The Nature of Civil Disobedience Movement at the Time of Hu Jintao Administration
The socioeconomic reforms in the context of "harmonious society" philosophy as Hu Jintao administration policy. Issues on constructing a socialist harmonious society. The results reforms in context of political discourse. The evidence of social unrest.
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For example, one of the most representative cases is the pension claims (as a part of labor conflicts, in general). If we look through the "Provisional Regulations on Social Insurance Contribution"Љշѐݍs [Provisional Regulations on Social Insurance Contribution] / [Text] : official version. @ߑ259, {Ż, 2005N0804- Access mode: http://www.gov.cn/banshi/2005-08/04/content_20250.htm and "Labor Law"laͶ@ [Labour Law of People's Republic of China] / [Text] : official version. l- Access mode: http://www.npc.gov.cn/wxzl/gongbao/2000-12/05/content_5004622.htm, we can see that both employers and individual workers have to pay social insurance, and Social Insurance Institution has to collect these payments.
From the analysis of the legal relationship, pay social insurance is a mandatory obligation controlled by the State. In this sense, there is a kind of civil relationships between employers or individual workers and the institution responsible for collecting social payments. In many cases, still there is a question for judges even if dispute over pension can be described as a labor dispute or an administrative dispute縍?. ێЉշѾČIa [On the Receipt and Processing of Social Insurance Disputes] / [Text] : @@, 2007N510. - Access mode: http://old.chinacourt.org/html/article/200705/10/245704.shtml. That means that the regulatory framework of socioeconomic relations is still not complete enough.
In spite of the fact, that the China Supreme People's Court in 2006 specifies the nature of relations between worker and employer as labor relations, the disputes between the employee and Social Insurance Institution does not considered labor disputes. It means that court accept such kind of disputes but in the process of judicial procedures the same time involved different state institutions (regulated as labor, as administrative relationships).
Another issue is a separation of powers in China. The conflict of interests is another factor why the officials prefer the mediation or public hearings rather than a court examination. In some concrete situations owner of state enterprise in informal or even party hierarchy can be higher in comparison with both judges handling the dispute and Social Insurance Institution representatives. What is the next step for workers in such circumstances? The next step is the participation of high-ranking officials with the help of petitions, mass media and activist lawyers or an act of civil disobedience in the absence of effective tools for resolving conflicts, . ]??ծҵ13N?V [Jiangsu Suining enterprise Refused to Pay 13 years Pension Debts] / [Text] : @@, 2006N125. - Access mode: http://www.chinacourt.org/article/detail/2006/12/id/226976.shtml.
The next issue we discussed is the land takings. As long as a person practically cannot resist the Constitutional right of state to take the land away, the main reason for court examination is inadequate compensation. The decision on volume of compensation to the landowner (which is more common for rural population) or homeowner (more common in urban area) is made by the court. The key problem here is to achieve consensus on fair market value for their housing and the land use rights Randall Peerenboom, He Xin. Dispute Resolution in China: Patterns, Causes, and Prognosis / The Foundation for Law, Justice and Society in collaboration with The Centre for Socio-Legal Studies, University of Oxford, 2008 accessed at http://www.fljs.org/sites/www.fljs.org/files/publications/Peerenboom_He%2520Xin%25231%2523.pdf.
The same problem for the land disputes - the lack of transparency in land takings. Simply, there is no any clear procedure for land taking and this process seems for citizens as quite unfair and corrupted. According to the relevant land takings regulations the requirement to auction land is obligatory but usually, a local government acts in the interests of a concrete person or company. In such circumstances, the price has already arranged.
Again, the court, as a part of the state bureaucratic apparatus, cannot make a decision which would not be in the interests of local government. There are a number of situations when local courts even try to avoid such land takings cases Randall Peerenboom, He Xin. Dispute Resolution in China: Patterns, Causes, and Prognosis / The Foundation for Law, Justice and Society in collaboration with The Centre for Socio-Legal Studies, University of Oxford, 2008 accessed at http://www.fljs.org/sites/www.fljs.org/files/publications/Peerenboom_He%2520Xin%25231%2523.pdf- so, the higher court should organize the court examination, or local government just makes a decision directly in each case. Local hearings are one of the most common instruments in such disputes as a tool to prevent growing social unrest and discuss the matter of compensation.
The same mechanism of dispute resolution applies to the environmental disputes. The key point here is also a matter of compensation for the grave harm to the health of the persons. Again, the question is to calculate an adequate compensation - the mechanism is not organized yet.
Summarizing all of the types of dispute resolution, the most common practices in resolving of socioeconomic issues are arbitration, mediation, the petition system, mass plaintiff suits, administrative litigation and reconsideration. If these instruments do not produce any results, the only way for the citizens is an act of civil disobedience.
There is a question of state respond. We have to give an explanation of main actors involved in the process of dispute resolution, because using such terms as a "state" or "officials" could lead to misunderstanding of mechanism of state response.
According to the different functions and responsibilities, the state actors involved in the process of dispute resolution and negotiations includes the central government, local governments and the security apparatusGbel C., Ong L. Social Unrest in China / [Text] : Europe China Research and Advise Network, August 2012. - Access mode: http://eeas.europa.eu/china/docs/division_ecran/ecran_social_unrest_in_china_christian_gobel_and_lynette_h_ong_en.pdf. The reaction of these three actors varies significantly in every mass uprising and the act of civil disobedience.
The Central Government respond is analyzed through the text of the work. The main responsibility of this institution is not to resolve all of the issues triggered by the social unrest case by case, but the implementation of the general socioeconomic policy. So, the key actors in dispute resolution are not courts or the Central Government, but the local governments and security forces.
One of the big shift in state policy during the Hu Jintao Administration is the decentralizing in different spheres, including some financial (e.g. tax collection) responsibilities and relevant responsibilities in the sphere of public security.
We are not going into details analyzing the structure of public security system, because there are certain security apparatus structures people deal with during the acts of civil disobedience. It's important to underline that the level of independence and public safety measures can be varied in different Chinese administrative units.
In general, the institutions of public security involved in the process of dispute resolutions are the public security bureaus () and local police stations (ho, as a part of the higher level public security bureau).
According to the available data of The State Statistics Bureau at the national level, there is a significant increase in spending on security forces from 2003 to 2009. In 2002, domestic security spending was about 150 billion yuan, and in six years this number is practically tripled to 475 billion yuanXie, Yue. Rising Central Spending on Public Security and the Dilemma Facing Grassroots Officials in China / [Text] : Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, 42, 2, p. 79-109, 2013. - Access mode: http://journals.sub.uni-hamburg.de/giga/jcca/article/viewFile/633/631. It means that number of local police stations steadily increases through the period of Hu Administration, as an important effort of State to control and prevent any possible act of civil disobedience.
In some extraordinary cases, there is also a structure taking active role in direct suppression of civil disobedience acts called Chinese People's Armed Police Force (lx@). The first law on the armed police passed on 2009 at the 10th session of the Standing Committee of the 11th National People's Congress, giving the Armed Police Force statutory authority to respond to security emergenciesTop Legislature Passes Armed Police Law / [Text] : Xinhua, China Daily, August 27, 2009. - Access mode: http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2009-08/27/content_8625494.htm. To some specialists point of viewWines, M. China Approves Law Governing Armed Police Force / [Text] : The New York Times, August 27, 2009. - Access mode: http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/28/world/asia/28china.html?_r=0, that is a state respond to the ethnic riots in the Xinjiang region in June, 2008Wonk, E. Riots in Western China Amid Ethnic Tension / [Text] : The New York Times, July 5, 2009. - Access mode: http://www.nytimes.com/2009/07/06/world/asia/06china.html.According to this law People's Armed Police Force officers' main responsibilities not only include internal security in general but also deal with riots and to patrol cities during periods of social unrest.
We should not overestimate the role of public security forces. Like any other local institutions, the officers of public security forces are subordinated to the local CPC and government leaders. At the same time, they are subordinated to the functional superior, the Ministry of Public Security. Such kind of management system inevitably leads to contradictions between Party leaders and Ministry officials because of the "combining vertical and local leadership, with local leadership as the mainstay"Peerenboom, R. Dispute Resolution in China: Patterns, Causes, and Prognosis / [Text] : Randall Peerenboom, He Xin. The Foundation for Law, Justice and Society in collaboration with The Centre for Socio-Legal Studies, University of Oxford, 2008. - Access mode: http://www.fljs.org/sites/www.fljs.org/files/publications/Peerenboom_He%2520Xin%25231%2523.pdf (ፇ, ȿΪ). This system usually do not criticized by the Chinese and foreign scientists, but civil society activists found it rather complex and ineffective, triggering the increasing of corruptionፇ, ȿΪߕsʵʻ [Policy of Integration of Departments and Regions at Different Levels no Longer Conform Chinese Reality] / [Text] : Ѫ, 2009N518. - Access mode: http://bbs.tiexue.net/post2_3567169_1.html.
Sometimes it's difficult to forecast the reaction of public security officers to the acts of civil disobedience. In fact, in some cases, they even can sympathize with protesters. In some cases, because of the financial dependence on local governments, security officers do not avoid physical coercion and follow all the commands of local government. It should be stated that it is local Party committee what is responsible for security institution budgets and the appointment of personnel.
It is obvious, local governments play an active role in dispute resolution process and in the dealing with acts of civil disobedience combines all of the official channels for communication with society. Integrated structure on the base of CPC personnel make local governments an institution which in fact control local courts, public security bureaus and local police stations, as Armed Police Force. As long as there is no real separation of powers, we cannot examine the judicial government and institutions of public security as independent actors involved in the process of communication with society during the period of Hu-Wen AdministrationTanner, M. Unrest in China and the Chinese State's Institutional Responses / [Text] : Testimony before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission. China Studies Division, CNA, February 25, 2011. - Access mode: http://www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/2.25.11Tanner.pdf.
3.3 Succession of "Harmonious Society" Policy
Analyzing the official government statements by President Xi Jinping and the Communist Party leaders, it is necessary to emphasize a very important peculiarity - how many times they mentioned the term "Harmonious Society". Such rhetoric in Chinese official policy can be considered as a key indicator of the efficiency and effectiveness of one or another political action.
As we have already mentioned before, the concept of "Harmonious Society" has practically nothing in common with traditional Confucian rhetoric. Although, this term was widely used by Hu Administration considered to be conservative and strictly followed to ideas of Chinese exceptionalism and authoritarianism of stateVeg, S. China's Political Spectrum under Xi Jinping / [Text] : The Diplomat. August 11, 2014. - Access mode: http://thediplomat.com/2014/08/chinas-political-spectrum-under-xi-jinping/. In few years this term was absorbed by the complex political course of "Scientific Development" and under President Xi both of these two notions have practically disappeared from CPC leaders' rhetoric.
On November 29, 2013 Xi Jinping first revealed his own concept of state ideology for the period of his Administration by saying, "to realize the renaissance of the Chinese nation is the greatest dream for the Chinese nation in modern history"Huang, C. Just What is Xi Jinping's Chinese Dream and Chinese Renaissance / [Text] : South China Morning Post, 6 February, 2013. - Access mode: http://www.scmp.com/news/china/article/1143954/just-what-xi-jinpings-chinese-dream-and-chinese-renaissance.
Analyzing the speeches published on the official web-site of Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the PRClaOdv [People's Republic of China Ministry of Foreign Affairs Speeches] / [Text] : official version. laO. - Access mode: http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/web/ziliao_674904/zyjh_674906/ for foreign audience and the main public speeches for domestic audience published on the official web-site of Chinese Communist Partylaϰߕdv [President of the People's Republic of China Xi Jinping Important Speeches] / [Text] : official version. }V. - Access mode: http://cpc.people.com.cn/GB/67481/371956/371959/, we can say that from the end of 2013, after delegation of power President Xi Jinping within a few months has practically taken the term "Harmonious Society" out to political discourse. At the same time, there is no any reference in fundamental documents, such as Constitution of PRC or Constitution of Communist Party of China. That is the evidence of "Harmonious Society" socioeconomic reforms' failure in the framework of official political discourse. The statistical data published on the cases of social unrest mentioned in the Chapter II also testifies the growing level of social unrest in all three aspects analyzed above, including environmental and labor conflicts and land disputes.
"Harmonious Society" did not implement any effective tools for communication between society and state. One of the problems faced by the Hu Administration was the complex bureaucratic apparatus- in absence of diversified model of response "Citizen - State Institution", Chinese people found themselves in the situation when no court or any state institution can help them resolve existing problems. In most of cases there is a need of local government participation which is for certain make a dispute resolution process much longer than it can be.
On March, 2011 Hu Jintao made the last attempt to prevent the further growth of social unrest introducing the new concept of social management system, pointing out such aspects as strengthening of propaganda work (cultural education, control over mass media and social network users), keeping the decentralization policy (in this sense, means social control by indirect methods), alleviating income inequality and improving public securityӽ: HHʵʵЉǗȊw [Hu Jintao: Solidly Improve the Scientific Level of Social Management] / [Text] : V, 2011N0219. - Access mode: http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2011-02/19/c_121100198.htm.
Such attempts indicate the CPC awareness and understanding of current socioeconomic situation. The fact is insufficient system adaptability simply does not responsive to the needs of Chinese citizens in a timely manner.
Conclusion
As we have already mentioned there is a rapid growth in the number and scale of public protests in PRC at the time of Hu Jintao Administration from 2003 to 2013. Undoubtedly, the socioeconomic development of PRC, as a country with the 1,4 billion population, can be considered the key factor of the global peace in general. At the same time, it's relevant for such fields as capital investment, cooperation in the business projects and international institutions.
That's why the goal of that work was to analyze the causes of mass riots and forecast the possibility of longer political stability of PRC under President Xi Jinping.
In the first Chapter we describe the socioeconomic policy of "Harmonious Society" implemented in the period of Hu Administration, especially its influence in the sphere of labor conflicts, land disputes and environmental degradation.
That is obvious that Hu Jintao tried implementing the "Harmonious Society" policy on the base of the central concept of ancient Chinese philosophy of "harmony" which was mentioned for the first time even in the "Doctrine of the Mean" of the Song dynasty. In fact, we have concluded that notion of "mean" as a concept of Confucianism and interpretation of "Harmonious Society" differs from each other dramatically. "Harmonious Society" as a political platform has different connotations for different classes, makes it pseudo-Confucian, but appropriate for educated elites, nationalists and working class. The main reason is using the Confucian rhetoric ratify the leading role of CPC in all spheres of life.
We have compared these two notions of "harmony" (classic Confucian notion and notion of CPC under Hu Jintao) to underline the basic contradictions and similarities. In spite of the fact, that the ideology of CPC is based on the Marxism-Leninism transactions and the concept of Mao Zedong, terms correlating with the idea of "Harmonious Society" still can be found. In the sphere of socioeconomic life politicians propose not an ideal society of communist type but try to endorse something more democratic but still not radical, such as pseudo-Confucian idea of "Harmonious Society"
We have pointed out that all of the socioeconomic changes were implemented after relevant amendments to the Constitution of the People's Republic of China adopted on March 14, 2004. There is an added paragraph on "the coordinated development of the material, political and spiritual civilizations".
There are also fundamental changes in the Constitution concerning regulations on land and private property, and now there is a compensation for the land expropriated or requisitioned by the State in the public interest and in accordance with law for its use. Besides, state declared an obligation to protect the rights and interests of the non-public economy sectors and respects and preserves human rights a social security system is mentioned in the Constitution for the first time guaranteeing a social security system compatible with the level of economic development established by the State.
We also have explained a political discourse of Hu Jintao implemented policy of guiding ideology named "Scientific Outlook on Development" leading to the creation of "Socialist Harmonious Society". According to the Hu Jintao evaluated socioeconomic issues, we can see that the level of Government's awareness remains very high through the whole period of Hu Jintao Administration. That means that the guiding ideology, objectives and principles of building a socialist harmonious society can be considered as sufficiently adequate and rational. The weak point is the mechanism of reforms implementation.
Government understood a need to strengthen the construction of socialist democratic regime, to develop the socialist democracy and implement the basic strategy of rule of law and build a socialist country ruled by law, promote social fairness and justice. Still, the process of implementation was absolutely ineffective on the base of socioeconomic reforms results.
The second Chapter devoted to the nature of civil disobedience movement and the socioeconomic factors causing acts of civil disobedience
We have examined the grievances lying at the heart of civil disobedience. It is interesting that in contrary to the popular belief the level of social unrest in China does not correlate with the economic growth rate. In spite of the economic growth, number of civil disobedience acts is dramatically increasing year by year. To demonstrate that fact, we have clarified the definitions used in discourse of describing social unrest, including the term "mass incident", "mass disturbances", "mass peace order incident", "mass security incidents" and levels of such mass incidents classified by the number of participants and other factors.
As long as the scope of social spheres under study includes the sphere of labor conflicts, land disputes and environmental issues, we did not describe the macro-level triggers of socio unrest such as inequality or corruption. So, we focus on labor conflicts, land disputes and environmental issues, as the key issues triggered the social unrest.
Speaking of the reasons provoked labor conflicts; we have to mention such issues as the growing gap between different social classes, the protection of workers' human rights and the growing need of social guarantees.
The next crucial question of the Hu Administration is the land issues triggered by the violation of the land possession rights and the expropriation of land or property both from the urban and rural population by force without the inadequate compensation.
The last issue for growing social unrest received the most complete coverage of both the Chinese and foreign media is the extremely bad environmental situation triggered by the exhaustion of natural resources and worsening environmental situation including the expansion of existing hazardous industries and desertification.
In the third Chapter we have described the social portrait of protesters and analyze the evolution of the claims on the base of cases mentioned in Chinese and foreign mass media. We can say that in spite of the diversity of civil disobedience acts all over China there are some common factors, which can be considered as a positive impact of both official actions and activity of society. The number of lawsuits is continuously growing because people become more concerned about legal tools for resolving the existing conflicts. That leads to the civil society growing need for official representative unions and legal advice centers which in fact will lead to the growing level of institutionalizing and establishing of NGOs.
During the investigation of nature of civil disobedience movement in China at the time of Hu Jintao Administration, we have analyzed a number of social conflicts and describe the official way of dispute resolution. Evaluating the efficiency of current mechanisms as a factor provoking the social unrest, we can say that there is a trend toward dejudicialization and great number of mass suits (the groups of plaintiffs).
The common practices of socioeconomic issues resolving are arbitration, mediation, the petition system, mass plaintiff suits, administrative litigation and reconsideration. If these instruments do not produce any results, the only way for the citizens is an act of civil disobedience.
We have analyzed the reaction of state actors involved in the process of dispute resolution and negotiations such as the central government, local governments and the security apparatus. That's the fact that local government plays the most significant role in dispute resolution process and in the dealing with acts of civil disobedience combining all of the official channels for communication with society such as local courts, public security bureaus, local police stations, and armed police because of the absence of real separation of powers.
On November 29, 2013 Xi Jinping revealed the concept of state ideology of "Chinese Dream" and from that time the term "Harmonious Society" has practically taken out from political discourse. The statistical data testifies the growing level of social unrest in all three aspects analyzed above, including environmental and labor conflicts and land disputes. That all means that President Xi rejects the policy of "Harmonious Society" because of its inefficiency.
All of these facts support our hypothesis because in the absence of effective channels for interaction between society and the state, the number of civil disobedience acts is continuously increasing. Can it lead to the collapse of social stability in China? The question remains open because of the new Administration active liberal financial policy and anticorruption agenda. In fact, there is a lack of clear socioeconomic policy under the rule of President Xi - it can mean both an implementation of new socioeconomic reforms or further strengthening of economic development.
We don't want to underestimate the importance of the "Harmonious Society" policy because that is the first complex set of socioeconomic measurements to resolve relevant problems which can be considered as a result of fast economic development during the period of "Reforms & Opening Up". The "Harmonious Society" policy proved to be ineffective but we cannot expect how Chinese society would behave without the implementation of this policy.
We have to point out that there are some complex problems were not resolved during the research, including the internet policing and propaganda as important tools for preventing mass riots. Also, such issues as institutional causes, the cadre evaluation structure and fiscal recentralization reform, as problems triggered social unrest should be analyzed for the implications for China policy.
As long as that work devoted to socioeconomic issues, the analyzing of ethnic conflicts and political opposition is necessary for the framework of future state stability of China under rule of Communist party.
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Appendix
There is a list of most vulnerable acts of civil disobedience which can be considered as typical examples of sociopolitical life in China during the period of Hu Jintao Administration from 2003 to 2013.
Environmental Disputes
1) Lee, K. "The Maoming Anti-PX Protest of 2014" / [Text] Kingsyhon Lee, Ming-sho Ho. China Affairs, China Perspective, no. 2014/3. - Access mode: http://chinaperspectives.revues.org/6537?file=1
2) Kaiman, Jonathan. "Inside China's Cancer Villages" / [Text] : The Guardian, 4 June, 2013. - Access mode: http://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/jun/04/china-villages-cancer-deaths
3) Guilford, Gwynn. "China Now Has Up to 400 Cancer Villages, and the Government Only Just Admitted It" / [Text] : Quartz, February 22, 2013. - Access mode: http://qz.com/55928/china-now-has-up-to-400-cancer-villages-and-the-government-only-just-admitted-it/
4) Hui, Wang. "China's Challenges: Political Change, Pollution and Protest" / [Text] : The Guardian, 18 March 2012. - Access mode: http://www.theguardian.com/world/2012/mar/18/china-challenges-next-generation
5) Gilbert, Natasha. "Green Protests on the Rise in China" / [Text] : Nature, 14 August 2012. - Access mode: http://www.nature.com/news/green-protests-on-the-rise-in-china-1.11168
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