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FEDERAL STATE AUTONOMOUS EDUCATIONAL

INSTITUTION FOR HIGHER EDUCATION

NATIONAL RESEARCH UNIVERSITY

HIGHER SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS

Faculty of Social Sciences

Master thesis

Post-retirement survival strategies of low-income pensioners in Ghana

Olga Isupova

Moscow 2020

Abstract

Population ageing has become one of the key developments in the 21st century due to the decrease in mortality and increase in life expectancy. In Ghana, the average life expectancy at birth is 63 years but the number is expected to increase with time (The world bank report, 2017). One of the major challenges that people face as they age is the transition from active work to retirement. Research suggests that high income earners are able to live adequately in retirement however, low income earners struggle to live on the state pension. This makes it important to investigate how low-income pensioners survive during retirement. There have been inequalities along gender lines due to the differences in labour market participation and domestic responsibilities among men and women. Due to this, both men and women may use different means to generate income in retirement. The research was guided by theoretical models that suggest that men will focus on professional networks whereas women will be more involved in the domestic and affective sphere. We investigate this through 9 semi-structured interviews conducted with pensioners who worked in the public sector in Ghana. The results were rather mixed from the research especially for women. We see that women are still attached to the professional field in different ways and some may be more involved in caregiving within the family. Also, not all men are totally involved in the professional sphere. The findings show that alternative income is becoming more influenced by the socioeconomic statuses of pensioners rather than the previous cultural definitions. This is explained by the change in living arrangements, work fields and previous job positions of men and women. Additionally, both men and women are resorting to mobile phones and social media platforms as a means communicating with friends and family members rather than the traditional mode of communication. It was also revealed that women were more involved in religious and social activities hence they tend to join more social groups and associations both in church and outside the church for social and emotional support.

Acknowledgements

I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my Master's thesis Supervisor, Assistant Professor Lili Di Puppo of HSE University for her patience, motivation and guidance throughout my research.

I would also like to express my deepest appreciation to my family especially my mother, Ruth Tetteh for her constant prayers and support. This would not have been possible without my family on my side. Furthermore, I want to show my appreciation to my Academic supervisor, Assistant Professor Christian Froehlich and reviewer Professor Olga Isupova from HSE university for their time and support.

To the pensioners who took time to provide me with the necessary information that I needed for my research, I want to say thank you very much for your time and patience. Your inputs were very helpful for the successful completion of my thesis.

Table of Contents

Introduction

1. Literature Review

1.1 Retirement in Ghana

2. Gender differences in pension benefits

2.1 Work transitions in retirement

2.2 Ageing in the Ghanaian context

2.3 Gendered experiences in Ageing

2.4 Decline in Material Family Support for Older People in Ghana

2.5 Economic, Social and health challenges

3. Data and methods

3.1 Research design and data collection techniques

3.2 Sampling method

3.3 Comparative case study

3.4 Data analysis method

3.5 Ethical consideration

3.6 Limitations of study

4. Introduction of analysis

4.1 Generation and potential sources of alternative income: Material needs, financial arrangements

4.2 Preparation and plans for retirement

4.3 Uses of alternative income: medications, transportation, utility bills

4.4 Support networks aside alternative income: social and emotional support

Conclusion

References

Introduction

Pensions and social security are some of the important sources of income for most people in retirement. Normally, those who receive income from pensions have registered or subscribed to such pension schemes. Some of these pension schemes do not provide retirees with sufficient income hence some of them are not able to sufficiently live on these income (Quartey, Kunawotor & Danquah, 2016). In some cases, these benefits can influence the consumption decisions of most people in retirement (Kaniki, 2007). Most pensioners are expected to rely on these benefits throughout their lifetime. However, most retirees are able to generate and plan for alternative income and some of these channels are usually different from the one's that they were engaged in during active service. Whiles in active service, individuals received income from their employees. When individuals transition to retirement, these sources of income in most cases change. Pension schemes and designs in general differ in both developed and developing countries. According to Quartey, Kunawotor and Danquah (2016) a greater proportion of elderly people living in developing countries especially in Africa do not receive any regular income since these pensions are instituted mainly for civil servants or people working in the formal sector. Even though most countries in Sub-Saharan Africa have in place pension schemes for elderly people, most of these institutional pension schemes are ineffective because a greater percentage of the population works in the informal sector. According to the International Labour Organization (2018) 85.8 percent of workers in Africa work in the informal sector.

In Ghana, approximately 80 percent of people work in the informal sector (Osei-Boateng & Ampratwum, 2011). This means that most people are not covered by pension benefits. This form of system can mainly affect one of Ghana's millennium development goal (MDG) of alleviating poverty in the country (Quartey, Kunawotor & Danquah, 2016). The SSNIT annual report (2016) explains that pensioners have increased from 119,323 in 2012 to 174,164 in 2016. However, a good number of these pensioners continue to receive very little from the pension funds. According to Entsie (2019) the highest paid pensioner in Ghana receives an amount of GHў55,000 ($10,711.80) monthly whiles the lowest paid pensioner receives GHў300 ($58.43) every month. This clearly shows the pension disparity between high and low income earners in Ghana. According to the SSNIT report (2016) the contribution to the scheme is based on the rates stipulated by the National Pensions Act, 2008 (Act 766). This constitutes 5.5% of a worker's contribution and 13% of employers' contribution of a worker's pay. The accumulation of this amount helps to determine the amount an individual will receive during retirement. This is normally the average of the best 36 months or 3 years' salary of a pensioner (SSNIT, 2016). The fundamental problem with this contributory system in Ghana is that it favours high income earners because the pension benefits are calculated based on the amount an individual contributed so the higher the contribution, the more an individual will receive during retirement. Issues of insufficient pension funds are repeatedly affecting pensioners. Ideally, most pensioners do not know how this system works and many people in Ghana experience different levels of shock when they retire. This does not only show the pension disparity between high and low income earners in Ghana but also the rising inequalities between birth cohorts (Sloane, Hurst & Black, 2019).

This qualitative study compares the post retirement survival strategies of male and female pensioners within the low-income bracket in Ghana. In more detail, it will explore the alternative income avenues that public sector pensioners, both men and women resort to in retirement aside the Social Security and National Investment Trust (SSNIT) benefits. Men and women usually have different paths when it comes to careers, responsibilities, pension coverage, cultural norms and social expectations (O'Rand & Landerman, 1984; ILO, 2019). In most cases, men and women do not experience pre-retirement or retirement in the same manner. Many women face some challenges in their careers and this is based on the family responsibilities that they have and this can greatly affect their labour participation (O'Rand & Landerman, 1984). In most cases, they are left to build careers or a livelihood from the informal sector which can have an effect on their entitlements to pension benefits. Certain cultural norms can affect the labour participation of women especially those expected to take up some caregiving roles in the family. According to Arza (2015) women on the average are paid less than their male counterparts due to their working conditions and the various positions that they occupy in the field or industry. All these dynamics affect how both men and women are able to plan and generate alternative income in retirement. In Ghana, there are various avenues that pensioners are able to generate retirement income.

According to Aninakwah-Bonsu (2016) pensioners in Ghana are not satisfied with the pension system because the amount they receive as pension benefits are very small. There was evidence that in cases where females still live with their husbands, they have a comparative advantage because men are the breadwinners of the family, especially in the Ghanaian culture so they are expected to provide. However, in cases where these women are either divorced or widowed, they are faced with so many challenges and responsibilities. In general, some of the challenges that pensioners face in Ghana are the inability to pay for monthly bills, pay fees for their children, cater for utility and also take proper care of the family as a whole. In such cases, they resort to people for help especially other family members. Quartey et al (2016) proclaim that pensioners are actually able to get help from their family members but usually those from the immediate family, normally brothers and sisters.

Agyemang (2014) explains in her study in the Northern, Ashanti and Central parts of Ghana that aside these family members, some pensioners also resort to banks for loans. However, there are various problems with the acquisition of loans from the banks and many pensioners struggle before they are given these loans. Irrespective of all these income avenues, some pensioners also try to return to the labour market or mobilize professional networks. Lawoe (2010) explains that most public sector workers, especially teachers try to return to the field of teaching but they normally do this on part-time basis. Other common activities among pensioners was farming, trading activities, transport business and vocational enterprises such as carpentry and dressmaking.

The institutional gaps in the pension system and other social factors implies that women will fair less in retirement based on their position in society and their access to resources. However, the literature suggests that pensioners are likely to plan and generate income from various sources. Whiles men are likely to focus on the world of labour, women are likely to focus on the domestic and affective spheres. In view of this, this research seeks to address the questions: What are the alternative income strategies chosen by low income pensioners in Ghana? Do the retirement strategies differ among men and women, if yes, how? What social and emotional support networks do pensioners mobilize to minimize loneliness.

This study will examine and compare how pensioners in Ghana, both men and women are able to generate alternative income during retirement. For the first dimension, I analyze particular resources that are mobilized (both material and human) such as family, friendship and professional networks and which particular network is/are easily mobilized among genders. The study will also identify if help has changed from a more extended family system (aunts, uncles, cousins, etc.) to the immediate family (spouse and children) or other family members (brothers and sisters). A second dimension that I analyze is whether pensioners have adopted a long-term strategy for retirement or whether they are adapting more spontaneously to their circumstances after retirement. Subsequently, I analyze the social situation of pensioners beyond material needs in order to examine their emotional support networks and whether they face loneliness.

The study contributes to literature on post-retirement income in Ghana by comparing how men and women respond to retirement. The research focuses more on socioeconomic factors rather than sociocultural factors as determinants for alternative income. This will help to understand if there is an existence or not of gender disparities in retirement practices.

In the next section, I review the literature on retirement and pensions especially in the Ghanaian context and how the transition differs between men and women. This is because, I sought to understand how men and women are able to mobilize networks to generate alternative income. Subsequently, I link the literature to my analysis in order to examine whether or not women's retirement strategies and experiences are indeed more family-oriented and that of men are more oriented towards the labour market.

1. Literature Review

Traditionally, there are cultural norms that facilitate respect and the reciprocity of care between parents and their children in Ghana. This form of structure has induced help for many older people from their children. In the past, many children felt responsible for the wellbeing of their parents. However, because of the advent modernization processes, urbanization and industrialization, these norms are gradually changing and its relevance in society is declining. Due to these developments, many older people, both men and women are resorting to other means of generating a livelihood. This chapter discusses ageing in the Ghanaian context by looking at the transition and conception of retirement over the past decades and relating them to theoretical perspectives of ageing.

1.1 Retirement in Ghana

According to Van den Bersselaar (2011) the concept of retirement was not a known phenomenon in West African until the 20th century. People in the society were not living with the notion that they will disengage from their public roles because the society accorded older people much respect and were treated with dignity. Most Ghanaians in the past decades were engaged in more subsistence activities especially agriculture and older people, both men and women had the choice to work on their farms to a stage where they felt physically incapable of engaging in such activities. However, there were variations in the kind of roles and activities that these elderly people engaged in. Retirement was a concept introduced in Ghana in the 20th century following the emergence of the “colonial state” and the operation of European companies in Ghana (Van den Bersselaar, 2011). This indicates that the development of retirement was not locally generated but rather was imposed on workers in the colonial division of the economy. The idea of retirement became an aspect of employment that included descriptions like salary, hourly wage, working hours, promotions, qualifications and many others. Individuals were also expected to stop working at a particular age. Retirement practice has become widespread with time and has now become an aspect of civil service in Ghana (Andoh, 2019). This notwithstanding, a significant number of the population is still engaged in informal work up till today so they are not covered by any pensions (Acheampong, 2018). According to Osei-Boateng and Ampratwum (2011) approximately 80 percent of Ghanaians are employed in the informal sector. However, those who are working in the public sector are covered by pension benefits. This is provided by the Social Security and National Investment Trust (SSNIT). Within the Ghanaian context, pension is defined as “a fixed sum paid regularly to a person, typically following retirement from service” (SSNIT, 2016). This type of disbursement is done regularly during a person's retirement from an investment fund to which that person or the employer has contributed.

For the purpose of this study, “retirement” is defined as the withdrawal from active service after attaining the retirement age. Also, a “retiree” has been conceptualized as any man or woman who has worked in the public sector in Ghana and has attained the statutory pensionable age of 60 years. According to Agyemang (2014) most people lose their financial independence at this stage of their lives and they tend to rely solely on the state pension. Some people usually make plans and prepare for this stage in their lives. In view of that, this does not necessarily mean a total withdrawal from service but rather a transition to a different phase of their lives. For those who are not able to fulfill such plans, they resort to other means such as family members for support (Agyemang, 2014). The next section discusses how retirement benefits in general differ between men and women.

2. Gender differences in pension benefits

The current World Social Protection report 2017 - 2019 has an extensive concern about the gender inequities among pensioners and access to social security due to inconsistencies in employment and labour market structures. There is evidence that gender greatly affects the rate at which people are covered by pension schemes. A basic aspect of women's lives that affects their future prospects in pension benefits is the rate at which they participate in the labour market. There is empirical evidence to show the disparity in the rate at which men and women participate in the labour market. A current data by the International Labour Organization (2019) explains that globally, the rate at which men participate in the labour force is 77 percent as compared 47 percent by women. Even though the differences between labour market participation differs significantly across different regions of the world, the gender disparity is still prevalent regardless. Moreover. women are also engaging in more part-time jobs as compared to their male counterparts. In OECD member states, about 40 percent of women are engaged in part-time jobs whiles only 22 percent of men are engaged in such avenues. In regions like Europe and Central Asia, about 46 percent of women are taking on part-time jobs as compared to only 24 percent of men. In 2017, only 27 percent of men were engaged in part-time jobs in Ghana as compared to 33 percent of women. The report indicates that most pension systems do not inclusively consider these dynamics and this could be a defining reason why most pension schemes have gender biased designs.

There is also evidence that women are likely to face certain hurdles and setbacks in their careers which may stem greatly from family responsibilities and this can cut short or affect their labour participation (O'Rand & Landerman, 1984). In most cases, they are left to build careers or a livelihood from the informal sector which can have an effect on their entitlements to pension benefits because such industries may not provide any pension coverage for workers. Nonetheless, they will not be able to acquire more assets and save adequately towards retirement. Certain cultural norms can also affect their labour market participation because they are expected to take up some caregiving roles in the family. According to the United Nations (2010) women in general, irrespective of their ascribed status's have been ardent on taking care of their children as well as sick or disabled older family members. Orel, Ford and Brock (2004) examined the long term economic effect of caring for older relatives among 138 middle aged women and found that such female caregivers can have problems with their jobs and also have issues with properly planning for retirement. According to Jefferson (2009) care provision can also impact their access to financial resources in later years.

Razavi et al (2012) assert that disparities exist between contributions and amounts received as pension benefits during retirement because women averagely contribute and receive relatively lower amounts of pension benefits. This can be linked to the differences in wages or salaries. According to Arza (2015) women on the average are paid less than their male counterparts due to their working conditions and the various positions that they occupy in the job environment. Many researchers (Cotter et al., 2001; Wrigley, 2002; Barreto, Ryan & Schmitt, 2009) have identified the persistence of the term “glass ceiling” which explains the inability of women to occupy certain managerial or leadership positions in an organization. Therefore, a majority of women are not able to cross a particular level in their career path. Ideally, individuals who occupy top positions are believed to have high income levels whiles those in lower positions tend to have low wages. As of 2011, the average wage difference between men and women working on a full time basis was estimated around 14.8 percent in OECD countries. Most pension systems like that of Ghana links pension benefits to past wages or contributions and this can negatively affect women. In practice, women may not have the resources to contribute more since the amount they earn can be impacted greatly by their position in the workplace.

In summary, this sections explains that women are likely to face more hurdles and setbacks based on their careers and their roles and responsibilities in the family and the society at large. This is likely to affect their retirement entitlements and income practices. The following section looks at how male and female pensioners are able to transition from active work to retirement to see if indeed the socio-cultural environment affects their survival strategies.

2.1 Work transitions in retirement

According to Dingemans and Henkens (2014) working after retirement could also threaten life satisfaction when older adults feel forced to work after retirement because of financial reasons. Retirement could be seen as a stressful event for some older adults, since it is defined by changes in income sources that can be experienced as threatening. Traditionally, the transition to retirement is marked by a change from receiving income from paid work to receiving different forms of pension income (Dingemans & Henkens, 2019). According to the activity theory, older people especially men are happy when they are able to continue working in the labour market (Havighurst 1961). Normally, a coping strategy in case of low pension income is to participate in paid work after retirement. Working after retirement could be seen as a way to supplement the pension income with the income from paid work. However, the income from paid work may become increasingly important when the resources gained is essential to sustain goal pursuit, such as the sufficiency of resources to make ends meet in retirement. At the lower end of the pension income continuum, the amount of pension income retirees receive may not be enough to allow a decent standard of living. According to Rowe and Kahn (1997) a component of successful aging and engagement with life has two components: maintaining interpersonal relations and productive activities. However, many older people have limited choice about whether they work at all or whether and when they withdraw. Some may need to keep working due to financial reasons even if they do not want to, whereas others may need to continue to work but cannot do so for reasons such as poor health or a lack of relevant skills. According to Wanka (2019) disengagement and retirement do not necessarily go hand in hand for all social groups. Some may equate retirement with loss of meaningful life space, however involuntarily and not double-sided. Others may also view retirement as disengagement, but only from the working sphere, thus offering opportunities to re-engage or re-align in other spheres of life. The directions that men and women take in most cases differ significantly. Whiles women tend to focus more on emotional support and their families, men tend to give more credence to their work hence engaging in work-related activities (Cumming & Henry, 1961).

In summary, this part of the literature indicates that men and women may transition into retirement based on different socio-cultural expectations. It explains that men are likely to focus on the world of work whiles women may be more involved in the family or domestic sphere. In the next part, I look at how ageing and the transition to retirement are constructed in Ghana hence resulting in these theoretical models.

2.2 Ageing in the Ghanaian context

The cultural environment in Ghana is a combination of social, cultural and traditional variations and older people are expected to survive through all these dynamics. According to Badasu, Aryeetey, Bitugu and Ocansey (2018) all these changing aspects have a direct consequence on both their health and their wellbeing in general. One of the important changes in the Ghanaian society with older men and women is their identity and the perceptions that people have about ageing in the society. Ageing in Ghana is mainly attributed to wisdom and maturity (Van Der Geest, 2002). In the past, the elderly were consulted to offer guidance and also make very critical decisions because of their life experiences (Agyemang, 2014). Ghana is very ethnically diverse and the respect that many people attribute to old age may differ across cultural lines. For example, one of the tribes in the Southern part of Ghana called the Ga tribe emphasize the relevance of old age through a common adage “the aged person is wiser than a soothsayer” (Badasu et al, 2018). The society also sees older people as authority figures and this reflects in the traditional, communal and family spheres. In essence, they are given leadership roles and they are also key actors when it comes to decision making (Dosu, 2014). Because older people are traditionally regarded to have so much wisdom, they are expected to pass on some beliefs, norms, practices and values to the younger generations. Through these interactions and knowledge sharing procedures, most young people learn the importance of taking care of older people in the society (Badasu et al, 2018). According to Atobrah (2016) because of their positions in society, some of them are required to nurture their grandchildren. Most older women take up this form of caregiving positions.

Throughout Ghana, the acquisition of wealth, family land and properties favour older people because things like inheritance are distributed on hierarchical basis. Many older generations are expected to live morally which includes taking good care of their children so that they can transition to good ancestors. A general perception that is associated with this ideation is the reciprocity of care (Van Der Geest, 2002). In more constructive terms, parents are expected to take good care of their children so that their children, by societal standards, can also take proper care of them at old age. Both parents and their children are expected by society to adhere to this “social contract” (Badasu et al, 2018). The inability of one party to oblige to these social expectations may result in adverse repercussions. Ideally, the underlining thought behind this form of relationship is the assurance that resources are passed on to children by parents and are later given back by children at old age. Within the Ghanaian context, this act of reciprocity is common among people who are related biologically but some cases of foster care may also prevail. A tribe in Ghana called “Akan” has the traditional adage that “parents must care for children to grow their teeth and children must take care of their parents to lose theirs” (Apt, 1993). According to Badasu et al (2018) this form of cultural expectation is promoted in order to serve some purposes. The most preeminent is to despise child neglect in the Ghanaian society and also to preserve a culture of care for older people. Many people believe that the welfare of the whole family may be at stake if members of the family decide not to take the responsibility of care, even the ones directed to the aged. This is embedded in a general belief that people are likely to suffer ancestral curses if they refuse to care and provide support for the aged.

Moreover, it has been observed that there is a prevalence of “inter-generational co-residence” in some parts of Ghana. In the Northern parts of Ghana, there have been studies that reveal that some households still contain family members of about five-generations (Oppong, 1975). In some other traditional homes in Ghana, household members may include the old, the middle-elderly and the young (Apt, 1992). In such cases, older people are able to get care and support from a significant number of family members. Other studies also show that these forms of arrangements create family unity. Society however has changed over the past decades and this form of living arrangements have changed significantly. Many children are no longer living with their aged parents and this is due to the development of the nuclear family system, especially in most urban settings. In some peculiar cases, such elderly people may have no children, have either divorced or never married. According to Anning (2012) most older people in Ghana are no more living with their family members and children but rather, most of them have either rented apartments or are now living in their family houses. Some of these older people are not satisfied with their life as compared to those living with their children (Apt, 1992)

These forms of living arrangements have some consequences on older people with respect to their accessibility to care. According to the Ghana statistical service (2013) approximately 20 percent of older people in Ghana are residing in small households, normally with very few household members. Many older people are affected in such situations because most older people face issues with mobility on a daily basis and they do not have enough care and support to face certain social and emotional needs which in most cases may result in social isolation and subsequent loneliness. According to Apt (1999) older people who reside with children, grandchildren or siblings face less problems with social isolation and loneliness. There have also been contentions that such living arrangements in Ghana can also be attributed to occupational responsibilities that derail the collective habitation of parents, children and the elderly (Badasu, 2012).

According to Mba (2010) there are also some prevailing gender variations in such arrangements. There is a notion that elderly men in Ghana have a higher probability of living in a nuclear family setting or household. However, elderly women are prone to living in extended family settings because of care responsibilities. Furthermore, they seem to be close to the formerly traditional retirement roles which were based on the notion of reciprocity of care. Their retirement arrangements may be more family-oriented. The disengagement theory explains that men and women try to align their roles to what they were engaged in whiles in active service. In essence men tend to mobilize professional ties whiles women pay much attention to their roles in the family (Cumming & Henry, 1967). There are also differences in how the status's of people who are culturally regarded as “elderly” are defined in the Ghanaian society. In most cases, these status's or positions are not associated to chronological age (Badasu et al, 2018). The culture in some parts of Ghana places much prominence on the social roles and responsibilities that are performed by such persons. For instance, someone performing the role of a grandmother or grandfather may not be statutorily acknowledged as an elderly person. This is because, unlike the culture, what the state regards as old may be marked by an individual's chronological age (Apt, 1992). Most people perform these roles as young adults in situations where their offspring were conceived at a very young age, probably as teenagers. In such situations, they are still regarded as elderly people in the society. In some ethnic groups in Ghana especially the Ewes and the Kasenas, mothers are not expected to give birth after their children also start bearing children. According to Awedoba (2002) and Atobrah (2016), this phenomenon is referred as the attainment of “social menopause”.

Due to the development of modernization and its social and cultural consequences in the form of industrialization, urbanization, individualization and the appearance of the nuclear family model, the beliefs and values that are embedded in elderly care are changing (Dosu, 2014; Aboh & Ncama, 2017) In Ghana, factors such as migration and urbanization have undermined the easy accessibility of support and care from family members. In most cases, the younger generations are moving from their homes and living on their own hence creating a level of detachment from their parents. According to WHO (2014) in cases where they want to even visit their children, they are hindered by situations linked to transportation because such systems are not property adapted for the elderly in Ghana. Proximity may not be the only thing that may hinder the socialization of families especially parents and their children. Another basic factor that is very prevalent in modern Ghana can be attributed to demands from work. These cases are mostly higher in urban areas in Ghana as compared to the rural areas. According to Badasu et al (2018), work is given more precedence to relationships with friends and most importantly the family. The family was regarded as a great source of informal support for most elderly people in the past. For instance, most community care provisions in the Ghanaian society for the elderly was previously spearheaded by the family members (Hutchison, 2011). There is a belief that the greatest source of emotional and social support is the family. Even though this is the general case, not all families are functional and are within the right frame to provide support.

Nevertheless, the idea of individualism has been widely accepted and this has caused a gradual decline in family ties. Because of this, most older people who are not able to get help at all from the family are mobilizing other social networks. Ghanaians are no longer embedded primarily in traditional family structures as in the past, but are now embedded in other social networks, particularly professional networks and networks of colleagues, which can play a role in retirement. This means that in very extreme cases, older people seek informal support beyond their family or relatives but rather from friends, neighbors and other distant relations (Hutchison, 2011). Most of these networks are found in religious setting like the church or mosques or other facilities that provide help for older people. Some of these networks provide support through activities and events for the elderly. According to Tawiah (2011) some associations either from an old school, area or workplace can also serve as a channel of social capital for the elderly. Cumming and Henry (1967) assert that women are most likely to seek more emotional support they are likely to focus on social activities and associations

In summary, the above section explains that in the past, older people in Ghana were seen as authority figures and were given more leadership roles because the society believed that they had more wisdom to share. They were also expected to transfer their knowledge including beliefs, norms and practices to the younger generation. This guided the care practices that most women provided for their grandchildren. The emergence of urbanization and migration has limited this form of support cycle. Many children are not living with their parents due to the admiration for nuclear family households. This has influenced the reciprocity of care hence care provision is drifting from the traditional definitions. In the next section, I explain how these ageing experiences differ between men and women.

2.3 Gendered experiences in Ageing

According to Fonta et al, (2017) a greater number of women are living past the age of 60 years as compared to their male counterparts and this has been a growth trend since the 20th century. According to the World bank report (2017) women were expected to live up to 65 years at birth whereas men were expected to live up to 62 years in Ghana. This trend suggests that women may possibly need more support when they are older. There are indeed significant differences in economic activities and reproductive experiences of elderly men and women in Ghana (Aikins & Apt, 2016). Research suggests that a large proportion of women in Ghana are likely to have jobs in the informal sector as compared to men (Peprah, Buor, Forkuor & Sбnchez-Moral, 2019). This is because, most people have significant roles in the domestic and emotional sphere so they find it easier to adjust as compared to men. In some cases, women are likely to engage in active work after the age of 60 years. According to Badasu et al (2018), most elderly women in Ghana are likely to combine some economic activity with social reproductive activities which may include taking care of a child and also caring for sick family members.

Traditionally, when most young women give birth, they hand over the duty of care of the child to their mothers. In some traditional communities in Ghana, women are expected to go and live with their mothers a few months to delivery. This is done to ensure that their mothers or female kin's play a role in their childbirth (social reproduction). When the baby is born, the women is also expected to live with their mothers for a few months before they can move back to their matrimonial homes. This practice is not very common like before due to urbanization in the Ghanaian society. On the other hand, men also seem to rely on women to perform certain chores and tasks like cooking, housekeeping and many others (Biritwum, Mensah, Yawson, & Minicuci, 2013). This form of responsibility is very transitional and it is very common when both men and women are even older. In the traditional Ghanaian society, the family held the responsibility of providing material support for the elderly. This form of duty was entirely common among parents and their children. However, irrespective of the fact that there has been an existence of a pension system in Ghana, the system mainly focuses on formal public sector workers. There have been continuous problems with the sufficiency of such systems because pensioners still report that they are not able to substantively live on these pensions. In view of this, most people have resorted to family members and their own generated income. There have been developments indicating that such family support networks are fading away and pensioners are not able to satisfy their basic needs, especially those living in the urban areas.

According to Apt (1994) elderly Ghanaian men have a greater chance of receiving income as compared to their female counterparts. This assertion can be partially attributed to the fact that men are normally regarded as authority figures in powerful traditional institutions therefore they are able to have control over community properties like land and also serve as spiritual leaders. Some of them are able to receive income just by engaging in such activities. Women on the other hand are not given that kind of high esteem within the culture so they are not able to earn money from such channels (Agyemang, 2014).

In summary, we see that women combine different domestic responsibilities and not just taking care of grandchildren. Some women at the time of retirement possess different ascribed statuses such as mother, wife and grandmother. All these status's are accompanied with different responsibilities in the family. In the next section, we see how support in the family has declined, especially from the extended family towards the nuclear family.

2.4 Decline in Material Family Support for Older People in Ghana

There have been perspectives explaining the decline in the material support that older people, both men and women mobilized in Ghana. One of the basic underlining factors is the decline in the traditional extended family system which used to be very pervasive in the past decades. According to Aboderin (2004) this form of development was partly influenced by the inculcation of western values such as individualism and secularism which resulted in the admiration of more emotional support from the nuclear family. This is creating a gradual loss in the statuses and roles that older people were accorded in the Ghanaian society. In this respect, the influence from certain cultural norms that included the reciprocity of care and support has been weakened significantly. In modern day Ghana, support for the elderly is no more influenced greatly by social or cultural norms in the society. Rather, help is based on “will” and feelings towards an older person or kin. In essence, younger generations are not willing to provide help for the elderly in society. In the past, people were inclined or obliged by the traditional custom to provide care and this was accompanied with sanctions that were wielded by older people in society. There have been various perspectives aside the cultural norms that have been associated with this decline as well. According to Aboderin (2004) many people today are facing many economic difficulties in Ghana and this form and this is creating the decline the family support that most people give to their family members. In cases where people do not have adequate resources based on these economic situations, they give more priority to their immediate families like spouses or children or other close family members like brothers and sisters. This may affect the care and support that are given to older people. Therefore, such perspectives see the decline in family support as a result of the inability of young people to provide which in most cases is based on circumstances.

In summary, the literature explains that there have been a decline in the extended family support system to more nuclear family arrangements. Due to this, most elderly people are not able to gain help from their relatives so they focus more on their immediate family members. In the next section, I explain some of the challenges that older people face.

2.5 Economic, Social and health challenges

Elderly people in general are expected by many societies to disengage from active work when they come on retirement. In Ghana, elderly people are expected to retire at the age of 60 which means withdrawing from active service. This means that they are institutionally deprived of their social contacts and professional networks. According to Van der Geest (2016) many elderly people face or experience a gradual process of “social death” before they die eventually. Studies also suggest that those in marital unions still do better than those who are single. In most cases, women are left without spouses due to their relatively longer lifespan (Agyemang, 2014). Based on the way retirement is conceptualized by societies, they are expected to rely on pensions, savings or income strategies that they have prepared before retirement whiles taken out of active service. This makes retirement an “institutional culprit” because individuals are taken out of their professional life mandatorily unless this withdrawal was done voluntarily. This means that in the majority of cases, individual drive does not influence the decision of society.

On the other hand, this does not apply to all elderly people. At the point of retirement, most elderly people are primarily not prepared enough to “disengage” from society and their social networks. In some cases, they are compelled to find alternative means of survival by engaging in different economic activities in order to be able to make a good living. There are many issues that may induce this form of re-engagement. For example, some elderly people may have to still look after their children through school and based on the economic situation of Ghana, others have to support their unemployed children. The activity theory, in this regard explains that men are likely to engage more since they tend to have more financial responsibilities, usually regarded as breadwinners. There are economic implications that may prevail if such activities are not devised. According to Agyemang (2014) many elderly people in Ghana live below the poverty line. This means that it is not easy for them to access food, shelter, clothing, utility bills and even medications. In the Ghanaian society, only a small percentage of elderly people are able to afford such needs and other recreational needs based on their savings, income and investments. These people normally fall in the high income bracket (Johnson & Mommaerts, 2011). According to Johnson and Mommaerts (2011) elderly people feel more satisfied with their lives if they are able build their own houses, have access to affordable medication from hospitals, have access to transportation and also stay in touch with family and friends

According to Agyemang (2014) good health is a great determinant to whether an individual will be able to carry out survival strategies during retirement. The activity theory explains that health can greatly affect the social contact of elderly people (Havighurst, 1961). Most elderly people are facing problems with their health and this is preventing most of them from engaging in alternative income practices. Muruviwa (2011) reveals that most elderly people in developing country, especially those who think they are still fit and healthy engage in active work after retirement whiles those who do not have the capability eventually end up in poverty, particularly for those who are not able to solicit sufficient support from their family and social networks. Aside having issues with health, some elderly people are also not able to have access to good healthcare facilities in Africa. In Ghana for instance, those who are not able to afford some of these medicines turn to traditional medicines and faith based healing (Agyemang, 2014). However, empirical evidence on access to health care services in a number of Ghanaian communities shows that rural dwellers have less access to health services than their urban counterparts (Apt, 1992; Banga, 1992). Adoo-Adeku (2002) proclaims that about 78 percent elder people in Ghana visit the hospitals when they are sick but most of them are not able to foot the bills because they are very expensive. In such cases, some of them decide not to go because there would be no use going without being able to afford. This was an influence for most of the self-medication cases among older people in Ghana. The government in response introduced the National health insurance in the year 2003 to alleviate such challenges. This initiative has worked to an extent but some of them have issues with access and registering due to the limited coverage. Most Elderly people face challenges because of the high costs associated to healthcare. Medical bills are very expensive in Ghana especially for older people because they suffer from long-term illnesses so some of these people spend their income on healthcare (Quadagno, 2002). Apart from ageing which is a determining factor of morbidity, some social and personal stressors can also cause diseases among older people. These may include retirement, loneliness, loss of loved ones, reduced income and loss of social status (Quadagno, 2002).

We observe from the literature that the socio-cultural environment in Ghana can affect the paths that men and women take in retirement. We see a wave from the traditional family structure where the notion of reciprocity of care induced support for older people to modern forms of retirement. These modern forms of retirement go beyond family ties to other social networks including professional networks and investments in banks. The literature also explains that cultural norms like caregiving roles can affect women's participation in the labour market. Due to this, women face more hardships than men and they are left to generate income from the informal sector. Ideally, we also see theoretical models that suggest that men will seek more professional networks whereas women may be more embedded in reciprocal care within the family structure as they may take care of grandchildren during retirement. The literature however focuses less on socioeconomic factors that can influence retirement practices among men and women.

The study therefore aims to bridge this gap in literature by ascertaining if there is indeed a difference or not in alternative income of men and women in Ghana. I want to understand how the working field of pensioners, both men and women and the type of job positions that they occupied can influence their survival strategies in retirement. This will help me to understand how the nature/type of job can influence “re-engagement” to the world of work along gender lines. I will also look at the connection of the family by focusing more on the nuclear family to see if things like living arrangements, family structure and occupational statuses of children can affect alternative income. The study argues that pensioners who have younger children have more care responsibilities hence alternative income does not come across as a choice but in such cases a mandate. I therefore ask this question; Do the retirement strategies differ among men and women, if yes, how? This will help me understand if women's retirement strategies and experiences are more family-oriented and that of men towards the labour market.