Teachers and ethnic migrant students: perception, attitudes, and interaction
Teacher-student relations. Migration situation in Russia and child adaptation programs. Assessment of migration situation by teachers. Migration strategy and status. Evaluation of migrant students. Behavior: the influence of ethnicity and appearance.
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| Âèä | äèïëîìíàÿ ðàáîòà |
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| Äàòà äîáàâëåíèÿ | 17.08.2020 |
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Îòïðàâèòü ñâîþ õîðîøóþ ðàáîòó â áàçó çíàíèé ïðîñòî. Èñïîëüçóéòå ôîðìó, ðàñïîëîæåííóþ íèæå
Ñòóäåíòû, àñïèðàíòû, ìîëîäûå ó÷åíûå, èñïîëüçóþùèå áàçó çíàíèé â ñâîåé ó÷åáå è ðàáîòå, áóäóò âàì î÷åíü áëàãîäàðíû.
“Yes, just imagine ... Even children for whom the Russian language is not native, managed to pass the USE [Unified State Exam] well and get silver medals” (ID 101, St. Petersburg, 2009, deputy principal)
Behavior: the influence of ethnicity, gender and appearance
When assessing behavior, teachers compare “their” behavior - the children of migrants - and the behavior of “ours” - Russian students. The latter act as a kind of "norm" of student behavior. At the same time, the behavior of ethnic students that deviates from the norm (both for the better and for the worse) is related to their ethnicity, and the stereotypes existing among school employees may be manifested here. Such, for example, is the opinion of the hot temper, excessive activity and even aggressiveness of migrants from Asia, which is more typical for boys:
“Teacher: So, this class ... or even earlier ... the children got into a fight among themselves ... Tajiks, Uzbeks ... there were Kyrgyz and Armenians. They all quarreled among themselves ... because the Tajik ... he was such a boy ... he was something ... they are very southern children ... so ...
Int.: irascible?
T: irascible ... and they quarreled like boys, and all this later passed on to their nationality…” (ID 106, St. Petersburg, 2019, 5th grade teacher)
In their stories about migrant children, teachers note their respect for elders, explaining this with the culture and traditions of their families. Such children' attitude strongly distinguishes these students in a positive way. In narratives, teachers note that in this regard, foreign ethnic children are “better” than Russian:
“But children have respect for elders, a cult of elders … And we have something to learn from them.” (ID 347, Odintsovo, 2010, primary school teacher)
Teachers also distinguish migrant children for the better by their appearance. In narratives, some teachers describe them as neater and more well-groomed compared to local children:
“… These kids are good. I like that they are always clean, they are well-groomed, they are taken care of” (ID 102, St. Petersburg, 2008, primary school teacher)
Such a neat appearance can be explained by the desire of migrant parents not to differ and to compensate all other differences in this way.
Also, in the narratives of teachers there are bright evaluative judgments about certain ethnicities. So, the attitude towards Armenians is better than towards representatives of other ethnicities. They are rated as more responsible and capable:
“Children, these are Uzbeks and Tajiks, experience difficulties, both in education and in communication, but children of other nations, for example, like mine, a Georgian girl, an Armenian, they don't [experience difficulties]” (ID 326, Mytishchi, 2010, principal)
Although there are opposing opinions that may be related to previous negative experiences of teachers:
“... especially Armenian ... permissiveness, non-obligation, a fig in your pocket for life, they don't want to pay for anything ... in no way…” (ID 105, St. Petersburg, 2008, teacher)
In general, a more positive opinion about Armenians can be explained by less radical cultural differences, for example, in religion. Also, the teacher's narratives show a negative attitude towards Roma, especially in comparison with representatives of other ethnicities:
“Roma children always remained Roma children. An absolutely free people who do what they want. And no one was ever asked especially, there, to return Roma children to school, if, for example, they left school for various reasons. “Well, he's a Roma, so why bother with him, in general, somehow” (ID 115, St. Petersburg, 2009, deputy principal)
Such an attitude of teachers towards Roma was noted in foreign studies, and the reason for this attitude may be the lack of desire to settle down and the resulting weak involvement in the educational process and unpredictability of behavior.
In teachers' perspective different attitudes towards migrant children of different gender appears rarely. So, the irascibility is usually attributed to boys. They are more often characterized as active (sometimes in a negative way) and having leadership qualities:
“The fact is that these are domineering people and if ... and they strive to be the first all the time. They have a very developed sense of leadership. Especially in boys. Therefore, this is the whole problem” (ID 106, St. Petersburg, 2008, social educator)
An ambiguous attitude towards girls is manifested: they can be described as diligent and successful students:
“Teacher: There is one girl, so she knows Tajik ... wait ... Uzbek, Tajik, Russian and now she is studying English. Well, you see, there's a child who can.
Int: Able ...
T: Yes. Firstly, this is a girl, yes, then there is education ... requirements in the family ... and pretensions to teachers that they did not teach” (ID 123, St. Petersburg, 2010, primary school teacher)
However, some of migrant girls are described as not motivated and not aimed at gaining knowledge, but striving to take caretaking roles, which in teachers' perspective may be explained by their upbringing and culture:
“Girls, for example, from a family of migrants ... they don't even want to get higher education there. This, after all, is a feature of the national, in general, character, lifestyle. The girl must finish nine classes, learn to read, write, get married and engage in family” (ID 109, St. Petersburg, 2008, principal)
Parents participation in the educational process
The involvement of parents in the educational process also affects the perception and assessment of the migrant child. The active participation and interaction of parents with the school improves the teacher's attitude to the child and supplement his or her image of a good student. Teachers note the importance of parental involvement in the education of migrant children. So, according to teachers, communication in the home environment in Russian will contribute to the child's success in its acquisition, so many teachers insistently ask migrant parents to speak Russian at home:
“All the same, they don't speak Russian at home. I have already called mother several times. Because if they will speak Russian at home more often, it will be easier for the child” (ID 124, St. Petersburg, 2010, deputy principal)
Teachers note the involvement of some migrant parents: they organize additional classes and sections for their children (both for general development and for involvement in the school community), go to parent-teacher meetings and actively interact with the school:
“Well, 70-80 percent go to all meetings stably, they are ready to help. That is, for example, if the child receives some reprimand, the parents react very quickly. That is, they are not just there by telephone - they come to school, they may even come not on the day the meeting is, but on the other day. They come, they talk to teachers, always ask what is needed, what is wrong” (ID 120, St. Petersburg, 2019, primary school and 4th grade teacher)
However, not all parents participate in the educational process of migrant children, and this does not fit into the model of a good student, which teachers build. This non-participation affects the child's performance and the process of adaptation, as well as indirectly affect the teacher's attitude to the child:
“Parents do not control. The family is large. They think that it is not necessary. The main subjects are Russian and mathematics, the rest are not important at all. Mother comes, we talk with her, we conduct conversations, we warn: "There will be a test." There is no child. There are final tests. On Wednesday, I said that on Thursday we write the [test on] history of the city, on Friday we write [test on] math ... Neither on Thursday nor Friday there is a child” (ID 106, St. Petersburg, 2008, 3rd grade teacher)
“He [migrant student] doesn't do anything at all, he knows very well that it's so until the 9th grade, he will receive “3”. He knows that very well. And his father knows this well. No matter how much he was called. He says: “Yes, yes, we need to talk.” That is, all this ends with chatter” (ID 118, St. Petersburg, 2019, history teacher)
At the same time, teachers can understand and explain for themselves the lack of involvement of migrant families by the lack of time and opportunity. Nevertheless, in the teachers' view, the participation of parents in school life, their interest and involvement in the child's education complements the image of a good student.
Thus, we can assume that in the perception of teachers there is a certain general model of a “good student”, where the minimum is good academic performance and normative behavior within the school: obedience, diligence and interest in learning. A good foreign student in the perspective of teachers fits this model, but in this case, a high level of adaptability - good knowledge of Russian and the absence of pronounced cultural or religious differences - is added. The involvement of parents in learning and adaptation processes of children is also important - the quality of parents' interaction with the school affects the attitude to the family and indirectly the attitude towards the child, strengthening his image of a good or bad student.
4.3 Practices for adaptation of migrant children
Working with migrant children requires additional efforts and resources from teachers. First, foreign students need to pass the curriculum in full volume on a par with local children. The program is not adapted for migrant children, as well as the unified state exams that these students also need to take. Second, at the state or regional level, there are no unified programs and practices aimed at adapting migrant children and their integration into the host society. Therefore, the development and implementation of such practices is carried out by each school independently, which constitutes an additional domain in the work of teachers and other employees. However, many teachers do not even have the necessary qualifications for working with migrant children, since the courses for obtaining them are usually long-term, while teachers have no resources for that. In this case, school staff may experience some difficulties related to the choice of approach to the education of migrant children. It is important to note that work with migrants is more developed in schools where migrant children have been entering for a long period and where a certain scheme of working with them has already been built and established, however, there are a number of most common practices that most schools apply.
Common practices for the adaptation of migrant children
Migrant children with poor knowledge of the Russian language can be enrolled one or two classes lower than what they are age required, according to the results of the commission and / or at the request of the parents:
“We have a commission to check the level of [Russian language] knowledge of visiting students from other countries, and basically it [the knowledge] is lower. So, we are forced, for example, to enroll a child not in 8th grade, but in 7th or 6th grade” (ID 310, Kotelniki, 2010, deputy principal on educational work)
In this case student can acquire the basic knowledge of the language and improve their knowledge of the other subjects of curriculum. Passing an already familiar program will make it possible to focus on learning Russian language and create a more comfortable environment for the adaptation of the student.
Another common practice is group additional classes on Russian language:
“We have additional classes for Russian as non-native. We have a whole program about this. We have teachers who are working on this, who are leading these extra classes” (ID 106, St. Petersburg, 2019, English teacher)
They are held outside the main program and often take place in the format of a Russian as non-native course. Teachers develop these additional programs on their own, most often - in the absence of appropriate qualifications. Another form of additional, but more individual lessons is “prodlenka” - extra time after lessons, when children are in the school under the supervision of teachers and do their homework or attend additional classes until their parents arrive:
“Some Russians [children] go home, but they [migrant students] all stay. Firstly, it is possible to do homework here so that they are prompted, sent in the right direction, because at home, for the most part, they do not understand what needs to be done. Yes, plus, there is the opportunity to take a walk, play, go to some club, there is music, drawing, chess” (ID 109, St. Petersburg, 2008, 2nd grade teacher)
In narratives, teachers note that many migrant children stay for an extra time (prodlenka), as it is a type of activity for children whose parents cannot devote enough time to their education and additional activities, and this activity also contributes to their adaptation.
Some teachers are trying to establish the process of integration into community through the organization of direct communication of foreign students and students from the ethnic majority:
“We have children who are trying to help, here are our children, for example, Vika helps Bekzot all the time ... I unite them with the person who can help” (ID 109, St. Petersburg, 2019, 2nd grade teacher)
Another ethnic student whose language level is better can also help in learning Russian:
“Deputy principal: And children of the same nationality help, but who already speak well. We have such cases in our 4th grade.
Int: Commonwealth.
D.P.: Yes. When a child first translates into his own language, and then we work” (ID 333, Mytishchi, 2010, deputy principal)
This facilitates the work of the teacher and also creates a more comfortable atmosphere for the adaptation and socialization of the migrant student.
Adaptation approaches
Specific practices of teachers can be attributed to the approaches that teachers are guided by when working with migrant children and which can also be affected by the attitude towards these students.
The first approach can be called “simplified” or formal: it is aimed at language acquisition and successfully completing the curriculum. The approach is based on the focus on the academic success of the student without taking into account his native culture and other ethnic characteristics.
Teachers can overestimate the migrant children so that the overall academic performance of the class and school is higher, but often they are forced to do this:
“And why they don't put “2” - in most cases these teachers are simply forced, let's say, not to put “2”. That is, they say “do anything to this ...” Well, of course, you have to…” (ID 118, St. Petersburg, 2019, history teacher)
The second approach is holistic. In addition to training and passing the program, the background of a foreign ethnic student, culture of his family, and the features of ethnicity are taken into account - migrants are included “as they are”. For those families that have not yet chosen migration strategy, this is an opportunity not to break away from their culture completely. Such practices with a focus on the native culture can positively affect the adaptation of the child.
In working with ethnic children teachers sometimes use migrants' native (or close to native) language. According to the teachers' experience, this not only helps children better understand the curriculum, but also makes the conditions more comfortable for them:
“Int: But your background probably helps you? Since you spent some time in Turkmenistan and say that the Turkic languages are a little closer to you, that is, are you able to understand them when they speak something in their own language?
Teacher: Yes, yes. Sometimes I answer something not in Russian, they have such eyes: “How do you understand me? How do you know?"
Int: Does it surprise them in a positive way?
T: Yes, yes, in the positive, they respect for it” (ID 119, St. Petersburg, 2019, teacher of Russian language)
An important practice for students to preserve their ethnicity is holidays of nationalities. Families of students are often invited to such events, and everyone has the opportunity to talk about their culture, traditions and characteristics and demonstrate them certain practices, for example, dances, cuisine, holidays, etc.:
“In previous years we spent such holidays, that is, we got closer with their traditions. They cooked their national ... made dishes and baked something ... and told about their traditions. That is, we had it” (ID 111, St. Petersburg, 2009, deputy principal)
“And we have a lot of children here, except for Armenians, Georgians lived and studied here. We had such a diaspora, there is a large diaspora here, Armenian, Georgian students. And then we even made national holidays, we have Georgian students, they had dance groups, their national dances are gorgeous, beautiful. We have done everything, even Culture Days ...” (ID 108, St. Petersburg, 2019, 8th grade teacher)
These events develop tolerance among students and teachers, as well as provide an opportunity for foreign ethnic families not to break away from their native culture and demonstrate it.
These practices, along with the definition of criteria for the recognition and evaluation of migrant children, are an additional burden for teachers. At the legislative level, migrant children are considered ordinary students, there are no exceptions and mitigations in the educational process for them, but teaching these children requires much more effort. The need for teachers to control the validity of documents of foreign students and their parents as an intermediary between the school and families:
“In any case, I transmit the notification through the class teacher and the class teacher provides me the detached part of the notification that the parent is warned” (ID 118, St. Petersburg, 2019, social educator)
In fact, this is not the direct responsibility of teachers, but in the interests of the school and in order to prevent possible violations and sanctions, teachers have to do this. Also, class teachers are able to provide direct communication with migrant parents and provide legal staying of migrant children in Russia continuing their education.
Expression of attitude in practices
The approaches and practices described are an expression of the prevailing attitude towards migrant children among teachers and school administrators. Teachers have different perceptions of the “otherness” of migrant children. Rarely this have a negative connotation and is associated with clear discrepancies in cultural norms and values ??- in this case foreign ethnic children seem to be “alien”. Despite the fact that school staff declare the same approach to all students, regardless of their citizenship, ethnicity, etc., their narratives clearly reflect a negative attitude towards migrants, and therefore practices aimed at helping in adaptation and learning language are not implemented at all or do not include the participation of school staff. Several quotes from one school clearly illustrate this approach:
“... everyone has Eastern feature: complete nonsense, lack of curiosity ... it's red, it can be clearly seen ... they're personally not interested in other than household ... household issues! Well, interest wakes up about sexual issues only! Or sex hormones - explained from the point of view of biology. Nature does not tolerate emptiness ... such nonsense is the behavior of the younger - meanness, theft ... They are very afraid of their elders, so no parents appear here ... if you find parents, yes, they calm down for a while ... vile cowards” (ID 105, St. Petersburg, 2008, teacher)
“All migrants group together. How they understand each other, what language they speak - we must assume that they speak Russian. Besides the filthy language there is little you can hear .... Their energy comes out of the body, they start looking for adventure, they always look for adventure because they have bad energy .... Since they are not studying, so something else ... From of all the gathering that I see here, you can count the children who are studying, who will study on the fingers of one hand .... They all have a lot of passes!” (ID 105, St. Petersburg, 2008, teacher)
“The girl came from Georgia. In the family they communicate in their native language. Dad even more or less speaks Russian, but I could not communicate with mother. But since the girl there [in Georgia] was successful, where she used to live, and here, because of her lack of knowledge of the language, she gets “2”, we began to punish her. It was believed that she was lazy. She says: "I don't understand what they say here." And when I began to learn it ... I teach Russian ... I felt bad, because in the first dictation there were 64, in my opinion, mistakes. I would not say that she doesn't know him at all, but ... And we concluded an agreement with her that she was ready to do it herself ... here, on what topic ... the simplest one, for example, to learn a rule or something else” (ID 105, St. Petersburg, 2008, principal)
The teacher's quotes show a very strong hostility towards migrants. The director's quote also illustrates a negative attitude towards migrants and the absence of encouraging and stimulating practices - instead, a migrant student is punished for laziness, and it ends up with additional independent work of the student.
At the same time, the “otherness” of migrant children can become a feature of the educational process. In addition to the fact that the background of these children is taken into account in teaching, with an integrated approach, teachers are much more interested not only in the academic successes of foreign ethnic children, but also in their successful adaptation and inclusion in the host society. With such attitude, teachers are sometimes ready to do more than what is required of them:
“I had a boy [in the class], he once ... from the 2nd to the 3rd grade for the summer he just left for his home country. Results fell sharply. Before 4th grade, I asked not to leave. He did not leave, mother listened to me. Because, of course, they too ... there is a different climate, and there is a grandmother, etc. He did not go and it [results] was more or less normal” (ID 121, St. Petersburg, 2019, deputy principals)
“We have a distinctive feature, probably, of our team, that is even in the most neglected weak version, a child who ... [we can] find some talent and try to develop it a little ...” (ID 200, Balabanovo, 2019, deputy principal)
“Teacher: my daughter and I went to the mosque ... with a girl ... her grandmother ... she is a Muslim, Azerbaijani, grandmother could not take her out ... without her parents.
Int: Is it from school too?
T: Yes, from our school. I just jump, this is not my class, she's just my student ... just my history student. And she says to me: “Anna Petrovna, well, take me to the mosque, because ... Grandmother ... grandmother is already old, and my parents are in Podolsk, that is, it is Moscow Region” (ID 106, St. Petersburg, 2019, 5th grade teacher)
Such indifference for students' success demonstrates a positive attitude towards migrant children and a desire to accelerate the process of their adaptation in Russia. A good relationship between teacher and migrant student, in turn, creates comfortable conditions for the adaptation of the child and makes this process more effective.
Also, to reduce the differences between children, teachers can form a common identity among local children and ethnic minorities:
“Deputy principal: You can also add that we are engaged in the education of, so to speak, “St. Petersburgers” [peterburzhtsy]. Because ... this is the issue when I ask elementary school: where do you live? “I live in Uzbekistan, my home is Bishkek”, that is, a different country ... although he has been living in Russia for 3 years. But "I live in Uzbekistan." Therefore, we began to use the word “Petersburger” in our speech, because ...
Int: Petersburger in the sense of abiding and living now?
D.P.: We are all Petersburgers ... we have no nationality.
Int: To avoid this national ...?
D.P.: Yes, at least I do it for sure. We are all Petersburgers” (ID 121, St. Petersburg, 2019, deputy principals)
So, in the practices implemented by the school their attitude towards migrants may be manifested. A holistic approach, taking into account the student's background, allows to create more comfortable conditions for learning and socialization, which makes the adaptation process more effective. It shows a concern for migrant children and a desire to help them in a new and difficult environment. At the same time, a formal approach aimed at formal successes expressed in academic achievement may not imply such care and desire to help migrant students. It expresses the indifferent or even negative attitude of teachers towards migrant children, which will worsen the relationship between the child and the teacher and create a discomfort atmosphere, slowing down the adaptation process.
Conclusion
This work draw attention to the importance of the relationship between teacher and migrant students in the process of their adaptation in the host society and academic success. In the absence of unified programs, as well as additional resources for working with migrant students, teachers sometimes find themselves in contradictory situations or encounter internal conflicts related to their habitual beliefs and practices. In this case, they have to independently formulate explanations for themselves and find reference points. In case of Russian schools, due to the specifics of the Russian migration policy, we could not reveal tensions in the sense of Devin (2013), however, we managed to consider the contradictions that teachers encounter in different domains. Thus, in domain of recognition of migrant children, teachers base on the migration strategy of the family and their desire to settle in Russia, as well as on discrepancies in values, cultural norms, and religious traditions of students and their families. The instability and unpredictability of the migration strategy, as well as the lack of a visible desire to settle in Russia, is perceived by teachers negatively and increases the distance between them and ethnic students. This also adds an additional burden to teachers, since even after a temporary stay in their home country, the language level of migrant children falls, so they have to start almost from the beginning. Discrepancies in cultural and religious norms, including language, also affect the teacher's attitude: the stronger and more pronounced are the differences, the more “stranger” the child seems to be for a teacher, and vice versa. Because of this cultural proximity in teachers' perspective children from Ukraine and Belarus are almost like local, “like ours”, and students from such regions of Russia as Chechnya, Dagestan, Ingushetia, Tuva, despite their Russian citizenship, seem “alien”. In domain of evaluation of a migrant student, teachers use two main criteria: academic performance and behavior, comparing migrant students with local children according to them. In spite of the fact that the standards of assessment are the same for local and migrant students, the scale for assessing academic performance is informally lowered for migrants and the requirements for them are slightly softer. At the same time, in assessing the behavior of students, teachers take local children behavior as the norm from which migrants deviate for better or worse. So, teachers describe the children of migrants as more diligent and purposeful in their studies, more respectful of the teacher and looking neater and cleaner. At the same time, in teachers' narratives negative opinions about the behavior of migrant students are found, and sometimes teachers explain such behavior by their ethnicity. Narratives rarely had a different attitude towards migrant children depending on gender, but some teachers describe boys as active and leaders, and teachers appreciate these traits. An ambiguous attitude is shown to girls: either positive, as diligent and obedient, or more negative if, according to teachers, girls aim to get married and start a family, and therefore do not take school seriously. The image of a migrant student and the consequent attitude is also complemented by the involvement of parents in their child's learning and adaptation processes and their interest in his / her success: participation of parents in the education of children improves their student image and subsequently improves the attitude towards him.
We managed to identify common practices aimed at adapting migrant children, which include admission to a class or slightly lower, additional classes in Russian, extra time after lessons (“prodlenka”), and organization of communication with local children or migrants that know Russian better. We also managed to identify two specific approaches: formal, aimed only at formal successes in the form of assessments, and holistic, taking into account the student's background and aimed at effective and faster adaptation and integration of the child. The formed attitude of the teacher and school staff can be found in these approaches and implemented practices aimed at helping the migrant student learn the language and adapt in the host society (or their absence or deficiency), which directly affects how quickly and effectively a migrant child integrates into a new community. This conclusion is the main result of the work, and perhaps this will draw attention to the lack of an adequate unified program for schools to work with foreign ethnic students, which could become a bases and provide resources for schools to work in this direction more objectively and efficiently.
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Appendix
Appendix 1. Coding Categories
2. How teachers name and describe migrant children (which words, which language are used for the title / description).
3. The attitude of teachers towards migrant children and the problem of adaptation:
k. Quotes about the distance.
l. Teachers declare the same attitude.
m. How children of ethnic majority and minority are compared, as well as different nationalities (including negative attitudes towards children of migrants).
n. In fact, teachers take a differentiated approach to teaching.
o. How children adapt in middle and junior school (including a comparison of the specifics of adaptation at the age of younger / older).
p. Examples of successful adaptation.
q. Assimilation vs. integration (compliance with the norms of the cultural majority / following their own standards - how it seems to teachers).
r. How children of different nationalities adapt.
s. Peer relationships.
t. Other.
4. Language acquisition by migrant children: a view of school workers:
a. Success in learning a child's language is related to the age of arrival.
b. Language / communication at home.
c. Language lessons with a tutor.
d. Other.
5. How the school solves language and other problems:
a. Work with the language is seen as a big problem.
b. Problems with determining the level of knowledge.
c. How to additionally study language at the school.
d. Students are enrolled in a class or two earlier.
e. Put the student at the desk with the student who already knows the language.
f. Foreign teachers work with foreign children.
g. Extra time after classes (prodlenka).
h. Parents speak poorly, worse than children, and this becomes a problem.
i. Overstatement and arrange in another educational institution (including cases when children are not redirected to others, but transferred to this particular school from others under constraint).
j. Organization of holidays and events.
k. What else does the school do to adapt.
l. How does the school solve other problems (medical, psychological, with documents, etc.)?
6. Adaptation barriers besides language:
a. How do the traditions, culture, and religion of the sending country affect adaptation?
b. Migration can be dysfunctional (i.e. lack of resources for adaptation).
c. Children migrants break away from the educational process or even return to their homeland.
d. Attitudes of parents of ethnic majority.
e. National conflicts between children.
f. Other.
7. Family and parental involvement as adaptation resources:
a. School as an authority for migrant parents, the importance of school.
b. Importance of parents' involvement (exactly how are they involved in interacting with the school).
c. Language as a barrier to parental inclusion.
d. What else do parents do to adapt the child.
e. Parents do not understand that in addition to school they also need to make some effort.
f. Adaptation requires not only motivation, but also the availability of resources.
g. Comparison of parents of different nationalities.
h. Parents are not included in adaptation, even when they are attracted (“unwillingness” of parents).
i. Parents are interested in success, apply positive sanctions, inclusion.
j. Diasporas.
8. Documents confirming the status of residence:
a. Informing about necessary documents.
b. How the school monitors the availability of documents.
c. Other.
9. Special programs for working with migrant children.
10. Educational plans and trajectories.
11. The social context of the school.
12. Other.
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