Joseph Broz Tito: social project of the sfry through the prism of visual analytics and social systemology in international relations (part 2)

The fusion with these qualities was so great that, as R. West describes, “when his father exchanged the Polyak shepherd dog for two bundles of firewood, young Tito did not find a place for himself from grief. When the dog secretly ran back from its new owner, the children hid it in a cave until the father took pity and bought the dog back. The Pole lived to be sixteen, and thanks to him, Tito throughout his life remained a passionate “dog lover” [28, Ch. 3]. Biographer Tito Dedier describes this as the desire of the first “... if possible to have a dog next to him” [2, p. 95]. Tito's persistent preference for German shepherds indirectly marks his preferred identities of German breeders, and with them - the idealization of German-Austrian pedantry, servility, honesty and rude directness. Tito, judging by the preferred breed, showed Germanocentrism in manifestations of intelligence, tameness, vigilance and efficiency.

The second group includes the passion for cars, which could be considered a common place for the party nomenclature. In 2003, the Yugoslav government put up for auction 13 limousines, once a motorcade of the legendary dictator Josip Broz Tito. “... the most interesting lots on display were Mercedes limousines with a removable top, produced in 1967 and 1978. Tito loved these two cars more than others and often used them for country trips until his death. Both Mercedes are armored and designed for 6 passengers. The initial cost of each will be $ 508,000. In addition to two limousines, the auction included 10 BMW motorcycles guarding the motorcade, 10 Mercedes and a 1960 Rolls-Royce Phantom with an initial price tag of $ 206,800. [46]

As one of the political biographers Tito E. Matonin notes, after Broz got a job at the large Daimler car plant, which was located near Vienna, ... “there he was carried away by cars for life.” Tito himself admitted that he “...even went to test drivers and drove huge powerful cars with their heavy copper parts, a rubber bulb-horn and an external brake, so that they would not play too much” [11, p. 14-15].

The third group includes Tito's eating behavior and oral habits. In general, Tito's eating behavior reflected the historical memory of the era of persistent malnutrition during the First and Second World Wars. The features of the structuring of the eating behavior of the generation that have survived the wars, famines and other deprivations of vital needs are pronounced unpretentiousness, often indiscriminateness in relation to food, a mixed table suggesting the use of physiologically incompatible foods, an excessive amount of non-ecological cholesterol, ballast carbohydrates in the diet, inattention to communication between the use of certain foods and the state of health. All of the above reflects an unconscious fear of hunger and oral fixations, realized primarily through the cult of feasting and drinking. Both the first and the second corresponded at the same time to positive oral extravagance, the desire for luxury / chic, and hysterical ideas about the image of international politics that took shape in the era of the 70s.

The striving for glamor manifested itself at the same time as a lack of assertion in the image of a public politician, and a residual inferiority complex of the proletarian, who retained all the features of the metalworker's habitus. Tito treated his own health with negligence and obscenity characteristic of his generation. It is worth noting that smoking in the 40-50s was only partly a deviation. During the war, the general scarcity of the diet was often made up for by tobacco due to the spasmodic effect of tobacco tar on the digestive system, which made it possible to suppress the feeling of hunger. For Tito, who was directly involved in the partisan movement of Yugoslavia, constant malnutrition was concomitant, and tobacco smoking became, like for a huge number of people in the USSR during the war and the post-war era, a digestive inhibitor, which had to be used not from exhibitionist motives.

However, one cannot completely abstract from the fact that Tito's stay in the Stalinist USSR and the attractiveness (albeit with a tinge of fear and disdain) of the image of Stalin with a pipe in his teeth suggests an imitative motivation for smoking. For the part-nomenclature environment, smoking as a deviation was part of a false-masculine stereotype in which a “real man” could afford to play around with his own health (after all, as a man, he should treat health carelessly and wastefully). It is worth noting that this image taken from the criminal subculture has become so popularized that it fits into the associative series of Hollywood films as a combination of racial and financial superiority, female beauty and charm. Thanks to the cinematography and lobbying of tobacco campaigns in the style of the early, mature and late noir of the 40s - early 60s, the image of a thinking man and an erotically seductive and sexually magnetic beauty woman began to consistently combine with tobacco products.

The fourth group includes Tito's recreational everyday activities. Tito, as an avid film enthusiast and Americanophile (which was due to his unfulfilled youthful desire to emigrate to the United States and become a businessman) could not resist the influence of the dream factory - Hollywood, for which, as the research experience shows, “the image of cigarette smoking in movies appearing in three-quarters or more of modern grossing films. Recognizable cigarette brands appear in about one third of movies. There is a long-standing and proven link between exposure to images of smoking in motion pictures and the onset of smoking among young people. The social identity of the unrealized cultural hero and businessman, which was breaking through in Tito, shifted into the sphere of the imaginary. From literature, he preferred Balzac, Stendhal, Goethe, Dreiser, London, Sinclair, Lewis and Kipling: not having the opportunity to emigrate to the United States, Tito “migrated” according to the texts of literary works of Americans

The musical preferences of Tito, for whom Beethoven, Tchaikovsky, Chopin were his favorite composers, should also be considered quite Germanophilic. Tito sometimes sat at the piano as a result of his inculturation in Vienna, where he traveled on weekends. Here his hysterical- imitative character traits and attempts to internalize the noble-aristocratic identity were manifested. As E. Matonin notes, “Josip wanted to learn how to dance properly and took dance lessons. He learned to dance the waltz, but never mastered the quadrille or polonaise. He also took fencing lessons [11, p. 14-15].

Tito's benign narcissistic expansion was accompanied by his tendency to “surround himself with artists and writers.” So, he took care of V. Nazor in every possible way, although some of the other communists considered him a burden. In the mountains of northeastern Bosnia, Tito spent a lot of time talking with the poet ... about life and literature. Although Tito was impressed and flattered by the support of Nazor, who never belonged to the left, he was disappointed that he was not joined by another prominent Croatian writer, Miroslav Krleza, who was a communist in the twenties [28, ch. 8].

Conclusions

The state-forming potential ofTito was able to unfold thanks to the introduced identities, which were fragmentarily assimilated by him in intercultural communications in Austria and Germany. The inculturation of the designated identities allowed Tito to “reconcile” irreconcilable Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, Montenegrins, while mixing Yugoslav communism and nationalism. Politically, Tito succeeded in creating a primitive patrimonial dictatorship, which, due to Tito's internalized Austro-Germanic identities, made it possible to combine centralization in politics while allowing significant self-regulation in the economy and the cultural sector. The competition of ethnic and social identities in Tito's character created a stable focus on the “combination of the incompatible”: corruption and limited legality, a planned economy and an economy of mass consumption, the ideology of the cult of personality and cultural pluralism, state atheism and freedom of religion and hidden clericalization, etc.

On the whole, the victory of Titoism and the deployment of the Yugoslav social project became possible to a large extent under the influence of the partial internalization of the narcissistically redundant German-Austrian identities, which allowed Tito, in the regime of personal power he built, not to resort to unlimited repression and to deliberately intensify the torture component of everyday life following the model of Stalin's and neo-Stalinist USSR.

Titoism also presented a kind of model for reconfiguring historical memory, which allowed the SFRY to withstand the contradictions between Serbia, Croatia, Slovenia and Montenegro for some time, as well as to allow the coexistence of a unifying metanarrative of unity and regional separatist discourses in the ideological space of Yugoslavia.

As a native of a peasant-proletarian environment and as a bearer of its social identities, in his characterology, Tito turned out to be a highly developed hysterical psychopath who skillfully played his own game of using the military resources of the USSR while at the same time drawing closer to England and the United States. In the field of non-verbal communications, the environment created from various objects of material and spiritual culture, defects and gaps in Tito's cultural capital appeared, which he, as a representative of the new ruling class of neo-feudal society, filled and replenished with the political capital of the system he had built and the appropriation of economic assets that previously belonged to the feudal elites...

In his professional identity, Tito took place as a metalworker and a typical representative of the industrial / proletariat, “distracted” within the framework of the communist movement for social construction. Tito's Croatian-Slovene (autochthonous) identities exerted the greatest influence on him in the sphere of family relations, where the marshal vacillated between hysterical sensibility and public interest, in which he was also a «foreigner» in his country. As a result, masculine patrimonialism and the politics of Tito's inner circle contributed to the complete repression of his sensuality. The latter circumstance was one of those (along with corruption) that slowly and steadily contributed to the decay of Tito's health through bad habits and deviations in eating behavior. Oral regression, which affected Tito as a representative of the war generation, became one of the factors in the loss of economic rationality and the formation of a credit economy of consumption and hedonism. In the characterological profile of Tito, hysterical psychopathy is identified with elements of oral regression in the last 15 years of life. The partially inculturated social identities of the feudal social groups of the disintegrated Austria-Hungary were manifested in the visually observable behavior of Tito in the form of lakshurism and exhibitionism, which, due to the social imitation of the Yugoslavs, were broadcast in society in the form of disproportionate economic demands and the real standard of living.

At the same time, the planned-dirigistic type of economy created by Tito with elements of petty-bourgeois self-regulation allowed the regime itself, like its leader, to retain a positive historical memory about itself, associated, first of all, with limiting the repressiveness of the political system mainly by politics (while maintaining a significant degree of freedom in the sphere of culture) and overcoming the torture character of Soviet life, which was a common place for the «orthodox» socialist way of life.

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