A quantitative study of the transformation of female orthodox monasticism in imperial Russia

The convent of the exaltation of the cross in the eighteenth century. Nineteenth-century trends and transformations. These activities that simultaneously fulfilled the religious objectives of the convent, contributed to the spiritual experiences of its.

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The most striking change in the social composition of the convent's membership during the post-emancipation period, however, and one that was experienced widely and that affected male as well as female monasticism, was the rapid increase in the number of peasants pursuing a monastic vocation, especially after the early 1880's (Table 7). Of course, even in the eighteenth century peasants had composed a significant percentage of the membership of the Convent of the Exaltation of the Cross and its predecessors. Judging by the social background of the supernumerary nuns transferred to the convent after 1764 owing to the dissolution of their original convents, peasants appear to have constituted an even higher percentage of the membership of most of these convents (Table 1). They also represented a substantial proportion of the women who joined the informal communities that formed in Nizhnii Novgorod diocese in the wake of Catherine's reforms, and their numbers increased significantly at the Convent of the Exaltation of the Cross after its reorganization on a communal basis enabled it to support a larger community (Table 7).

The appeal of a monastic life among peasant women in the late imperial period therefore was not new. What had changed were the extent and relative attractiveness of this appeal and the ability of peasant women to respond to it. Two developments in particular appear to have broadened and enhanced the attraction of monasticism among peasant women during the post-emancipation period: their increased exposure to a monastic life, both directly and indirectly, as a result of the substantial growth of pilgrimage to monastic sites that occurred at this time, and the proliferation and wide dissemination of popular religious literature idealizing this form of life that also took place. Perhaps even more importantly the abolition of serfdom increased peasant women's mobility and enabled more of them to undertake a monastic life, while the growth of convents and of officially recognized women's religious communities increased the opportunity for them to do so [Kirichenko 2010; Meehan-Waters 1986; Meehan-Waters 1992; Miller 2013; Wagner 2006]. There was some benefit for peasant households, moreover, in having a daughter join a monastic community, since a dowry then would not have to be paid and a family link with a site of divine intercessory power would be established. More negatively, increased male out-migration to urban areas especially after the mid-1880's created an imbalance of women in many villages in the Nizhnii Novgorod region. As a result, marriage and the formation of households, which were vital to peasant survival and largely determined the status of women within peasant communities, became more difficult. The disruptions caused by the rural unrest and agrarian reforms of the early twentieth century added to this problem [Gudkov, Kuznetsov, and Sarychev 1985, pp. 82-3; Belous and Shmelev 1998, pp. 206-8; Miller 2009, pp. 132-4]. Under these conditions, the possibility of undertaking a monastic life was one of the few options available to young peasant women, and consequently it is not surprising that the number choosing it rose. As their predominance even within urban convents such as the Convent of the Exaltation of the Cross increased, a self-perpetuating momentum that drew still more peasant women into a monastic life through the operation of family and village networks quite likely developed. By changing the social complexion of these convents, this growing peasant predominance may also help explain the decline in new members from the privileged strata of urban society that occurred at this time [Wagner 2006, Tables A5-A7; Trzebiatowska and Bruce, pp. 22-3].

Perhaps surprisingly, as the membership of the Convent of the Exaltation of the Cross grew more plebian over the course of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, it also became more literate. Although reports from the eighteenth century did not indicate the literacy level of members of either the Convent of the Exaltation of the Cross or its predecessors, the high number of nuns unable to sign their name and the relative absence of non-liturgical books in the convents' libraries during this period suggest that the incidence of literacy was low [TsANO, f. 570, op. 552 za 1738 g., d. 142; op. 555 za 1796 g., d. 39, ll. 20 ob. -- 22; RGADA, f. 280, op. 6, d. 3186, ll. 2-5 ob., 6 ob., 14 ob. -- 18, 21 ob., d. 4239, ll. 2 ob. -- 4 ob., 7, 8-10; op. 7, d. 314, ll. 1-14; Pistsovaia i perepisnaia knigi 2011, cols. 26-8, 40-43]. A low incidence of literacy would be consistent with assessments of literacy in general among the urban population and women in eighteenth-century Russia [Mironov 1991]. But to the extent that this in fact was the situation, it had altered significantly by the early nineteenth century. As Table 8 shows, by 1816 the incidence of literacy among members of the convent had already become comparatively high, particularly for the time. Applying the definition of literacy used by the imperial state and subsequently by historians, i.e. the ability to read, in that year 68 % of the women at the convent were listed as literate, in comparison with Boris Mironov's estimate for 1817 of between 3.4-7.2 % of all rural women and 8.3-18.0 % of all urban women in European Russia [Mironov 1991, p. 240; Rashin 1951].

Mirroring society in general, there was wide variation in the incidence of literacy among the members of the convent from different social backgrounds. The possession of at least some level of literacy was substantially higher among noblewomen, the widows and daughters of military officers, and women from the clerical estate and the merchantry than among women from the peasantry and the meshchanstvo. But even for these latter two groups, the incidence of literacy was higher for women at the convent (38 % and 59 % respectively) than for rural and urban women in European Russia as a whole. Although the surge of women, particularly from the peasantry and the meshchanstvo, into the convent during the late 1820s and the 1830s, and then again after emancipation, temporarily increased the incidence of illiteracy at the convent, the trend among all social groups over the course of the nineteenth century was toward greater incidences and higher levels of literacy. Thus, for example, by 1902 100 % of women from all social groups other than the peasantry and the meshchanstvo possessed some level of literacy, and the incidence of literacy among these latter two groups was 61 % and 93 % respectively (Table 8).

This compares with only 17 % for all rural women and 53 % for all urban women in European Russia by 1907 [Mironov 1991, p. 240; Rashin 1951]. The incidence of literacy at other convents in Nizhnii Novgorod by the early twentieth century was comparably high, and both Miller and Meehan-Waters note similar trends in literacy in the communities they studied [TsANO, f. 570, op. 559 za 1906, d. 62; Miller 2009, pp. 150-158; B. Meehan-Waters 1992, pp. 127-9]. Even if only the level of literacy among women at the time they entered the convent is considered, since a substantial number of initially illiterate women acquired some level of literacy while at the convent, the same patterns and trends are observable (Table 9). Similarly, by 1902 nearly every woman from a privileged social estate and from the clergy possessed full literacy, the ability to write as well as to read, as did two-thirds of the women from the meshchanstvo and one third of the women from the peasantry (Table 8).

To some degree, the different patterns in the growth of literacy exhibited by women at the convent from different social groups reflect the differential availability of informal as well as formal means of education for girls in these groups. During the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, for example, the possibility of acquiring literacy in the home or privately was much greater for girls from the nobility, the clerical estate, and the families of state officials than for meshchanki and peasant girls. Formal education for girls from the nobility, the clerical estate, and privileged urban groups became available on a very limited basis in Nizhnii Novgorod and a few other cities in the province only in the first part of the nineteenth century. Only with the development of state, zemstvo, parish, and diocesan schools after the 1860s did formal education become more broadly available for girls within the urban and rural populations [Pamiatnaia kniga 1865; Gatsiskii 1877; Vinogradov 1896; Nizhegorodskii ezhegodnik 1915; Bukova, unpublished paper; Kudriavtsev 1916].

Table 8. Nizhnii Novgorod Convent of the Exaltation of the Cross Literacy Level, By Social Estate, 1816-1902 (%) FL=Full Literacy, ability to read and write; PL=Partial Literacy ability to read only; NL=No Literacy

Table 9. Nizhnii Novgorod Convent of the Exaltation of the Cross Literacy Level of Women Entering the Convent, By Social Estate, 1816-1902 (%) FL=Full Literacy, ability to read and write; PL=Partial Literacy ability to read only; NL=No Literacy

Given this pattern in the development of formal education for girls in Nizhnii Novgorod province, the incidence of literacy among members of the Convent of the Exaltation of the Cross demonstrated during the nineteenth century was remarkably high.

The disproportionately high incidence of literacy exhibited by women from virtually every social group at the convent suggests that during the nineteenth century the ability to read spiritual literature had acquired increased importance as a medium of piety and spiritual development for members of the convent. The large number of works of spiritual edification contained in the convent's library by the middle of the century, in stark contrast to the situation in the eighteenth century, supports this conclusion [TsANO, f. 582, op. 1, d. 12, ll. 14-15ob, d. 25, d. 114a, ll. 35-9, d. 249, and d. 335, ll. 23a-30o6; Wagner 2010, p. 89]. The comparatively high incidence of literacy among meshchanki and peasant women entering the convent especially after the mid-1880's, 77 % and 50 % respectively (Table 9), also suggests that the combination of increased schooling and the widespread dissemination of popular religious publications at this time may have played an important role in attracting these women to a monastic life. Supporting this possibility, one advocate of spreading literacy among peasant women observed at the turn of the century that parents in fact often resisted allowing their daughters to attend school in part because they believed that teaching girls to read caused them “to take on airs” and go off to a convent [Preobrazhenskii 1900, pp. 32-5]. To the degree that the latter indeed occurred, education in this instance increased rather than diminished the appeal of a monastic vocation.

Table 10. Nizhnii Novgorod Convent of the Exaltation of the Cross Geographic Origin, Entire Membership, 1876-1917 (%)'

1876

1887

1896

1902

19062

19172

Iaroslavl

0

0

0

0

1

1

Kazan

0

1

1

1

1

1

Kostroma

4

3

5

5

5

7

Moscow

2

2

2

1

2

3

Nizhnii Novgorod

68

70

66

66

64

68

Orel

1

1

1

0

1

0

Penza

7

5

4

3

2

1

Perm

1

2

2

1

1

2

Riazan

0

0

1

1

1

0

St. Petersburg

0

1

1

1

1

0

Saratov

0

0

0

0

1

1

Smolensk

0

0

1

1

1

1

Tambov

3

3

4

4

3

1

Tula

0

1

1

1

1

1

Viatka

2

5

8

9

7

10

Vitebsk

1

0

0

0

1

1

Vladimir

2

3

2

2

2

2

Vologda

1

0

1

0

1

0

Unknown

2

1

0

1

5

0

Sources: TsANO, f. 582, op. 1,

dd. 460, 531

588, 631; f. 570,

op. 559 za 1906 g.

, d. 62,

za 1917 g., d. 56a.

Information on geographic origin was not regularly recorded in earlier reports, although incomplete data for 1856 and 1866 indicate the same pattern as in later reports.

Because the reports for 1906 and 1917 reported only the aggregate number of probationers (126 and 230 respectively) and did not provide individual information for these women, the totals and percentages for these years include only nuns and novices.

Table 11. Nizhnii Novgorod Convent of the Exaltation of the Cross Geographic Origin, Probationers and Novices, 1876-1917 (%)'

1876

1887

1896

1902

19062

19172

Iaroslavl

1

0

0

0

0

0

Kaluga

1

1

1

0

0

0

Kazan

0

1

1

1

1

0

Kostroma

3

4

6

7

9

9

Moscow

3

3

2

1

3

3

Nizhnii Novgorod

70

72

67

66

68

73

Penza

5

3

2

2

0

0

Perm

2

1

2

1

1

0

Riazan

1

1

1

1

1

0

St. Petersburg

1

1

1

1

0

0

Smolensk

1

0

1

1

0

0

Tambov

3

2

3

4

4

1

Tula

0

1

1

1

0

0

Viatka

4

7

10

12

10

13

Vitebsk

2

0

0

0

0

0

Vladimir

2

3

2

2

1

1

Vologda

2

1

1

0

0

0

Unknown

1

1

0

1

0

0

Sources: TsANO, f. 582, op.

1, dd. 460, 531,

588, 631; f. 570

op. 559 za 1906 g.

d. 62, za 1917

g., d. 56a.

Information on geographic origin was not regularly recorded in earlier reports, although incomplete data for 1856 and 1866 indicate the same pattern as in later years.

Because the reports for 1906 and 1917 reported only the aggregate number of probationers (126 and 230 respectively) and did not provide individual information for these women, these totals and percentages include only novices.

Finally, in contrast to the first three trends examined, the geographic origin of members of the Convent of the Exaltation of the Cross during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries exhibited considerable continuity with the late eighteenth century. As Table 10 demonstrates, although the convent drew its membership from a larger number and geographically broader range of provinces than previously, it continued to attract women predominantly from Nizhnii Novgorod province (64-70 %), with most other members coming from the neighboring provinces of Viatka, Kostroma, Penza, Tambov, and Vladimir. Information on the province of prior residence was reported regularly only from 1876; prior to which information on former residence was not consistently or comprehensively recorded. This same pattern also characterized the place of origin of the newest members of the community, probationers and novices (Table 11). The consistency of this pattern across time attests to the considerable but primarily regional stature that the convent enjoyed as an Orthodox spiritual center, and an exemplar of monastic life for Orthodox women, during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

Conclusion

Over the course of the nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries, the Convent of the Exaltation of the Cross thus was transformed from a small community composed mainly of older and largely illiterate women, predominantly widows, that possessed limited means into a large and wealthy community that appealed overwhelmingly to young, unmarried, and disproportionately literate women, increasingly from the unprivileged urban and especially rural strata of society. This transformation resulted in large part from the interaction between the internal reorganization of the convent on a communal basis and developments in its external environment. As our analyses of the trends in the convent's membership make clear, the decision -- and for some women the ability -- to enter the convent between the eighteenth century and 1917 was strongly influenced both by how these latter developments affected a woman's particular worldly status, circumstances, prospects, and location and by the ability of the convent to support her. In a subsequent article, we will demonstrate how the internal values and practices of the convent -- again resulting partly from its communal organization -- also contributed to the trends in the convent's membership during the late imperial period that led to its transformation.

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