Moldavian and Ukrainian-Belarusian church chant traditions: common repertoire as a fact of interaction
The goal of the research is to compare the Greek repertoire of Moldavian and Ukrainian-Belarusian musical manuscripts and to define the peculiarities of its fixation in Middle Byzantine and Kyiv staff notations. The works of Greek-Byzantine composers.
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Moldavian and Ukrainian-Belarusian church chant traditions: common repertoire as a fact of interaction
Yevgeniya Ignatenko
Ukrainian National Tchaikovsky Academy of Music (Kyiv, Ukraine)
The goal of the research. Our recent attribution of kalophonic Greek chants from Ukrainian and Belarusian staff-notated manuscripts of the late 16th-18th centuries proved their Eastern origin and the fact of borrowing. The question arises where Ukrainian and Belarusian singers mastered Greek-Byzantine chant. It is logical to assume that the Greek repertoire appeared thanks to Ukrainian-Moldavian contacts, since the Moldavian chant tradition, which flourished in the 16th century, is based on the Byzantine one. The works of Greek-Byzantine composers make up most of the repertoire of the 16th century Moldavian manuscripts. The goal of the research is to compare the Greek repertoire of Moldavian and Ukrainian-Belarusian musical manuscripts and to define the peculiarities of its fixation in Middle Byzantine and Kyiv staff notations. Methodology. A comparative method of studying Greek-Byzantine, Moldavian and Ukrainian-Belarusian musical manuscripts is used. Scientific novelty. It has been found out that kalophonic works of Greek-Byzantine composers, written down in the Ukrainian and Belarusian staff-notated Heirmologia of the late 16th-18th centuries, are presented in the Moldavian Anthologies of the 16th century. Also, in Ukrainian and Be-larusian manuscripts, we managed to authorize the Greek-language Cherubic song of the plagal 1st mode of the outstanding Moldavian composer Evstatie, the Protopsaltes of Putna (ca. |1546). Conclusions. The common Greek repertoire of Moldavian and Ukrainian-Belarusian manuscripts, as well as the work of Evstatie, recorded in Ukrainian and Belarusian Heirmologia, testify to the direct connection of Moldavian and Ukrainian-Belarusian church chant traditions and prove that the 16th century Moldavian musical school became an intermediary in the involvement of Ukrainian singers in the Greek-Byzantine chant tradition and had a powerful influence on the development and renewal of Ukrainian and Belarusian church chant in the late 16th-17th centuries.
Key words: Ukrainian-Belarusian church chant tradition, Moldavian church chant tradition, staff-notated Heirmo- logia, Moldavian musical Anthologies, common Greek repertoire, kalophonic chant, Middle Byzantine notation, Kyiv notation, musical exegesis, Evstatie, protopsaltes of the Putna monastery.
Євгенія Василівна Ігнатенко,
кандидат мистецтвознавства, в.о. доцента кафедри теорії музики, Національна музична академія України ім. П.І. Чайковського (Київ, Україна)
Молдавська та україно-білоруська традиції церковного співу: спільний репертуар як факт взаємодії
Мета роботи. Нещодавно здійснена нами атрибуція калофонічних грецьких піснеспівів з українських і білоруських нотолінійних рукописів кінця XVI-XVIII століть довела їхнє східне походження і факт запозичення. Постає питання, де українські та білоруські співаки опановували греко-візантійський спів. Логічно припустити, що грецький репертуар з'явився завдяки україно-молдавським зв'язкам, оскільки молдавська традиція церковного співу, яка досягла розквіту в XVI столітті, засновується на візантійській. Твори греко-візантійських композиторів складають більшу частину репертуару молдавських рукописів XVI століття. Мета роботи - порівняти грецький репертуар молдавських та україно-білоруських музичних рукописів і визначити особливості його фіксації різними нотаціями - середньовізантійською та нотолінійною київською. Методологія. Робота спирається на порівняльний метод дослідження греко-візантійських, молдавських та україно-білоруських музичних рукописів. Наукова новизна. Встановлено, що калофонічні твори греко-візантійських композиторів, записані в українських та білоруських нотолінійних Ірмолоях кінця XVI-XVIII століть, представлені в молдавських Антологіях XVI століття. Також в україно-білоруських рукописах вдалося авторизувати грекомовну Херувимську пісню плагального першого гласу видатного молдавського композитора Євстатія, протопсалта монастиря Путна (бл. |1546). Висновки. Спільний грецький репертуар молдавських та україно-білоруських рукописів, а також твір Євстатія, записаний в україно-білоруських Ірмолоях, свідчать про безпосередній зв'язок молдавської та україно-білоруської традицій церковного співу і доводять, що молдавська школа церковного співу була посередницею в долученні українських співаків до греко-візантійської співацької традиції та мала потужний вплив на розвиток і оновлення україно-білоруського церковного співу кінця XVI-XVII століть.
Ключові слова: україно-білоруська традиція церковного співу, молдавська традиція церковного співу, нотолінійні Ірмолої, молдавські музичні Антології, спільний грецький репертуар, калофонічний спів, середньовізантійська нотація, київська нотація, музична екзегеза, Євстатій, протопсалт монастиря Путна.
Relevance of the research
greek repertoire church tradition
For objective reasons, the Ukrainian church chant tradition has not been sufficiently studied. During the atheistic Soviet era (1919-1991) church music did not belong to the priority scientific areas of musicology. The study of musical manuscripts allows to faithfully recreate unknown pages of Ukrainian musical history and enrich it with new names, facts and contexts.
Let's start with a well-known fact in musicology that in 1558 Moldavian voivode John Alexander Lapu§neanu (1552-1561, 1564-1568) invited four deacons from Lviv to Moldavia to study Greek and Serbian chant. Alexander Lapu§neanu was a generous patron of the Orthodox Church including in the Ukrainian and Belarusian lands. In 1558, the Lviv Assumption Church fraternity sent to him the ambassadors with the request to help to rebuild the Assumption Church of the Blessed Virgin, which burned down in 1527. The Moldavian voivode did not refuse and became its patron [4]. In a letter of the same year (1558, July 6), addressed to Lviv burghers, voivode Alexander invited four deacons from Lviv to Moldavia to study Greek and Serbian chant and informed that deacons from Przemysl had already arrived: «Тежь пришлете до насъ чотыри дияки, млоденци добрый, а мы ихъ дамо на научение петя греческого и сербъского: и коли ся научатъ, а мы ихъ зася пустимо до васъ: одно штобы мели голосы добрыи, бо исъ Перемышля такожь до насъ посланы суть дякове на науку» [9, p. 168].
Given the fact that the Putna monastery was the musical center of Moldavia in the 16th century, Anne Pennington, a famous researcher of the early Moldavian musical school, rightly believed that the Moldavian voivode Alexander invited the young deacons from Lviv to Putna. Analyzing the voivode's correspondence of the next decade, A. Pennington concluded that the expected “invigorating” effect which four trained deacons were supposed to have after returning to Lviv, did not materialize. Moreover, she even suggested that this project was not implemented at all [10, p. 132]. Our research refutes Pennington's conclusions and proves that the effect of Moldavian and Ukrainian musical contacts initiated by voivode Alexander was extremely expressive, significant and long-lasting.
The connection between the Moldavian and Ukrainian-Belarusian chant traditions of the 16th-17th centuries seems quite logical, given the territorial proximity of the Moldavian and Ukrainian lands and their belonging to a common Christian cultural space. This assumption is supported by the political, economic and ecclesiastical contacts established between the neighboring peoples of the time. At the same time, it is not easy to materialize this connection at the level of the chant repertoire.
Firstly, the comparative analysis of chant repertoires is complicated by the use of different musical notations. Moldavian bilingual Greek-Slavonic musical manuscripts of the 16th century are written in Middle Byzantine notation. In the Ukrainian and Belarusian lands znamenna (kulyzmyana) notation was used in the 16th century. Kyiv square staff notation emerged and gradually replaced the znamenna one at the turn of the 16th-17th centuries. Middle Byzantine notation was not used in the Ukrainian and Belarusian musical manuscripts.
The second reason that complicates comparative analysis of Moldavian and Ukrainian-Belarusian manuscripts is that Ukrainian-Belarusian chant repertoire, the roots of which go back to the chant tradition of the Old Rus is almost 100% anonymous. The names of the composers were usually not indicated in the musical manuscripts. In the 16th-17th centuries, new chants appeared in Ukrainian and Belarusian manuscripts, and again, not with the names of the composers, but with toponymic remarks indicating their foreign origin: Bulgarian, Greek, Serbian, Walachian, Multanian, etc. Quite often, the chants were named after the city or monastery (Kyiv, Ostroh, Kyiv-Pechersk, etc.).
Chants accompanied with the remark “Greek” (грецкий, грецкое), “in Greek” (по грецку) appeared in the Ukrainian and Belarusian church chant manuscripts, called Heirmologia , in the 16th - 17th centuries and kept in the liturgical repertoire until the late 18th century. Not only remark, but also Greek 3° verbal text, transcribed in Cyrillic alphabet evidence the oriental origin of these chants. Some chants have a Church Slavonic text and only the remark “Greek” indicates their origin.
Greek chants were not collected in the separate books. The manuscripts with the traditional Slavonic repertoire (not all, about 10%; in total, altogether about 100 manuscripts) contain the additional Greek chants [6]. Most of these manuscripts have only one, two, sometimes three Greek compositions. Trisagion, Cherubic Hymn and Axion Estin are the most common. However, there are few manuscripts with a dozen and more Greek chants. These are chant collections of the monasteries: in Suprasl, Kuteino, Kyiv-Mezhyhiria, Univ, Lavriv and Manyava:
Suprasl 5391: Suprasl Heirmologion of 1596-1601, Institute of Manuscript of V I. Vernadskyi National Library of Ukraine, Kyiv, Fond І, Unit 5391 [1];
Kuteino 1381: Kuteino Heirmologion of the 1620-1630s, State Historical Museum, Moscow, Synodal chant collection, Unit 1381;
Kyiv-Mezhyhiria 112/645: Kyiv-Mezhyhirskyi Heirmologion of the 1640s, Institute of Manuscript of V. I. Vernadskyi National Library of Ukraine. Collection of the Saint Sophia Cathedral of Kyiv, Fond 312, Unit 112/645;
Univ 490503: Univ Heirmologion of around 1650, Andrey Sheptytsky Na tional Museum in Lviv, Unit 58, Heirmologion 490503;
Lavriv 1902: Lavriv Heirmologion of 1677, National Library of Russia, Saint-Petersburg, A. Titov's collection, Fond 775, Unit 1902;
Manyava 10846: Manyava Heirmologion of 1675-1676, National Library of Romania, Bucharest, Ms. slav. 10846 [5];
Manyava 10845: Manyava Heirmologion of 1684, National Library of Romania, Bucharest, Ms. slav. 10845 [5];
Manyava 525: Manyava Heirmologion of 1731-1733, Romanian Academy Library, Bucharest, BAR 525 [5].
Until recently, the question, whether or not chants with the remark “Greek” are really Greek remained without answer, as they are all anonymous. As a result of our comparative study of Ukrainian-Belarusian and Greek-Byzantine manuscripts, we attributed a significant number of Greek chants, in particular, the kalophonic works of Byzantine composers of the 13th-15th centuries [2]: f loannes Glykys, Cherubic song of the plagal 2nd mode Ита херовпм / Qi та Xspovfislp, f the Monk Longin, Cherubic song of the Presanctified Gifts' liturgy of the 31 plagal 2nd mode Нине динамисъ /Nvv ai Avvapstq, Ioannes Kladas, Communion verse of Wednesday and of the Virgin holidays of the 1st mode Потиришн сотириоу / HoT^piov оепцріои, Manuel Chrysaphes, Sunday Communion verse of the 1st mode Енкте тонъ Киришн /AivsTrs tdv Kvpiov, Manuel Chrysaphes, Communion verse of Tuesday and of the days of the Saints' remembrance of the 3rd mode Изъ мнимосишнъ ешншнъ /Eiq Mv^poovvov Airnviov, Manuel Chrysaphes, Cherubic song of the 1st mode Ита херувим / Oi та Xspovfislp, Joakeim Harsianites, Sunday Communion verse of the 2nd mode Енкте тон киришнъ /AivsTrs rdv Kvpiov, Manuel Gazis, Matins' Prokeimenon of the plagal 4th mode Паса пнои / Паоа nvo, Anthimos Lavriotes, Cherubic song of the 4th mode Итай херувимъ / Oi та Xspovfislp.
Attribution of Greek chants from Ukrainian and Belarusian staff-notated manuscripts of the late 16th-18th centuries proved their Eastern origin and the fact of borrowing. The question arises where Ukrainian and Belarusian singers mastered Greek-Byzantine chant. It is logical to assume that the Greek repertoire appeared thanks to Ukrainian-Moldavian contacts, since the Moldavian chant tradition is based on the Byzantine one. The works of Greek- Byzantine composers make up most of the repertoire of the 16th century Moldavian manuscripts [8]. Thirteen of them have been found to date:
M 350: Anthology of 1511, State Historical Museum, Moscow, Collection of Schukin, Unit 350. Other 14 folia of the same manuscript are kept in the Library of the Academy of Sciences, St Petersburg, Collection of Jatsymirskij, Ms. 13.3.16. Autograph of Evstatie the Protopsaltes of Putna;
M 1102: Anthology of 1515, State Historical Museum, Moscow, Collection of the Synode, Unit 1102. Autograph of Evstatie the Protopsaltes of Putna;
P 56-I: Anthology of around 1520, Putna monastery, ms. 56/544/576 I, fol. 1r-84v;
Lm 258: Anthology of 1527, Library of the Leimonos monastery, Lesbos, ms. 258. Autograph of the Deacon Macarie from the Dobrovat monastery;
З2 M 1345: Anthology of the first half to mid-16th century, State Historical Museum, Moscow, Collection of Barsov, ms. 1345;
Ia$i I-26: Anthology of 1545, Central University Library “Mihai Eminescu”,
Ia§i, ms. I-26. Autograph of Antonie Hieromonk the Precentor;
Dg 1886: Anthology of 1550-1575, Dragomirna monastery, ms. 1886;
B 283: Anthology of 1550-1575, Romanian Academy Library, Bucharest, ms slav 283;
B 284: Anthology of 1550-1575, Romanian Academy Library, Bucharest, ms slav 284;
Sophia 816: Anthology of 1550-1575, Church Historical and Archival Institute, Sophia, ms. 816, written by Antonie. Last 8 folia of the same manuscript are kept in the Prague National Museum, PNM 1 Da 9;
Lz 12: Anthology before 1570, University Library “Karl Marx”, Leipzig, ms. 12;
Lv 1060: Anthology of the 16th century, Historical Museum, Lviv, ms. 1060;
P 56-II: Fragment of the first half of the 15th century from the ms. 56/544/576 I, fol. 85r-160v, Putna monastery.
The goal of our research is to compare the Greek repertoire of Moldavian and Ukrainian-Belarusian musical manuscripts and to define the peculiarities of its fixation in Middle Byzantine and Kyiv staff notations.
Analysis of publications
Due to the complexity, comparative source studies devoted to the interaction of Greek-Byzantine, Moldavian and Ukrainian-Belarusian church chant traditions are few. Bulgarian musicologist Elena Tonceva, who studied the Bulgarian musical school of the Ukrainian Manyava Great Skete, had an important research results in this area [5]. In particular, she found out that the Greek-language Cherubic song of the plagal 2nd mode with a remark “Old” (na/.ai ) from the Moldavian 16th century manuscripts was recorded in the Manyava manuscripts as the “every day” (повседневный) Cherubic song of the 7th mode [11]; the Manyava manuscripts contain Troparia Anastasima of the 1st mode of the Moldavian composer Evstatie the Protopsaltes of Putna [12].
Elena Tonceva's research was based only on the Manyava manuscripts, we considered its results in a wider context [3].
The attribution of Greek chants shows that Ukrainian and Belarusian singers preferred the works of the early Byzantine composers rather than their contemporaries' ones. Ukrainian and Belarusian manuscripts of the late 16th- 17th centuries include the works of Greek-Byzantine composers of the 13 th- 15th centuries. On the one hand, this fact proves their long-term popularity in the Greek East and in the territories under Byzantine religious and cultural influence. On the other hand, it is a marker of a certain liturgical and stylistic selection, since these are kalophonic compositions of the Divine Liturgies, which are the most important and difficult.
As we have already noted, the works of Greek-Byzantine composers make up most of the repertoire, recorded in the 16th century Moldavian manuscripts. However, this majority is a rather limited part of the repertoire presented in the Greek-Byzantine manuscripts. The kalophonic Byzantine repertoire, which was cultivated in Moldavian monasteries in the 16th century, was also formed as a result of a certain liturgical and stylistic selection.
Scientific novelty
Our comparative study showed that all attributed Greek chants from the Ukrainian and Belarusian Heirmologia are found in the 16th century Moldavian manuscripts (See TABLE).
In the process of working with the Greek repertoire, we also found out that the Greek-language Cherubic song of the plagal 1st mode of the outstanding Moldavian composer Evstatie, the Protopsaltes of Putna (ca. f1546) was recorded in Ukrainian and Belarusian manuscripts. Evstatie's work was included in the cycle of kalophonic Cherubic Songs, along with the works of Ioannes Glykys, Manuel Chrysaphes and Anthimos Lavriotes.
Our research has shown that the studied Greek kalophonic repertoire, as well as the Greek-language Cherubic song of Evstatie, the Protopsaltes of Putna were written down in Ukrainian and Belarusian manuscripts as early as the beginning of the 17th century. Undoubtedly, this fact allows us to talk about a direct subsequent connection between the Moldavian and Ukrainian-Belarusian church chant traditions.
At the same time, there are significant differences between them.
Greek repertoire was recorded in Middle Byzantine notation in Moldavian manuscripts and in five-line Kyiv notation - in Ukrainian and Belarusian manuscripts. Comparative study of the attributed Greek chants notated with Middle Byzantine, New Method's and Kyiv staff notations showed that the erroneous compared to the original definitions of the work's mode.
In Greek-Byzantine and Moldavian manuscripts, there are no chants without a mode definition. Discrepancies in the mode definition of the same work, recorded in different manuscripts occur in the Byzantine tradition, although not so often as we see in Ukrainian and Belarusian manuscripts. But mode's indications of the studied works, offered in the Moldavian manuscripts, are the same as in the Greek-Byzantine manuscripts. Therefore, the Byzantine modes were reinterpreted by Ukrainian and Belarusian singers. This is a special feature of the Ukrainian-Belarusian reception of Greek- Byzantine chant.
Our next observation concerns the composer's attribution of the studied works. As we have already said, in the Ukrainian and Belarusian manuscripts the names of the composers were not indicated. In Moldavian manuscripts the names of the composers were indicated, but not always. For instance, in many manuscripts, the Communion of the 3rd mode Eiq Mv^poonvov Atrnvtov of Manuel Chrysaphes and the Communion of the 1st mode Horqpiov ocmynou of Ioannes Kladas became anonymous. We see the name of Joakeim Harsianites near his Communion Aivsfrs tdv Kvpiov in only one manuscript, in the rest it was written anonymously, and sometimes - under the name of Moschianos. So, the names of composers began to disappear in Moldavian manuscripts. And in Ukrainian and Belarusian manuscripts, all borrowed works became anonymous.
The method of adapting the Greek repertoire in Moldavia and in the 35 Ukrainian-Belarusian lands are similar. For instance, the Sunday Communion of the 2nd mode Aivsfrs tdv Kvpiov of Joakeim Harsianites and the Wednesday Communion of the 1st mode Hoirfpiov оттцрюи of Ioannes Kladas were recorded in the Moldavian Anthology of 1545 as anonymous and with two texts: in Greek and in Church Slavonic [7]. The Church Slavonic text adapted to the chant was not a translation of the Greek text. Discrepancy of verbal texts is a typical feature of bilingual chants recorded in Moldavian manuscripts. Examples of such a practice were found in the Ukrainian Manyava manuscripts. The Saturday Communion verse in Church Slavonic Блажени яже избра was ascribed under the Greek text of the Manuel Chrysaphes' Sunday Communion Енъте тонъ KvpuwH (Aivsfrs tdv Kvpiov) in the Manyava Heimologion of 1684.
Conclusions
The common Greek repertoire of Moldavian and Ukrainian-Belarusian manuscripts, as well as the work of Evstatie, recorded in Ukrainian and Belarusian Heirmologia, testify to the direct connection of Moldavian and Ukrainian-Belarusian church chant traditions and prove that the Moldavian musical school, which flourished in the 16th century, became an intermediary in the involvement of Ukrainian singers in the Greek-Byzantine chant tradition and had a powerful influence on the development and renewal of Ukrainian and Belarusian church chant in the late 16th- 17th centuries. Therefore, the effect of Moldavian and Ukrainian musical contacts initiated by Moldavian voivode John Alexander Lapu§neanu in the mid-16th century was extremely expressive, significant and long-lasting.
TABLE
|
Composer, Work |
Selected Ukrainian and Belarusian manuscripts |
Selected Moldavian manuscripts |
|
|
Ioannes Glykys, Cherubic song of the plagal 2nd mode И та херовЪм / Oi та ХєропРєір |
Suprasl 5391, fol. 521r-522v, of the 4th mode; Kuteino 1381, fol. 405v-408r, of the 8th mode; fol. 415v-417v; Manyava 10846, fol. 162v-166r, of the 5th mode; fol. 173v-177v, of the 8th mode; Lavriv 1902, fol. 34r-39r, of the 8th mode; |
М 1102, fol. 75r-; P 56-I, fol. 26v-27v; fol. 53v-55r; Sophia 816, fol. 58r-60v; |
|
|
Manyava 10845, fol. 195r-, of the 8th mode; Manyava 525, fol. 108v-, of the 8th mode; |
|||
|
Monk Longin, Cherubic song of the Presanctified Gifts' liturgy of the plagal 2nd mode Нин е динамисъ / Nov ai Auvapsic |
Kuteino 1381, fol. 419r-420r, without mode S indication; Manyava 10846, fol. 208r-210v, without mode's indication; |
М 1102, fol. 124v-; P 56-I, fol. 39r-40r; Lm 258, fol. 247v-249r; M 1345, fol. 71r-; Ia§i I-26, fol. 115v-117v; Lz 12, fol. 78v-81r, without composer S name; В 283, fol. 126r-; B 284, fol. 48r-50r; Sophia 816, fol. 108v-110r; |
|
|
loannes Kladas, Communion verse of Wednesday and of the Virgin holidays of the 1st mode Потириюн сотириоу / nori'ipiov Gomipiou |
Suprasl 5391, fol. 224r-224v, of the 2nd mode; Kuteino 1381, fol. 422r-423r, without mode's indication; Manyava 10846, fol. 189r-191v, fol. 196r-197v; Lavriv 1902, fol. 44v-48r, without mode's indication; Manyava 10845, fol. 215r-; Manyava 525, fol. 122v-, with two Greek texts: norqpiov nmqpiou and AivEirE rdv Knpiov; |
Lm 258, fol. 222v-223v, without composer's name; Ia§i I-26, fol. 94r-95v, without composer S name, with two texts: Horqpiov nmTqpiou in Greek and Явися благодать Божия in Church Slavonic; M 1345, fol. 58r-; |
|
|
Manuel Chrysaphes, Sunday Communion verse of the 1st mode ЕнЬте тонъ Кириюн / Aivsirs rov Kuprov |
Suprasl 5391, fol. 575r-v, without mode's indication; Univ 490503, fol. 106v-, without mode's indication; Manyava 10846, fol. 182v-184v; Manyava 10845, fol. 207r-, with two texts: Аіуеїте rdv Knpiov in Greek and Блажени яже избра in Church Slavonic; Manyava 525, fol. 118v-; |
Lz 12, fol. 129r-v, without composer s name; |
|
|
Manuel Chrysaphes, Communion verse of Tuesday and of the days of the Saints' |
Suprasl 5391, fol. 396r-v, of the 5th mode; Kuteino 1381, fol. 423v-426v, without mode's indication; |
P 56-I, fol. 30r-v, without composer's name; Lm 258, fol. 228v-230r; Ia§i I-26, fol. 100r-101v, |
|
|
remembrance of the 3rd mode Изъ мнимосиюнъ еюнюнъ / Eic Mv^poonvov Airnviov |
Manyava 10846, fol. 191v-194r; Lavriv 1902, fol. 51v-54v, without mode S indication; Manyava 10845, fol. 218v-221r; Manyava 525, fol. 124v-; |
without composer S name; Sophia 816, fol. 82v-83v, without compoSer'S name; Lz 12, fol. 69r-71r, without compoSer'S name; В 283, fol. 94r-; В 284, fol. 42v-; Dg 1886, fol. 23r-; |
|
|
Manuel Chrysaphes, Cherubic song of the 1st mode И та херувим / Oi та ХєроиРєір |
Suprasl 5391, fol. 516r-517v, of the 1st mode; Univ 490503, fol. 247r-v, of the 1st mode; Manyava 10846, fol. 148r-151v, of the 1st mode; Lavriv 1902, fol. 15r-19v, of the 1st mode; Manyava 10845, fol. 161r-, of the 1st mode; Manyava 525, fol. 94r-, of the 1st mode; |
Lz 12, fol. 1r-3r, fol. 131r-134r; В 283, fol. 41r-; Sophia 816, fol. 49v-52r; |
|
|
Joakeim Harsianites, Sunday Communion verse of the 2nd mode ЕнЬте тон кириюнъ / Aivsirs rov Knprov |
Suprasl 5391, fol. 217r-v, without mode S indication; Kuteino 1381, fol. 395v-397r, without mode S indication; |
М 1102, fol. 93r-; Lm 258, fol. 225r-226r, without compoSer'S name; Ia§i I-26, fol. 95v-96v, without composer S name, with two texts: AivEiTE rdv Knprov in Greek and Избавление посла Господь in Church Slavonic; В 283, fol. 88r-90r, of Moschianos; В 284, fol. 39v-; Sophia 816, fol. 77r-, of Moschianos; Lz 12, fol. 64v-; |
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Manuel Gazis, Matins' Prokeimenon of the plagal 4th mode Паса пнои / Паса nvop |
Kyiv-Mezhyhiria 112/645, fol. 203r, without mode S indication; Manyava 10846, fol. 121r-123r, without mode's indication; Lavriv 1902, fol. 3-5v, without mode'S indication; |
B 284, fol. 88r-v, without composer's name |
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Manyava 10845, fol. 136-138v, without mode S indication; Manyava 525, fol. 81v-, without mode S indication; |
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Anthimos Lavriotes, Cherubic song of the 4th mode И тай херувимъ / Oi rd ХєроиРєіц |
Suprasl 5391, fol. 222r-224r, of the 5th mode; Kyiv- Mezhyhiria 112/645, fol. 204v-205r, of the 3rd mode; Univ 490503, fol. 248v-249v, of the 4th mode; Manyava 10846, fol. 158r-162r, of the 4th mode; Lavriv 1902, fol. 24r-28v, of the 4th mode; Manyava 10845, fol. 179r-, of the 4th mode; Manyava 525, fol. 102v-, of the 4th mode; |
Ia§i I-26, fol. 75r-77v; Sophia 816, fol. 47v-49v; В 283, fol. 53-; В 284, fol. 21r-24r; Lz 12, fol. 43r-; |
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Evstatie, the Protopsaltes of Putna, Cherubic song of the plagal 1st mode И та херувим / Oi rd ХєроиРєіц |
Suprasl 5391, fol. 517v-519r, of the 2nd mode; Kuteino 1381, fol. 413v-415v, of the 3rd mode; Manyava 10846, fol. 152r-155r, of the 2nd mode; fol. 155r-158r, of the 3rd mode; Lavriv 1902, fol. 20r-23v, of the 2nd mode; Manyava 10845, fol. 170v-, of the 2nd mode; fol. 175r-, of the 3rd mode; Manyava 525, fol. 97v-, of the 2nd mode; fol. 100r-, of the 3rd mode; |
M 350, fol. 54v-55v; М 1102, fol. 82r-85r; P 56-I, fol. 52r-53r; Lm 258, fol. 214v-216v; Ia§i I-26, fol. 84v-87r, without composer S name; Sophia 816, fol. 56r-58v; В 283, fol. 60r-63v; В 284, fol. 27v-29v; Lz 12, fol. 49v-52v; |
References
1. Дубровіна Л. А. Супрасльський Ірмолой 1601 року: деякі аспекти кодикологічного дослідження // Рукописна та книжкова спадщина України. 1993. Вип. 1. С. 13-20.
2. Ігнатенко Є. В. Атрибуція грецьких співів з українських і білоруських Ірмолоїв кінця XVI-XVIII століть // Студії мистецтвознавчі: Театр. Музика. Кіно. Київ: Видавництво ІМФЕ, 2019. Вип. 1 (65). С. 29-38. URL: https://sm.etnolog.org.Ua/zmist/2019/1/29.pdf (дата звернення 25.03.2023).
3. Ігнатенко Є. В. Грецький репертуар українських і білоруських Ірмоло- 39 їв кінця XVI-XVIH століть: сучасний стан досліджень // Наукові збірки Львівської національної музичної академії імені М. В. Лисенка. Видавничий дім «Гельветика», 2021. Вип. 47. С. 17-31. URL: http://journals.lnma. lviv.ua/index.php/naukovizbirky/issue/view/30 (дата звернення 25.03.2023). https://doi.org/10.32782/2310-0583-2021-47.03
4. Луцык Р. Храм Успения Богородицы во Львове // Юбилейный сборник в память 350-летия львовского Ставропигиона. Ч. ІІ. Временник. Научнолитературные записки львовского Ставропигиона на 1936 и 1937 годы. Львов: Ставропигийский институт во Львове, 1937. С. 48-51.
5. Тончева Е. Б. Манастирът Голям Скит - школа на «болгарский роспев». Скитски «болгарски» Ирмолози от XVII-XVII в. В 2-х ч. София: Музика, 1981. Ч. 1: 168 с. Ч. 2: 702 с.
6. Ясиновський Ю. П. Українські та білоруські нотолінійні Ірмолої 16-18 століть. Каталог і кодикологічно-палеографічне дослідження. Львів: Місіонер, 1996. 624 с.
7. Conomos D. The Monastery of Putna and the Musical Tradition of Moldavia in the Sixteenth Century // Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 1982. Vol. 36. P. 15-28. https://doi.org/10.2307/1291460
8. Kujumdzieva S. The Significance of the Putna Music School in the History of Orthodox Church Music // Analele Putnei, XVH, 2021, 1. P. 287-302.
9. Moisescu T Muzica bizantina in spa(iul cultural romanesc. Bucure§ti: Edi- tura Muzicala a Uniumii Compozitorilor §i Muzicologilor din Romania, 1996. p. 168. 348 р.
10. Pennington A. Seven Akolouthiai from Putna // Studies in Eastern Chant. N.Y., 1979. Vol. IV. P 112-133.
11. Tonceva E. Die Skitische Musikhandschriftenfamilie des Bolgarskij Rospev von 17.-18. Jh. Und die spatpostbyzantinische Musikpraxis // Acta Musi- cae Byzantinae. Revista Centrului de Studii Bizantine, Ja§i, 2005. Vol. VIII. P. 55-62.
12. Tonceva E. The Bulgarian Liturgical Chant (9th - 19th centuries) // Rhythm in Byzantine Chant. Hernen, 1991. P. 141-19
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