stimulus capable of evoking a strong emotional response can make people with partisan views exhibit selective exposure patterns (Taber & Lodge, 2006). Moreover, political topics themselves are known to evoke strong emotional response in general. People with strong views on politics tend to engage with media that resonates with their beliefs in a positive way, even more so when a topic is relevant to one's identity or personality. Thus, the effects of selective exposure are stronger with those whose political views and predispositions are strong as well (Marcus, 2000).

The tendency to aim for information that stands in support of one's belief system predates the age of digital media and has been an object of research in cognitive psychology for many years. The incentive behind it was the one of avoiding dissonance and conflict of previously held beliefs with the ones present in media (Festinger, 1957).

However, such research was often held in regard with political campaigns and not necessarily political news content. Thus, it was often connected to the appeal of a particular candidate or a party and not the messaging itself (Sears & Freedman, 1967). Other researchers have considered this phenomenon to be the reasoning behind the repetitive nature of political campaigns and effects that they exhibit (Klapper, 1964).

However, the difference between exposure motivated by one's desire for political action and exposure explained by one's social situation remained largely out of focus. Exposure determined by social situation may be shaped by factors such as income, neighborhood's political leaning, family relations, friendly and work-related relations etc. (Cotton, 1985). When it comes to consciously avoiding exposure, researchers have found that it is not a strong enough motive when it comes to shaping media preferences and seeking new information (Sears, 1968). However, there have been studies identifying motivated selective exposure regarding bipartisan political leanings (Iyengar & McGrady, 2007). It is to be mentioned though, that other researchers have not identified the same effects in similar studies. (Chaffee & Miyo, 1983). As was mentioned before, the nature of media preference can also rely on other external factors that do not necessarily connect to one's political leanings. Such an effect was measured through presenting people with information they had to navigate through based on a previously made judgement about a topic (Jonas, Schulz-Hardt, Frey & Thelen, 2001). There is also evidence to suggest that media audiences are becoming more selective in their media preferences. Even audiences with strong partisan bias have grown to detect such bias in media they consume (Smith, Lichter & Harris, 1997). Thus, political news audiences are motivated to seek not only new information sources, but new media in general, outside of the realm of television and traditional press. These preferences can also suggest bipartisan differences, due to the fact that people may move on to formats more suitable to the expression of their own political beliefs, whether it is going to be a radio show or a talk show on television (Pfau, Houston & Semmler, 2007). Therefore, selective exposure bias it stronger when there is an element of partisanship involved, as well as an influence of strong emotional response to a given issue. There is also a notable effect of a newfound variety of media sources and formats that makes for a larger supply side thus creating an environment for making a choice of media tailored to one's views without sacrificing the general level of awareness.

Sequential Information Processing

As have been stated previously, the phenomenon of people choosing to engage with information that does not directly oppose their previously held views and beliefs have been recognized in the field of psychology for many decades of research work. But what exactly do people stand in support for when it comes to a certain media message? Research shows that it could be a certain expectations of a consequence, a shared attitude or belief, a stereotype or a cultural norm and an affirmation of one's predisposition. Looking for these aspects in media one consumes may lead to conservation of their beliefs even if sources of opposing information are accessible to them (Johnston, 1996; Pinkley, Griffith & Northcraft, 1995).

Recognizing these trends holds special importance when it comes to making decisions that are outside the realm of mundane choices. Dealing with a choice that suggests significant consequences may be complicated by such selectiveness due to the fact that it does not help to form an adequate judgement. Crucial details may be ignored when under the influence of a rigid belief system. The inability to see the overall picture when dealing with an issue may lead to a choice of a wrong decision and potential losses (Brockner & Rubin, 1985). Moreover, it has been noted that leaning on previously held beliefs and predispositions can yield less preferable results when it comes to solving decision problems and all in all lead to a higher risk of failure (Schulz-Hardt, 1997). Such an effect makes detecting such biases crucial for decision-making, what could serve as a driver for it and how it can be dealt with in a more efficient way.

As it has been stated before, selectivity is oftentimes a product of dissonance, or a desire to avoid it (Festinger, 1957). Dissonance theory poses that, when holding a certain position, a person is less likely to give it up for an opposing one to avoid dealing with a conflict in the aftermath of making a choice. This phenomenon has also been recognized as `confirmation bias'. The instances of such a bias are not only present when it comes to making a decision, it is also relevant to multiple stages that precede final decision-making and shaping of source preferences, as well as making initial judgements (Schulz-Hardt, 1997). Moreover, it if a phenomenon relevant not only to different stages of individual decision making, but most importantly, to decision-making in groups as well. That is an aspect that, in theory, makes it crucial for the analysis of electoral trends and politics in general (Schulz-Hardt & Frey, 2000).

However, it had been up to debate whether these findings are indeed applicable to media audiences' behaviour and are they valuable when me make judgements about audiences' actual political decisions and decisions regarding their informational preferences. Precisely for that reason, some researchers have compared the dynamics of controlled experiments with the assistance of students with the dynamics of an actual decision-making process in investment banking (Schulz-Hardt, Frey, 2000).

Thus, the applicability of the previous findings was confirmed once again. However, it was still unclear whether the nature of exposure to information within an experiment can be compared to that occurring in the more natural circumstances, native to media audiences.

In circumstances regarding making a political or a financial decision of significant importance one rarely has adequate, educated opinion at hand, available for inspecting (Vertzberger, 1990). The information found does not always meet the standards of relative objectivity or even basic credibility and it is usually portioned. The search process keeps reiterating to the moment when one finally arrives at a decision that he wants to make. Therefore, it remains unclear how many iterations or information sources it is required to provide to accurately measure the specifics of a decision-making process. What is more important, this process is in itself full of many micro-decisions that arise when a person is confronted with conflicting information, there is always a choice of whether to engage with it or whether to avoid it altogether. This process continues right until the moment a decision is made. This phenomenon is commonly referred to as `sequential information seeking', which states that the search for new information always comes in a form of a sequence.

The studies of sequential information processing have included those that dealt with the phenomenon of selective exposure. The nature of audiences' media consumption pattern was evaluated and later compared to political views they tend to hold. Their information seeking preferences have included preferences for entire media, such as tendency to watch television or read the news only in newspapers (Sweeney & Gruber, 1984).

Generally, aforementioned studies show that information seeking functions as a process that consists of many stages and is shaped by one's choice of media or even a preferred format.

CHAPTER TWO