Aleut mortuary practices. Re-interpretation of established Aleut burial customs

Unangan mortuary practices. Product of logistic problems in identifying ancient burials, which have been exposed to a very austere environment. Religious observance aimed at preserving the spiritual life of the person, following physiological death.

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Captain Hennig collected 12 mummies from the Warm Cave in 1874 Dall W. H. On the Remains of Later Pre-Historic Man obtained from Caves in the Catherina Archipelago, Alaska Territory, and especially from the Caves of the Aleutian Islands; Hrdlicka A. Exploration of Mummy Caves in the Aleutian Islands. Pt. I. P. 9.. Hennig removed only 12 bundles, and it is believed that he collected the best preserved material leaving many less desirable items. A majority of the 12 mummies are in fair to good condition, but not exceptionally well preserved. Indeed, some of them appear to have been seriously damaged, perhaps by foxes.

Based on the description of the caves, it is likely that Ales Hrdlicka visited the same cave in 1936 and removed everything which was left to collect. Of the material Hrdlicka collected, 29 bundles of mummified remains are still intact and preserved in their original condition Hunt D. Aleutian Remains at the Smithsonian Institution. P. 137-153; Jonsdottir B. CT Scanning of Aleutian Mummies. P. 155-167.. Some of the bundles and backpacks are in excellent condition and display no damage or any decay caused by weathering. Indeed, one bundle appears to be almost new (Fig. 4). We argued that if Hennig and Hrdlicka collected human remains from the same cave, then some of the mummies Hrdlicka collected more than 60 years after Hennig had visited the cave must have been placed in the Warm Cave by the Unangan after Hennig's visit but before 1936.

Fig. 4 Three dimensional reconstruction of infant placed within a backpack structure. Body is protected by several layers of marine mammal furs, bird skins and grass mattings. The reconstruction is based on about 900 slices of CT (computed tomography) data [Frohlich et al., 2002, p. 110]

There is still some doubt about the identity of the cave Captain Hennig visited. Hrdlicka visited a third, but empty cave during his journey to Kagamil in 1937 or 1938, but no other information is available Hrdlicka A. Exploration of Mummy Caves in the Aleutian Islands. Pt. I. P. 21.. If this cave is the one visited by Captain Hennig in 1874, then somebody else must have emptied it before Hrdlicka visited it and found it empty. Based on the descriptions available today, it appears that Captain Hennig collected his 12 mummies from the same cave (the Warm Cave) Hrdlicka visited and collected from in 1936 Hunt D. Aleutian Remains at the Smithsonian Institution. P 145-148.

Several of the adult mummies, including the poorly preserved that were macerated include pathological anomalies such as leprosy Jфnsdфttir B. CT Scanning of Aleutian Mummies. P 155-167., syphilis (Ousley, personal communication, July 2002), and smallpox Ortner D. J. Identification of Pathological Conditions in Human Skeletal Remains.. If such diseases were present in the Unangan population before the Russians arrived, we should find similar frequencies of such anomalies in the skeletal population from Chaluka/Nikolski, about 26 km (16 miles) east of Kagamil Island. We did not. The Chaluka burials are all dated to pre-Russian period, and none of them displays any potential introduced diseases, such as smallpox, leprosy, syphilis, etc. Because of the clear evidence that post-Russian diseases are present in the mummified burials, the obvious conclusion must be that at least some of the mummified burials can be dated to post-Russian period.

Nikolski is one of the areas where a few Russians may have intermittingly settled. A small Russian Orthodox chapel was constructed between 1795 and 1799 Laughlin W S. Aleuts: Survivors of the Bering Land Bridge. P 79., and a church was established in 1826. It is likely that most of the burials found in the ancient Chaluka mound and depicting Unangan burial practices are pre-Russian, thus preceding the arrival of the Russians around 1800. Out of 98 skeletons from Chaluka, Okee Bay and one other site on southeastern Umnak Island, one case of possible syphilis has been identified. In contrast, a minimum of five cases, including syphilis (n = 3), smallpox (n = 1), and leprosy (n = 1) have been identified in the Kagamil material (n = 200 +/-) Jфnsdфttir B. CT Scanning of Aleutian Mummies. P 155-167; Ortner D. J. Identification of Pathological Conditions in Human Skeletal Remains; Ousley S. Personal Communication. Department of Anthropology, Smithsonian Institution. Washington, 2002..

We conclude that most of the remains found in the Warm and Cold caves on Kagamil Island can be dated to after the arrival of the Russians and that some of the diseases we find in the Kagamil mummy material is a product of bacterial or viral transmission from the Russians to the Unangan people.

The research on the Unangan skeletal remains is not completed, however. Only part of the collection has been analyzed, and, at this time, no data collection will be conducted before prior approval has been obtained from the Unangan people. We are processing already available data and comparing the results with other Arctic and Sub-Arctic populations. For example, studies of skeletal data in pre-contact and post-contact Eskimo groups from western Greenland demonstrate significant differences in especially non-metric frequencies when comparing the two groups Frцhlich B., Pedersen P O. Secular Changes Within Arctic and Sub-Arctic Populations: A Study of 632 Mandibles from The Aleutian Islands, Alaska and Greenland. P 184-186.. This change has been attributed to cultural and genetic changes caused by the arrival to western Greenland of Europeans and especially Danes in the 18th century Frohlich B. The Aleut-Eskimo Mandible. P. 40, 168; Frohlich B., Pedersen P O. Secular Changes Within Arctic and Sub-Arctic Populations: A Study of 632 Mandibles from The Aleutian Islands, Alaska and Greenland. P. 184-186.. Presently, similar analyses are being planned on skeletal material from Kagamil and Umnak islands, supported by data collected in 1978 Ibid. P. 174-178..

Samples for radiocarbon dating were collected several years back from some of the Kagamil mummies. It is unknown if the collected samples are human bone, wood, fur, or other kind of associated material. The dates range from about 1,600 BP to about 600 BP with the majority of the samples between 1,100 BP and 900 BP. We are unaware if these dates have been calibrated (including marine reservoir effect), and we have not yet established the amount and kind of preservation and conservation chemicals added to the bundles over time since the arrival at the museum 65 years ago. In fact we have little knowledge of any potential factors, which could have altered the carbon dates. New and additional samples will be collected and submitted for processing when adequate permissions have been received from the Unangan people. Apparently, some of the samples previously collected for dating purposes were obtained from some of the excellent bundles collected by Hrdlicka in 1936. Knowing the effect of the Aleutian weather on any object, we seriously question the 1,000 year antiquity of an object, appearing as if it has been produced more recently and never exposed to the harsh Aleutian environment. We hope that new dating of the bundles and backpacks can solve some of these questions.

Traditional way of life, including traditional spirituality was not abandoned before the Unangan people were significantly exposed to western civilization including organized education, improved housing, nutrition, and access to better information and communication. The question is at what time this major exposure took place. We have used the photographic record to evaluate at what time the change from using the traditional Unangan house (barabara) to modern European/American house structures occured. Up to at least 1910, a majority of Unangan people still lived in the traditional barabaras, although some improvements had been added, such as doors and perhaps a few glass windows replacing the top entrance described by Cook Cook J. A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean Undertaken, by the Command of His Majesty, for making Discoveries in the Northern Hemisphere. G. Nicol, Bookseller to His Majesty, in the Strand; and T. Cadell, in the Strand. London, 1785. and McCartney and Veltre McCartney A. P., Veltre D. W Longhouses of the Eastern Aleutian Islands, Alaska //To the Aleutian and Beyond. The Anthropology of William S. Laughlin / eds B. Frohlich, A. B. Harper, R. Gilberg. Copenhagen, 2002. P. 250-253. (Publications of The National Museum. Ethnographical Series, Vol. 20).. Between Waldemar Jochelson's visit to Umnak in 1909/1910 and Ales Hrdlicka's first visit in 1936, the Unangan community in Nikolski had been transferred from a population living in barabaras to a population living in wood framed American-styled housing (Figs 5 and . During the same period, communications between the islands and other communication centers were greatly improved by the gradual switch from wind and steam powered shipping to diesel powered shipping, and with the increasing availability of wireless communication, health-care and a methodical educational services.

Some Unangan children became educated outside the islands and, in general, there appeared to be a move of Unangans from the Aleutian Islands to other geographical locations in the U. S. It is inferred that this is the time when the majority of the Unangan people adopted western traditions and the Russian Orthodox teaching, and by then

Fig. 5 Nikolski Village viewed from the Chaluka settlement, ca. 1909-1910 [Frohlich et al., 2002, p. 111]

Fig. 6 Nikolski Village viewed from the western part of the Chaluka settlement, ca. 1936 [Frohlich et al., 2002, p. 111]

abandoning their traditional way of life and traditional Unangan spirituality. It is also the time when Unangan completed the migration from traditional settlements to a few centralized villages and when the Aleutian Island Chain started to become the home for fewer and fewer Unangans.

Unangan Mortuary Practices and Traditional Unangan Spirituality

Traditional Unangan spirituality is complex and based on criteria that are closely related to the individual's understanding of the spiritual world, and works in great harmony with the Unangans' 9,000 years of successful adaptation to a very rich natural environment. While much still has to be learned about Unangan spirituality and the extent if its relation to mortuary practices, it is possible to infer a model which appears to be compatible with our finds.

Much of our knowledge about traditional spirituality derives from living with the Unangan people in Nikolski for a total of more than nine months, talking to elders, discussing burial practices and helping them with processing the finds of unmarked pre- Russian burials, especially on Chaluka and at Sandy Beach (excavations and reburials). We also obtained valuable information from elders in Unalaska during a short visit in August, 2000 at which time an early version of our model was presented and discussed.

The following reconstruction of Unangan mortuary practices and its connection to Unangan spirituality is based on data and information as discussed above, but is strictly hypothetical and tentative:

1. According to traditional Unangan spirituality, at the time of biological death the human soul leaves the body and goes to `another world'. When the soul has left the body, the body is less important and cannot create any potential problems for the living Unangan. In fact, the Unangans are not afraid of the body after the soul has left. The `soul/spirit-free' body is placed in a permanent burial structure, which can be within the settlement or in a pit burial (Umqan) adjacent to the settlement. Why some bodies are interred within or externally to the settlement is presently unknown.

2. In situations where there are unsolved problems between the deceased and the living, the soul may not leave the body. In such cases, the body and soul become a potential danger to the living, and for that reason the problems, which caused this situation must be resolved before the soul can go to `another world'. Problems are resolved by communicating with the soul.

3. Because the soul and, possibly, the body could become dangerous to the living, the body is left in an isolated location, separated from the settlements by a body of salt water. The access to the location has to be relatively easy so that everybody, including children and older people, can visit and communicate with the body- trapped souls. The caves on Kagamil Island and the shelters on Ship Rock Island and other islands fulfill these requirements: separation and easy access.

4. When the soul is satisfied, it leaves the body and goes to `another world'; and the body can now be buried in a pit burial within the settlement or in an Umqan. The process can take a short or long time, possibly up to a year or longer.

5. Similar situations appear with deceased infants and young children. In such cases, the mother may not have had enough time to establish adequate spiritual contact with the deceased infant/child. Thus, when the infant/child dies, the soul is confused and cannot depart the body. Since this unfortunate situation is not caused by an external problem developed during their lifetime, the deceased child's or infant's soul is not necessarily dangerous to the living person. The mother can keep the body and the soul within the household and communicate with it until the soul can leave the body and go to `another world'. For practical reasons the body may be eviscerated, and the body's cavities are filled with cut grass Jonsdottir B. CT Scanning of Aleutian Mummies. P. 159, 162; Frohlich B, Laughlin S. B. Unangan Mortuary practices and the Umqan Burials on Anangula Island, Aleutian Islands, Alaska. To the Aleutian and Beyond. P. 114..

Bird skins, furs from marine and terrestrial mammals, and grass matting are used to keep the body safe and protected. In some cases, the body is wrapped into a bundle that can be hanged from the wall or ceiling in the barabara, placed in a backpack like structure, which can be carried by the mother at any time, or placed in a wood dish, enhancing her communication with the infant's soul.

This procedure may be supported by observations by Martin Sauer in 1790 and Gawrila Sarychev in 1791-1792 describing the way in which the Aleuts disposed of their dead children: `A mother will keep a dead child thus embalmed in their hut for some months, constantly wiping it dry; and they bury it when it begins to smell, or when they get reconciled to parting with it' Sauer M. An Account of a Geographical and Astronomical Expedition to the Northern Parts of Russia for Ascertaining the Degrees of Latitude and Longitude of the Mouth of the River Kovima; of the whole coast ofthe Tshutski, to East Cape; and ofthe Islands in the Eastern Ocean, stretching to the American Coast. T. Cadell, Jun., and W. Davies, in the Strand, London, 1802. P. 161., and... `but little children for whom such a frame can be made firmer and closer, are kept sometimes a whole year and even longer, until another comes into the world to supply its place' Sarychev G. Account of a Voyage of Discovery to the North-East of Siberia, the Frozen Ocean, and the North-East Sea. London, 1807. P. 77-78..

An image, by Wladimir Jochelson in 1910, and now located at the Peter The Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (Kunstkamera), St. Petersburg, Russian Federation, show an Unangan woman (Chaluka, Nikolski) with a baby in a backpack (Fig. 7). The baby's position suggests that something else is taking up space in the backpack. At the national Museum of Natural History (Smithsonian Institution) we have several such similar backpacks collected from the Kagamil Warm Cave by Hennig in 1874 and Hrdlicka in 1936, 1937 and 1938 (see [Frohlich, Laughlin, 2002, p. 92-93] for more details and images). All of the backpacks include the remains of a deceased infant, in some cases artificially mummified. We argue that the woman photographed by Jochelson in 1910 carries a backpack with her deceased baby and her new baby on top (see Fig. 7).

Nondestructive and noninvasive CT scanning has improved our knowledge about the mummy bundles and mummy backpacks. Bird and mammal skins can be identified by studying the CT images, and the presence of beads, labrets, wood tools, stitching, and major construction features can be viewed and studied in Jonsdottir's article in Frohlich, Harper and Gilberg Jonsdottir B. CT Scanning of Aleutian Mummies. P. 155-165..

Fig. 7 Nikolski woman at the entrance to a barabara on Chaluka. Backpack is carried on back and supported and held in place by a string around the upper part of the woman's body. Shown backpack is similar to those found in the Warm Cave on Kagamil Island containing bodies of deceased infants [Frohlich et al., 2002, p. 114]

The backpacks are re-used over time, but the most important packing material and the lines securing the deceased body to the pack are new. For decorative purposes, some of the fittings on the backpack are new as well. Marine mammal skins, used as outer layers for both adults and sub-adults, are re-used. This is seen in the presence of older and unused stitch holes, which may have had another practical function, when the skin was used for something else at an earlier time.

When the soul has left the infant's body, the body is removed from the bundle or backpack and placed in a pit burial within the settlement or in an Umqan. Aigner et al. Aigner S. J, Veltre D. W., Fullem B, Veltre M. An Infant Umqan Burial from Southwest Umnak Island. P. 128-129. reports the find of an infant bundle in an Umqan burial including bird skin, beads, and a supporting wood piece, all features of which are much similar to what we identify on the CT images of the Kagamil mummy backpacks. It appears that this infant burial could represent a case where the mother was satisfied with the communication, and the child was placed in an Umqan for a final resting place. Additionally, Russian artifacts have been found in Umqan burials Ibid. P. 129. suggesting continuity of the construction of Umqan burials after 1741.

The use of caves and rock shelters as temporary resting places for bodies explains the low number of mummies identified so far. Thus, the cave and shelter burials are temporary burials. Bodies are mummified both naturally and artificially. Mummified infant burials are often kept in the house structure (barabara) where the mother can communicate with the deceased infant; a system is further developed by enable the mother to carry the deceased infant in a backpack while doing walking around. Thus, the total number of similar burials (caves, shelters, etc.) does not represent a `normal population/distribution' but a selective one of which the applied use is temporary. Therefore, the sample size will never be `high. This becomes even more significant when we take into account the possible and most likely extensive and unrecorded looting of rock shelters and caves during the last hundred year, at which time the presence of non-Unangan people in the Aleutian Islands has increased considerably.

Unangan mortuary practices, as evaluated from archaeological and ethnographical records, are products of a belief system based on traditional Unangan spirituality. Most likely, such practices and traditions continued into the 20th century.

Finally, the archaeological and anthropological records are important factors in reconstructing biological and social histories of any population. Such records should be studied in details, but in full collaboration with descendants of the people being studied, and in a manner which is nondestructive, noninvasive and respectable.

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