The culture of threshold among Turks and Mongols

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The culture of threshold among Turks and Mongols

R. Yasa



Since creation, humankind has always admired the structure of the cosmos and sought for an explanation for it. He has always wanted to know of the creator and find out about the secrets of creation. He has, at times, sensed the presence of them, yet, is often stunned and has gone astray. He has chased after a mirage now and then, worshipped lifeless things, taken animals and plants as Gods, deified the sun, exalted the moon, hallowed the stars, sought for a secret essence in thunders, lightning, flashes and wind, believed in fire, water, soil and air to be the beginning of everything and believed even in things he made with his own hands². Those who have regarded these elements as superior to themselves at every stage of their lives have fallen under the influence of them and attributed sacredness to these entities and felt love and respect for them out of fear. One of these sacred elements is the threshold which extends across the bottom of a doorway. This study will address the issue of “Threshold in Central Asian Turkish and Mongolian Culture” within the framework of the obtained information.

As is known, environmental and climatic conditions of Central Asia favored husbandry over agriculture. Turks and Mongols grazed their animals in large herds. They had to migrate from one climate to another, seeking continual pasture and water to feed their herds and increase their yield. Living a life of nomads, the Turkish family did not have a permanent residence. Its house was nothing but a tent which was called “yurt” (home, homeland). Showing regional differences, the structure was a self-supporting, portable and round tent covered with felt. However, the most characteristic aspect of yurt was its basic integrity and inherent diversity differentiating it from the tents used by nomads in the other parts of the World. The most prominent feature of yurt is its portability. It is either dismantled and loaded onto cargo animals or transported as a whole³. Yurt is adorned with beautiful golden brocaded stuff and polished so much so that it almost blinds the eyes. All elders sit on grounded mats⁴. The term “kereku” also refers to “tent” in Turkmen culture and “winter house” in nomadic culture⁵. The same word is also used by some Ural tribes⁶. There is a hearth in the middle of kereku or yurt.

The word yurt, which is also used in English, is of Turkish origin. However, the meaning of the word yurt in Turkish languages does not correspond to what it means in English. In Turkish, yurt means “homeland” and “headquarter”⁷. It is originally derived from the word ab/av which is found in Orkhon inscriptions. This word, today, is used as “Uy” in Kyrgyz and Kazakh language and “ev” in Turkish spoken in Turkey. Though, here, it refers to a dismountable and portable residence, and does not refer to a tent in general. Despite sedentism, the culture of yurt has not completely disappeared, however it has left its place to homes. Nevertheless, yurt still fulfills a number of unique functions among the Turkish communities living in Central Asia. It functions as temporary housing for people who are involved in husbandry; provides a suitable place for various social and cultural activities and also serves as a place where certain traditional sacred ceremonies

* Assoc. Prof. Dr. Sakarya University, Faculty of Arts and Sciences, Department of History. ryasa@sakarya.edu.tr are performed. Today, there are yurts in one third of Ulaanbaatar (Urga) in Mongolia. This is also the case for camel breeders in Gobi as well as horse breeders and shepherds in the Orkhon valley. Yurts are also common among the Yomut and Goklen Turkmens in the southwestern region of Central Asia⁸.

The tent has only one door and the door usually opens to the east. On the top of its roof, there is also a smoke hole called “tugun”. In the middle of the tent there is a hearth that is used to warm up and cook. All these elements had separate places and importance in epics and prayers. Turks mostly used the words “kapi” (door) and “e^ik” (threshold) synonymously. “Kapi” (door) was rather called “kapug”, “kapag” or “kapig” by ancient Turks. In fact, door used to be called “kapag” by Uighurs. Especially Turks used the same terms for home, tent and otag (tent) doors⁹. In the epics of Dede Korkut, the concepts of both home and tent were referred to as “kapi (door) - baca (chimney)”¹⁰. As in the Uig- hurs, the word “threshold” was used with the meaning of door in oral and written forms during the reign of the Seljuks and Harezmshahs. During the era of Harezmshahs, small garden doors were given beautiful names such as “bag e§igi” (vineyard threshold)¹¹. In the book of Dede Korkut, the term “kapi e§igf' (door threshold) was referred to as “kapu i^igi”¹². The word e§ik (threshold) used for kapi (door) also refers to the whole house. In the Northern Turkic epics, characters mostly use the expression “threshold spotted!” rather than “house spotted!”¹³

The word e§ik^u (threshold), which is defined as a slightly elevated section or a piece of metal, wooden or stone that extends across the bottom of a doorway, is widely used in Turkish. It is in the form of “e§ik”¹⁵ in Divanu Lugat - it - Turk and “i§ik”¹⁶ in Kutadgu Bilig. Almost all foreign observers in the Middle Ages used the word “e^ik” (threshold).

The definition of the work e§ik is a dug-up ground, a well, dergah (dervish lodge), hargah (big tent), derbar (palace), bab-i devlet (state office), asitane (threshold, center of a dervish lodge) in Lehge-i Osmani¹⁷; 1. a tree or stone step supporting gateposts, atabe (step, threshold), sudde (door, threshold), asitan (threshold, center of a dervish lodge); 2. doorstep of a palace or mansion, dergah, bargah, derbar, asitane in Kamus-i Turki¹⁸; 1. a lower step made of tree or stone supporting gateposts under the portion of a door frame that runs along the bottom, atabe, sudde, asitan, 2. doorstep of a palace or mansion, dergah, bargah, derbar, asitane in Illustrated New Lugat and Encyclopedia¹⁹.

The definition of the word e§ik (threshold) in Abu§ka Wordbook or gagatay Dictionary is “bosaga”²⁰ Having adopted this word from Mongolian language, Tatars and Bashkirs pronounce it as “busaga”; Cossacks, Uzbeks and Turkmen as “bosaga”; Kyrgyzs as “bosogo;” Uighurs as “bosuga”²¹; Noghais and Qaraqalpaqs as “bosago”; Altaic Turks as “pozogo”; Shorian Turks as “pozaga”; Tuvinians as “bozaga”; Yakut Turks as “mod'ogo”; and Chuvashi Turks as “puvuaha”²².

Having explained the various definitions and meanings of the word e§ik, we would like to address the concept and cult of e§ik (threshold) in other cultures. In Christianity, the concept of threshold signifies the distance between the two realms of existence; religious and non-religious. The threshold is a paradoxical place which is both a boundary separating and contrasting the two realms, and, at the same time, a space enabling interactions between the two realms and transition from the non-religious world to the holy world. For this reason, a ritualistic function was ascribed to the threshold and many rituals were applied at the threshold of the house in Christianity. Some of these rituals are greeting the threshold, performing ritualistic acts or touching the threshold in a pious manner. In addition, the threshold had guards, that is, guardian spirits who prevented human-driven bad intentions as well as evil and disease-causing forces from entering in. Sacrificial rituals were also performed as offering to the guardian god and spirits²³.

In Judaism, the concept of threshold signifies a boundary enabling a passage from a space to another. In other words, threshold offers the possibility of transition from one space to another (from the non-religious to the holy) as well as serving as a boundary between “outside” and “inside”. Just like faith in Christianity, threshold in Judaism corresponds to a transition from one form of being to another and gives rise to a real existential leap²⁴. As a matter of fact, not only Jews did not set foot on the threshold which they considered sacred and revered²⁵, they also sprinkled the blood of the sacrifice on it²⁶. They performed this ritual in Fish (the Passover)²⁷. In some Eastern cultures (Babylonian, Egyptian, and Israeli), trials used to be held on the threshold.

Belief of threshold in Christianity and Judaism actually existed in the belief system of Turks prior to acceptance of Islam. Ancient Turks believed that the house or tent they slept or lived in had a guardian spirit that resided on the threshold of the door and was referred to as e§ik iyesi (threshold owner/spirit). In fact, house - threshold guardian spirits that existed in the old Turkish belief system were related to the cult of ancestor - father and in the category of iye (owner/spirit)²⁸. Pronounced as ine or iye in ancient Turkic languages and commonly used in numerous extinct and ancient languages of the World, the word iye was used with the meaning of owner, ruler and finally God. However, with respect to a semantic restriction in Turkish, iye was used with the meaning of the guardian of a place or of an object (rduk)²⁹.

The culture of ev iye (home owner/spirit) has an important place as a guardian spirit in our Turkish belief system. Home and threshold owner/spirit is one of the oldest and widespread practices of rituals in the Turkish culture. These guardian spirits on the threshold protect the people living in the house or tent against external threats, but if those guardian spirits are offended or hurt in any way, diseases, calamities and various misfortunes are brought on the house by the very same spirits. Here, the threshold owner/spirit which fulfills the task of guardianship is Erlik, the head of the evil spirits of origin³⁰. To secure safety and order among the evil spirits, Erlik sent the earth his gallant sons who, as stern guards (katuu kuyak), protected the house gates against unwarranted attacks of the evil spirits. This is why Erlik's sons were called “the armor of the door” (ejikting kuyagi). Er- lik's gallant sons stand next to the two posts of the door to guard and patrol to and fro in the direction of the threshold (bozogo). They sometimes walk to the courtyard (kurentik).

As soon as they hear an evil spirit approaching, they immediately attack upon it and clutches it with their strong hands and throws it into a four-handled, always-boiling bronze cauldron. The vile spirit suffers the consequences of its arrogance in the mouth of this underground hell. Each tribe, believing that one or two sons of Erlik guarded the door of their house, respected them. Of the sons of Erlik, Karash, Kerey-Kaan, Temir- Kaan, Badysh-Piy and Pay-Matyr were especially mentioned as door - guardians³¹. These guardian spirits would give the threshold a possibility of movement and a real effectiveness that they could not have had otherwise. Thus the threshold would gain effectiveness only with the spirit that guided it and the threshold of the door would be respected because the spirits on the threshold would suffer from all kinds of insults and being trodden upon³². In fact, these spirits could turn into evil spirits, when they were angered³³. The threshold was, therefore, also sacred in Mongols as in Turks. The threshold would not be stepped on, sat on or turned back to³⁴. This practices are also confirmed by historical studies and reports conveyed by foreign travelers.

The beliefs of ancient Turks included such customs as cosmographical signification of the space around the hearth which is used to warm up and cook in the middle of the tent, likening of the dome of the tent to the heavens, worshipping four directions and door threshold gods. These customs date back to the Chou era (1059-249 BC)³⁵. Chous, who had established a state in northern China in B.C. and were thought to be Turks³⁶, used to perform rituals for the hearth and door spirits. In this context, worldly Ming - t'ang³⁷ used to be considered the place for threshold and hearth rituals. Using Ming - t'ang, the city of a ruler used to be constructed according to the plan attributed to the earth as a foursquare structure with nine cells; one in the center, four in the axes and four in the corners³⁸. The temples and dwellings on this plan were also built during the Hsiung-nu (Hun) and the Gokturks. Thus, universal cosmology was represented in architecture as well as in every other field³⁹. In ancient Turks, four corners symbolized the land. Chous used to offer sacrifices and presents to the land spirits on the door threshold of the ancestral temple during the months of fall⁴⁰. In this way, the house would be protected against external threats and spared from untimely calamities and ills which befell humans⁴¹.

The doors of the gates and houses faced east. The door thresholds of the houses of Altaic Turks also faced east where the sun rises, which was why the threshold deemed sacred. As Chou-shu states: “Although the Turks constantly change their homeland, each one still has his own land. Khaan always (Yu) resides on mount Tu-chin (Otuken); his tent faces east because they are honored by the direction from which the sun rises”⁴². Mongol rulers followed the same tradition, and got out of the tent and greeted the sun every morning⁴³. When Guyuk Khan ascended to the throne, his sons, as was the custom, pledged loyalty to him and prayed for his success. They then followed Guyuk Khaan out of the tent and bowed three times before the sun. After they went back into the tent, Guyuk Khaan sat on the throne⁴⁴.

Huns, Gokturks and Uighurs also believed in guardian spirits which protected the land on which they lived. These guardian spirits categorized as land spirits could turn into evil spirits if enraged⁴⁵. In order to protect the house and tent from the wrath of these evil spirits and to avoid trouble and various diseases, Turks used to make sacrifices to God of threshold. In the spring, autumn and winter solstices in accordance with the Chinese Lunar Calendar (567), Uighurs used to perform land rituals and leave raw meat, flowers, wine and beer on the door threshold as gifts to the spirits of underground⁴⁶. The meaning attributed to the concept of threshold as a representation of the owner/spirit of the tent and house manifests itself in the verse pertaining to threshold of ilg (ruler) in Kutadgu Bilig: “Some came and took refuge and asked for protection; some came and kissed his threshold”⁴⁷.

Having culturally intermingled with and adopted the same lifestyle as Turks, Mongols also believed in a God who protected the house⁴⁸. This God was on the threshold of the door just as it was in the belief of Turks. It was, therefore, forbidden to step on the threshold in Mongolian culture⁴⁹ and a number of threshold-related rituals were also performed by Mongols, which is stated in the travel reports of Western travelers journeyed to Central Asia during the Mongol era. As Plano Carpini, a Franciscan priest who was commissioned by Pope Innocent IV, describes the occasion where priests and envoys are summoned before Guyuk Khan through Qkay⁵⁰ and Kadak⁵¹ (1246): “(They) had written down our names on a list... (they) repeated them (our names) all, shouting with a loud voice before the Emperor and all the chiefs. When this had been done, each of us had to bend the left knee four times, and they cautioned us not to touch the threshold, and having searched us carefully for knives, and not having found any, we entered the door on the east side, for no one dare enter that on the west side save the Emperor; and the same rule applies if it is the tent of a chief.. ,”⁵²

Having arrived at Sartaq's - the son of Batu Khan - headquarters on the eastern bank of the Volga River on July 31, 1254, Wilhelm Von Rubruck was summoned before Sar- taq. As one of the most key observers, Rubruck noticed the ritual of not stepping on the threshold in the palace and wrote in his travel report: “We were first taken to a certain Saracen, who gave us no food. The next day we were taken to the court... Our guide cautioned us to say nothing until Batu should have bid us speak, and then to speak briefly... Then they led us before the pavilion, and we were warned not to touch the ropes of the tent, for they are held to represent the threshold of the door. So we stood there in our robes and barefooted, with uncovered heads, and we were a great spectacle unto ourselves. Friar John of Polycarp had been there; but he had changed his gown, fearing lest he should be slighted, being the envoy of the lord Pope. Then we were led into the middle of the tent, and they did not require us to make any reverence by bending the knee, as they are used to do of envoys”53.

The famous Venetian traveler, Marco Polo, also conveys the way this tradition is practiced when he describes the ceremony in the palace of Kublai Khan: “Officers of rank are likewise appointed, whose duty it is to see that all strangers who happen to arrive at the time of the festival, and are unacquainted with the etiquette of the court, are suitably accommodated with places; and these stewards are continually visiting every part of the hall, inquiring of the guests if there is anything with which they are unprovided, or whether any of them wish for wine, milk, meat, or other articles. At each door of the grand hall, or of whatever part the grand khan happens to be in, stand two officers, of a gigantic figure, one on each side, with staves in their hands, for the purpose ofpreventing persons from touching the threshold with their feet, and obliging them to step beyond it. If by chance any one is guilty of this offence, these janitors take from him his garment, which he must redeem for money; or, when they do not take the garment, they inflict on him such number of blows as they have authority for doing. But, as strangers may be unacquainted with the prohibition, officers are appointed to introduce them, by whom they are warned of it; and this precaution is used because touching the threshold is there regarded as a bad omen. In departing from the hall, as some of the company may be affected by the liquor, it is impossible to guard against the accident, and the order is not then strictly enforced"⁵*⁴.

The excerpts above indicate that the holy threshold is not an object of worship but a symbol and sacred manifestation of being a subject of the ruler who was considered a semi-god in the Mongolian culture. As a matter of fact, Genghis Khan was regarded as a semi-god⁵⁵. To this respect, both paying homage to and being summoned before the ruler were symbolized with the threshold and stepping on it was prohibited⁵⁶.

In addition, according to the “The Secret History of the Mongols” (written in 1240), which is the main source of Mongol history and describes the establishment process of the Genghis Khan era, the threshold was not an object of worship but was actually the symbol of being a subject of the ruler, who was considered a semi-god in the Mongolian culture⁵⁷, which is why stepping on the threshold was prohibited⁵⁸. We can draw this conclusion from the record in the Secret History of the Mongols. As Genghis Khan was returning from a military operation, sweeping the Churkin people before him, after he eliminated Saga (Sege) and his brother Hachiun, three sons of Telegetu - Bayan from Ca- layirs, Guun-ua, Qlaun-hayigi and Cebke were among the Churkins. Guun-ua presented his two sons Muhali and Buha to Genghis Khan by saying:

“They are on your threshold Let them be your subjects,

If they walk out of your threshold,

Cut their heels off!

They are at your door,

Let them be your servants,

If they walk out of your door,

Cut their hearts off!”

Qlaun-hayigi also presented his two sons, Tungge and Hafi to Genghis Khan by saying: “I am giving them to you So that they can guard your golden threshold If they walk out of your golden threshold,

Put an end to their lives!

I am giving them to you

So that they can raise (open) your wide door

If they walk out of your wide door,

Trample down their hearts!”59

The tradition of not stepping on the threshold, which belongs to the ancient Turkish and Mongolian belief system, still prevailed even after Turks embraced Islam. According to the narration of Ibn Bibi, the threshold was the symbol of being a subject of the ruler in the Seljuks who adopted Islam. One had to kiss and revere the threshold at the entrance of the tent (bargah) in order to pay homage and tribute to the ruler⁶⁰. Probably due to this symbolic belief attributed to the threshold, Safavids⁶¹ and Akkoyunlus had two officers with the titles of “threshold master” and “doorkeeper”⁶². judaism religious turks

The threshold belief has survived to this day in the regions where Turk inhabit. Kyr- gyzs do not step on the threshold of their house or tent as they believe that stepping on it weakens the strength of the one who does it and increases the power of the enemy⁶³. In Uzbek culture, before the bride crosses over the threshold, an animal is sacrificed to bring blessings to her new home. The newly-wed couple walks around the fire at the courtyard seven times⁶⁴. In Karakalpaks, the bride and the groom are made to jump over the fire in front of the threshold at the entrance of the nuptial room to make sure that the groom does not fail the night. Jumping over the fire is believed to destroy the demons⁶⁵. As is known, as a custom in the ancient Turks, the bride stops when she reaches the groom's door. Relatives of the broom carry the bride on a carpet into the room without her feet touching the threshold and then take her to the ablaze fire inside the room⁶⁶. In fact, this was due to the extraordinary respect they had for the fire⁶⁷. According to Gerdizi, this extraordinary respect the Turks had for the fire stemmed from the thought that fire cleansed everything⁶⁸. In 568, the Byzantine ambassador, Zemarkhos, visited Istemi Khaan, the ruler of the Western Gokturk, in the Altun Mountain (White - Mountain) region of Tian Shan (the Mountain of Heaven) and Zemarkhos was purified by crossing over the fire as a sign of respect⁶⁹. This must be one of the traditions that are common among the Central Asian peoples and never changed. Many observers came to the conclusion that Kyrgyz people burned their dead for the purpose of purification⁷⁰. The author of Hudud al-alam points out this phenomenon by stating: “They worship the fire and burn their dead”⁷¹.

In short, Turks and Mongols believed that the fire cleansed everything. When they received gifts from emissaries, nobles, or other people, they passed those gifts between two “sacred fires” for purification as they believed that this ritual of passage between two fires protected them from witchcraft, poison and other ill omens. Another example for the sanctity of fire is this: «When Michael, one of the greatest princes of Russia, was summoned before Batu, he was made to pass between two fires, and then ordered to prostrate himself before the tablets of Genghis Khan. He replied that he did not object to do obeisance to Batu himself or to a living prince, but to adore images of dead men was repugnant to a Christian. As he persisted in this refusal, Batu ordered him to be put to death if he insisted on opposing. Michael replied that he would rather be killed than do that which was forbidden to Christians. Then, Batu sent one of his guards, who kicked the prince in the heart and stomach until he lost his consciousness. Meanwhile, Teodor, one of the knights who was there at the time said: “Hold on, for this torture does not last long for you, and soon comes eternal happiness”. Then Michael's head was cut off and Teodor suffered the same fate as well»⁷².

Crimean Turks do not shake hands at the threshold. Handshaking must be performed inside or outside the threshold. They do not inquire after someone's health at the threshold. They do not receive or give anything at the threshold. Balkar - Malkar Turks believe that those who step on the threshold lose their livelihood/daily bread. They pay attention not to step on the threshold⁷³. In Azerbaijan, standing or sitting on the threshold is not interpreted favorably⁷⁴. Syria - Beydili Turkmen do not find it appropriate for children to play on the threshold. They do not spill water outside the threshold in the evening⁷⁵. In Anatolia, the threshold is considered a taboo, and therefore, they do not sit or step on it. For example, people of Tunceli, Sivas and Gaziantep consider sitting or stepping on the threshold to be unfavorable and believe that it will bring bad luck as they believe that diseases, ill omens and death enter through the threshold⁷⁶.

In conclusion, the threshold is the boundary line of being summoned before the ruler and also both a material and a spiritual entry point of the door in the Turkish and the Mongolian cultures. It is the space which maintains the order between the inside and outside of the tent of the ruler. Having functioned as a guardian spirit in a religious sense, the threshold has gradually evolved from its religious nature into a tradition in Islam.

1 M. §emseddin Gtinaltay, “Dinler Tarihi” [History of Religions], Simplified by Sevdiye Yil- diz, Istanbul 2006, p. 27.

2 ibn Fazlan, Seyahatname [Travel book], Compiled by Ramazan §e§en, Istanbul 1975, p. 3040; W. Radloff, Sibirya'dan [From Siberia] 2, Translated by Ahmet Temir, Ankara 1994, p. 20-30; Ulla Johannsen, “Ttirkler'de Oatir Ktiltti: Alacik” [Cult of Tent in Turks: Alacik], Journal of Turkish World Research, Vol. 1, Issue 2, October 1979, p. 29-44; Ulla Johannsen, “Gtiney Anadolu'nun Go?ebe Oadirlari” [Nomadic Tents of South Anatolia], Turkish World Research Journal, Vol. 1, Issue 3, December 1979, p. 47-52.

3 Lajos Ligeti, “Bilinmeyen ²? Asya” [Unknown Inner Asia], Translated by Sadrettin Karatay, Ankara 1986, p. 88.

4 Ka§garli Mahmud, Divanti Lhgat-it Turkish Translation, Translated by Besim Atalay, Vol. 1, Ankara 1986, p. 404-12, 447-23, 448-1; See also: Emel Esin, “Ttirk Kubbesi (Gok -Ttirklerden Sel?uklulara Kadar)” [Turkish Dome (From the Gok-Turks to the Seljuks)], Seljuks Research Journal, III, Ankara 1971, p. 159-164.

5 Htiseyin Namik Orkun, “Ttirk Tarihi” [Turkish History], 1, Ankara 1946, p. 140.

6 Svat Soucek, «²? Asya'da “Yurt” ve Ttirkiye'deki “Yurtlar” Genel ve Ozel Bazi Gozlemler» [General and Special Observations: “Yurt” in Central Asia and “Yurt” in Turkey], Sanat Tarihinde Dogudan Batiya Unsal Yticel Anisina Sempozyum Bildirileri [Symposium Reports from East to West in Art History in Memoirs of Unsal Yticel], Istanbul 1989, p. 81; Salim Koca, Ttirk Ktil- ttirtintin Temelleri [Foundations of Turkish Culture], II, Ankara 2010, p. 67-68.

7 Svat Soucek, «²? Asya'da “Yurt” ve Ttirkiye'deki “Yurtlar” Genel ve Ozel Bazi Gozlemler» [General and Special Observations: “Yurt” in Central Asia and “Yurt” in Turkey], Sanat Tarihinde Dogudan Batiya Unsal Yticel Anisina Sempozyum Bildirileri [Symposium Reports from East to West in Art History in Memoirs of Unsal Yticel], Istanbul 1989, p. 81-83.

8 Bahaeddin Ogel, Ttirk Ktilttir Tarihine Giri§ [Introduction to Turkish Culture History], 3, Ankara 1978, p. 45-46.

9 Muharrem Ergin, Dede Korkut Kitabi [Book of Dede Korkut], Metin - Sozltik, Ankara 1964, p. 100 (D. 254-2); Orhan §aik Gokyay, Dede Korkut Hikayeleri [Dede Korkut Stories], Istanbul 1976, p. 205.

10 B. Ogel, op. cit. p. 47, 51.

11 M. Ergin, op. cit. p. 55 (D. 142 - 1, 4); O. §. Gokyay, op. cit. p. 119-120.

12 B. Ogel, Ttirk Mitolojisi [Turkish Mythology], Vol. II, Ankara 1995, p. 27.

13 Glossary Compilation, V, Ankara 1972, p. 1792; Metin Sozen, Ugur Tanyeli, Sanat Kavram ve Terimleri Sozltigti [Dictionary of Art Concepts and Terms], Istanbul 1992, p. 80.

14 “Ermegtige e§ik art bolur = Tembele e§ik dagbeli olur” [The threshold is an obstable for the lazy.] See also: Ka§garli Mahmud, op. cit. 1, p. 42-45.

15 “Kayu signu keldi tiledi ko§ik kayu keldi opti iligke i§ik = Kimi gelip, ona sigindi ve ondan himaye diledi; kimi gelip, onun e§igini optti” [“Some came and took refuge and asked for protection; some came and kissed his threshold”]. See also: Yusuf Has Hacib, Kutadgu Bilig, Translated by Re§id Rahmeti Arat, Ankara 1988, p. 42 (451).

16 Ahmet Vefik Pa§a, Leh?e-i Osmani [Dialect of the Ottoman], Compiled by Recep Toparli, Ankara 2000, p. 139.

17 §emseddin Sami, Kamus-i Ttirki, Compiled by Pa§a Yavuzarslan, Ankara 2015, p. 322.

18 ibrahim Alaettin Govsa, Resimli Yeni Lhgat ve Ansiklopedi (Ansiklopedik Sozltik), [Illustrated New Lugat and Encyclopedia (Encyclopedic Dictionary)], Istanbul 1947-1954, p. 763.

19 “Bosaga: “Her-gah engine derlerki Muhakemetti'l - Ltigateyn'de Farisi dilde bu ibareti ehl-i Fhrs yine bu eda ederler ve mutlak Ttirki'dtir”. See also: Abu§ka Lhgati veya Oagatay Sozltigti, Compiled by Besim Atalay, Ankara, 1970, p. 147.

20 Ahmet Bican Ercilasun, Alaeddin Mehmedoglu Aliyev, Almas §ahulov, Kar§ila§tirmali Ttirk Leh?eleri Sozltigti [Dictionary of Comparative Turkish Dialects], (Guide Book), 1, Ankara 1992, p. 224-225; A. inan, Articles and Reviews, Vol. II, Ankara 1991, p. 77.

21 Emine Atmaca, Reshide Adzhumerova, “Kapi ve E§ik” kelimeleri Uzerine” [On the words “Door” and “Threshold”], Sakarya University Faculty of Arts and Sciences Dergisi, II, Adapazari 2010, p. 32.

22 Mircea Eliade, Kutsal ve Dindi§i [The Sacred and the Profane], Translated by Mehmet Ali Kil^bay, Ankara 1991, p. 5-6.

23 M. Eliade, op. cit. p. 158.

24 As regards this subject, the Old Testament states: “After the Philistines had captured the ark of God, they took it from Ebenezer to Ashdod. Then they carried the ark into Dagon's temple and set it beside Dagon. When the people of Ashdod rose early the next day, there was Dagon, fallen on his face on the ground before the ark of the Lord! They took Dagon and put him back in his place. But the following morning when they rose, there was Dagon, fallen on his face on the ground before the ark of the Lord! His head and hands had been broken off and were lying on the threshold; only his body remained. That is why to this day neither the priests of Dagon nor any others who enter Dagon's temple at Ashdod step on the threshold”. Kitabi Mukaddes Eski ve Yeni Ahit (“Tevrat” ve “incil”) [Holy Scripture Old and New Testament (“Torah” and “Bible”)], Istanbul 1976, p. 276. (I. Samuel, Bab. 5).

25 Eski Ahit, p. 64 (Exodus, Bab. 12)

26 Ahmet Susa, Tarihte Araplar ve Yahudiler [Arabs and Jews in History], Translated by Ahsen Batur, Istanbul 2005, p. 300.

27 Ya§ar Kalafat, Dogu Anadolu'da Eski Ttirk ina^larinin izleri [Traces of Old Turkish Beliefs in Eastern Anatolia], Ankara 1990, p. 48.

28 Fuzuli Bayat, Ttirk Mitolojik Sistemi [Turkish Mythological System], Vol. 1, Istanbul 2012,

p. 260.

29 Abdulkadir inan, Tarihte ve Bugtin §amanizm [Shamanism in History and Today], Ankara 1986, p. 39.

30 A. inan, Articles and Reviews, Ankara 1987, p. 409-410; Abdulkadir inan, Eski Ttirk Dini Tarihi [History of Ancient Turkish Religion], Istanbul, 1976, p. 72-73.

31 J. P. Roux, Orta Asya'da Kutsal Bitkiler ve Hayvanlar [Sacred Plants and Animals in Central Asia], Translated by Aykut Kazancigil - Lale Arslan, Istanbul, 2005, p. 34, 82.

32 F. Bayat, op. cit. p. 208.

33 ismet Zeki Eytiboglu, Btittin Yonleriyle Bekta§ilik (Alevilik) [Bektashism (Alevism) in its entirety], Istanbul, 1980, p. 165-166; i. Z. Eytiboglu, Btittin Yonleri ile Anadolu inan?lari [Anatolian Beliefs in Their Entirety], Istanbul 1974, p. 139-145.

34 Emel Esin, islamiyetten Onceki Ttirk Ktilttir Tarihi ve islama Giri§ [History of Pre-Islamic Turkish Culture and Introduction to Islam], Istanbul 1978, p. 7.

35 Wolfram Eberhard, £in Tarihi [A History of China], Ankara 1987, p. 33.

36 Atalar ile Gok tapinaginin adi. [The Name of the Temple of Heaven with Ancestors], E. Esin, op. cit. p. 47.

37 E. Esin, Ttirk Kozmolojisine Giri§ [Introduction to Turkish Cosmology], Istanbul 2001, p. 48.

38 E. Esin, op. cit. p. 48-49.

39 E. Esin, op. cit. p. 161.

40 E. Esin, islamiyetten Once Ttirk Ktilttir Tarihi [History of Pre-Islamic Turkish Culture], p. 36.

41 Peter B. Golden, Ttirk Halklari Tarihine Giri§ [Introduction to History of Turkic Peoples], Translated by Osman Karatay, Istanbul 2002, p. 162; Kevin Alan Brook, Bir Ttirk imparatorlugu Hazar Yahudileri, Translated by ismail Tul?ali, Istanbul 2005; Orhan Tuncer, “Dogu Yontintin Ttirk Ktilttirtindeki Yeri ve Mezar Mimarimize Etkisi” [The Importance of the Direction “East” in the Turkish Culture and Its Effect on the Grave Architecture], VIII Congress of Turkish History, Ankara, 11-15 Oct. 1976, Reports Presented in the Congress, Vol. II, Ankara 1981, p. 915-919.

42 Ctiveyni, Tarih-i Cihan Gti§a [History of the Conqueror of the World], I, Translated by Mtir- sel Ozttirk, Ankara 1988, p. 217; L Lajos Ligeti, Bilinmeyen i? Asya [Unknown Inner Asia], Translated by Sadrettin Karatay, Ankara 1986, p. 47.

43 Ctiveyni, op. cit. p. 268.

44 F. Bayat, op. cit. p. 208.

45 E. Esin, Ttirk Kozmolojisi [Turkish Cosmology], p. 168. Yusuf Has Hacib, Kutadgu Bilig, Translated by Re§id Rahmeti Arat, Ankara 1988, p. 42, e. 451.

46 Jean Poul Roux, Ttirklerin ve Mogollarin Dini [Religion of Turks and Mongols], Translated by Aykut Kazancigil, Istanbul, 1994, p. 184.

47 According to the Mongolian laws and customs, it was considered forbidden and ominous to enter water in the spring and summer, wash hands in river, fill copper and silver vessels with water and hang up laundered clothes to dry in public because they believed that doing so would cause thunders and stroke of lightning. It was also forbidden to cut animals' heads off and cut open their bellies during the first days of Khaan's enthronement. Ctiveyni, op. cit. I, p. 231-232.

48 Goytik Han's minister and adviser of Uighur origin. See also: Ctiveyni, op. cit. p. 176, 221; L. Ligeti, op. cit. p. 99.

49 Rene Grousset, Bozkir imparatorlugu, Attila - Cengizz Han - Timur [The Empire of the Steppes: Attila - Gengis Khan -Tamerlan], Translated by M. Re§at Uzmen, Istanbul 1993, p. 263.

50 Plano Carpini'nin Mogolistan Seyahatnamesi (1245-1247), Translated by Engin Ayan, Istanbul 2014, p. 146; Joseph de Guignes, Tarih-i Umumi [General History], Translated by Htiseyin Cahit Vol. 5, Istanbul 1924, p. 203; J. P. Roux, Ttirklerin ve Mogollarin Dini [Religion of Turks and Mongols], Translated by Aykut Kazancigil 1994, p. 187.

51 W. V. Rubruk, Mogollarin Btiytik Hanina Seyahat 1253-1255 [Travel to the Great Han of the Mongols], Translated by Engin Ayan, Istanbul 2001, p. 63.

52 Marco Polo, The Travels, General Editor: Tom Griffith MA, MPhil, Hertfordshire 1997, p. 110; John Man, Kubilay Han, Translated by ilke Onelge, Istanbul 2007, p. 137-138.

53 See also: John Man, Cengiz Han, Ya§ami Oltimti ve Yeniden Dirili§i [Genghis Khan: Life, Death, and Resurrection], Translated by ismail Tul?ali, Istanbul 2004, p. 399.

54 J. P. Roux, op. cit. p. 187.

55 See also: John Man, Cengiz Han, Ya§ami Oltimti ve Yeniden Dirili§i [Genghis Khan: Life, Death, and Resurrection], Translated by ismail Tul?ali, Istanbul 2004, p. 399.

56 J. P. Roux, op. cit. p. 187.

57 Mogollarin Gizli Tarihi (Manghol-un Niu?a Tob?a'an) [Hidden History of the Mongols], (Written in 1240) I, Translated by Ahmet Temir, Ankara 1986, p. 66-67.

58 ibn Bibi, El Evamirti'l-Ala'iye Fi'l-Umuri'l-Ala'iye (Sel?ukname), 1, Compiled by Mtirsel Ozttirk, Ankara 1996, p. 53, 67, 217, 319.

59 Faruk Stimer, Safevi Devletinin Kurulu§u ve Geli§mesinde Anadolu Ttirklerinin Rolti [Role of Anatolian Turks in the Establishment and Development of the Safavid State], Ankara 1992, p. 60.

60 ismail Hakki Uzun?ar§ili, Osmanli Devleti Te§kilatinda Medhal [Medhal in Ottoman State Organization], Ankara 1984, p. 275.

61 Ya§ar Kalafat, “Ulug Ttirkistan'da Halk Sufizmi (Kirgizistan)” [Folk Sufism in Ulug Turkestan (Kyrgyzstan)], Journal of Turkish World Research, Issue 97, Istanbul 1995, p. 207.

62 Y Kalafat, Social Anthropology Studies of Comparative Turkish World Folk Beliefs, Ankara 2000, p. 206.

63 Y. Kalafat, Balkanlardan Ulug Ttirkistan'a Ttirk Halk inan?lari I [Turkish Folk Beliefs from the Balkans to Ulug Turkestan], Ankara 2002, p. 73.

64 Ziya Gokalp, Ttirk Medeniyet Tarihi [History of Turkish Civilization], Compiled by ismail Aka - Kazim Ya§ar Kopraman, Istanbul 1976, p. 312.

65 “The Turks give exceptional honor to the fire, sanctify the air and water and consider the land blesseed. However, they regard God as the creator of the land and the heavens. They sacrifice horses, oxen, and sheep for Him and there were clergymen who foretold future”. Edouard Chavannes, Bati Gokttirkleri Tarihi [History of Western Gokttirk], Translated by Metin Sirman, Istanbul, 2006, p. 248.

66 islam Cografyacilarina Gore Ttirkler ve Ttirk Ulkeleri [Turks and Turkic Countries by Islamic Geographers], Compiled by Ramazan §e§en, Ankara 1985, p. 77.

67 E. Chavannes, op. cit. p. 235, 237-241; L. Ligeti, op. cit. p. 64; E. Esin, op. cit. p. 118-119; R. Grousset, op. cit. p. 96.

68 J. P. Roux, Eski Ttirk Mitolojisi [Old Turkish Mythology], Translated by Musa Ya§ar Saglam, Ankara 2011, p. 39-41.

69 islam Cografyacilarina Gore Ttirkler ve Ttirk Ulkeleri [Turks and Turkic Countries by Islamic Geographers], p. 64.

70 P. Carpini, op. cit. p. 46, 48.

71 Y. Kalafat, Social Anthropology Surveys of Crimea - North Caucasus, Ankara 1999, p. 51.

72 Orhan £eltik£i, Ttirk Dtinyasi Ktilttir ve Halk inan$lari [Turkish World Culture and Public Beliefs], Istanbul 2007, p. 54.

73 Y. Kalafat, Comparative Folk Beliefs in Bozulus Turkish Culture Geography, Ankara 2013, p. 317.

74 Sedat Veysi Ornek, Sivas ve ^evresinde Hayatin £e§itli Safhalariyla ilgili Batil inan?larm ve Btiytisel i§lemlerin Etnolojik Tetkiki [Ethnological Investigation of Superstitious Beliefs and Magic Performances Related to Various Phases of Life in and around Sivas], Ankara 1966, p. 114; Y. Kalafat, Dogu Anadolu'da Eski Ttirk ina^larinin izleri [Traces of Old Turkish Beliefs in Eastern Anatolia], Ankara 2010, p. 180-185.



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