The Ukrainian National Democratic Movement and Some Governance Issues in Crimea in the Early 1990s
The separatist movements in Crimea. Among the tools the national democrats envisaged being used to that end, the author notes attempts at dividing regions seen as secession risks, thus combating regional separatism by stoking micro-regional separatism.
| Рубрика | История и исторические личности |
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| Язык | английский |
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The Ukrainian National Democratic Movement and Some Governance Issues in Crimea in the Early 1990s
Shulha Taras (Kyiv)
Junior Researcher, Department of Contemporary History and Policy
Institute of Ukrainian History of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
In Ukraine of the early 1990s, national-democratic political actors faced the need to maintain the national unity, endangered by numerous regionalist and separatist movements (the most powerful of which operated in Crimea). Among the tools the national democrats envisaged being used to that end, the author notes attempts at dividing regions seen as secession risks, thus combating regional separatism by stoking micro-regional separatism. However, quite a few national democrats, notably including Viacheslav Chornovil, did not support such projects.
Key words: Ukraine, separatism, national democrats.
After Ukraine gained its independence, some elements of the erstwhile national-democratic opposition to the imperial center entered government of the newly independent state (they never dominated that government, though). Moreover, the main program requirements of national democracy and its overall plan, envisaging Ukraine as a nation-state dominated by the culture of the so-called “titular nationality,” were appropriated by the Leonid Kravchuk administration [4, с. 24]. Thus, the national democratic political actors faced a real prospect of at least partial implementation of their program. This fact required these actors to engage in more detailed elaboration of that program, including the part of it dealing with the desired administrative-territorial structure of Ukraine. This theme became especially relevant at the time due to the strengthening of regionalist, and even outright separatist, movements, especially in regions with a large proportion of ethnic minorities (or Russified Ukrainians, or -- in the unique case of Transcarpathia -- sub-ethnic groups of Ukrainians that were significantly different from the rest of Ukrainians). Essentially, the national democrats had defeated an empire, only to face problems similar to those that doomed the said empire.
One of the methods of weakening regionalism considered by the national democrats was to deconstruct these regions themselves (incidentally, the regional structure was inherited by Ukraine from the USSR, and the regions did, in fact, have borders clearly unaligned with historical, ethnographic or economic boundaries sometimes).
This situation, of course, is not unique: decolonization and collapses of polyethnic states led to similar consequences throughout the 20th century, and similar challenges gave rise to similar responses from new national centers. Thus, newly independent Poland of the interwar period purposefully included in the Lviv (Lwow) Voivodship both some areas with the Ukrainian majority in Galicia as well as neighboring purely Polish areas [3, c. 183], and the city of Lviv (Lwow) itself (it was mostly Polish in terms of ethnic composition of population, but a target of Ukrainian claims). Between the 1940s and 1960s, the government of socialist Romania first changed the boundaries of the Hungarian autonomous entity in Transylvania, and then abolished it altogether [5, c. 37].
But as the problems of the newly independent nation-state are quite often similar to the problems of the defunct empire, the ways of their solution are frequently the same as well: the Russian Empire divided Bashkiria between four governorates and pulled the Chelm Governorate out of the Kingdom of Poland, while the USSR, being the empire's successor, formed autonomous republics (regions, okrugs...) and ethnic districts everywhere, though it should be noted that the Soviet policies targeted not only non-Russian separatist movements, but also the Russian nationalism itself. In addition, it should be recognized that Soviet national-territorial measures also reflected a more or less sincere desire to meet the cultural problems of minorities (but not only that: the boundaries of the Moldavian Aautonomous SSR within the Ukrainian SSR were drawn in such a way that they included more ethnic Ukrainians than Moldovans, which objectively harmed both national movements). These differences can be handily explained within Terry Martin's concept of the USSR as an «affirmative action empire», [7] but still an empire -- and therefore, a state largely similar to its Imperial Russian predecessor.
Turning back to Ukraine of the early 1990s, I would like to provide specific examples of national-democratic projects that envisaged use of the administrative-territorial system to weaken the potential (or even actually present) separatist movements in the regions. I will focus on Crimean examples.
Characteristically, Viacheslav Chornovil was not in favor of such measures: his position evolved from federalism pre-1992 (within which Crimea was to have the same rights as the rest of the federal lands) to unitarism in practice post-1992 (with federation relegated to a distant future prospect) [1, c. 24, 31]. Even so, he still supported the Crimean autonomy, but wanted it to include safeguards for minorities of the peninsula, especially the Crimean Tatars.
On the other hand, a 1992 proposal by a group of national deputies envisaged relying on the least separatist regions of Crimea (mainly the northern ones) in the struggle against the all-Crimean separatism [8, apK. 67-70]. Effectively, they advocated dividing Crimea to undermine the regionalist sentiment. They also wanted the Ukrainian government to launch a massive and expensive media propaganda campaign both in Crimea and in mainland Ukraine, which was to involve print media as well as major broadcasters. Yaroslav Dashkevych proposed in 1994 to transfer some government functions in the regions with the largest Crimean Tatar presence to the Mejlis (and at the same time to eliminate the all-Crimean autonomy) [2, c. 4-7]. Again, what we see in this case is likely an attempt to fight separatists with their own weapon, appealing to local or minority interests within a region which is perceived as a secession risk. Oleksandr Lashko suggested in 1995 a radical redesigning of the administrative-territorial structure of the Sevastopol region (it was to involve linking and subordinating Sevastopol to the Ukrainian Navy, that is, the central government, but also dismantling the region's unified municipality into its constituent communities), but did not suggest any changes in the rest of Crimea, although he acknowledged the need for ethnic quotas in the Verkhovna Rada of the autonomous republic, which were actually broadly supported at that time [6, c. 20-25].
None of the national-democratic projects was implemented, probably because of the actual weakness of the national democratic camp, which had hopelessly lost the government influence (except for the educational and cultural sphere) in 1994 with the election of Leonid Kuchma as president, and likely because of their impracticality as well. It should be borne in mind that the Soviet Crimea, with its unhistorical, unnatural and uneconomic boundaries, became a real, living and breathing socio-political and economic organism, and the specific nature of the peninsula as a single region (or two closely connected regions) with the Russian ethnic majority consolidated this phenomenon. This is not surprising: even absolutely unnatural regions of mainland Ukraine, which were made, unmade and remade at least once in a decade until the 1950s, still managed to acquire their own elite groups, educational networks, and entrenched systems of mass interpersonal interaction after merely 40 years (or even less, as in the case of Lviv, Odesa and Cherkasy Oblasts) of the late Soviet era stability. Again, traditional empires achieved similar results, one has only to look at the Polish “Galicia” around Krakow which had absolutely unhistorical borders at the time of its formation (but is now a historical region in its own right, with major differences from the rest of Poland as well as Ukrainian Galicia), or almost all of sub-Saharan Africa, where the imperial colonial borders, mostly imposed from above without much regard for local conditions or traditional boundaries, have become by now stable borders of independent African states. separatist regional crimea
Nevertheless, the very emergence of numerous anti-separatist (and sometimes micro-separatist at the same time, as they were often aimed at undermining the unity of potentially separatist regions) projects emanating from the national democratic camp shows that it was more national than democratic (as has so often happened with anti-imperial movements). Chornovil, with his steady adherence to the internationalist-federalist tradition of Mykhailo Drahomanov (and early Vladimir Lenin as well!), was rather an exception to the general trend.
Джерела та література
1. Андрощук О.В. В. Чорновіл та ідея федералізації України: еволюція поглядів / О.В. Андрощук // Український історичний журнал. -- 2010. -- № 1. -- С. 24, 31.
2. Дашкевич Я.Р. Крим у геополітиці минулого і сучасного / Я.Р. Дашкевич // Державність. -- 1995. -- № 1. -- С. 4-7.
3. Красівський О. Галичина у першій чверті ХХ ст.: Проблеми польсько-українських стосунків / О. Красівський. -- Львів: Вид-во ЛФУАДУ, 2000. -- С. 183.
4. Кулик В.М. Український націоналізм у незалежній Україні / В.М. Кулик. -- К: Національний університет «Києво-Могилянська академія», 1999. -- С. 24.
5. Kurti L. The Remote Borderland: Transylvania in the Hungarian Imagination. -- New York: SUNY, 2014. -- P. 37.
6. Лашко О. Порівняльний аналіз організації виконавчої влади в Україні / О. Лашко // Республіканець. -- 1995. -- № 2. -- С. 20-25.
7. Martin T. The Affirmative Action Empire: Nations and Nationalism in the Soviet Union, 1923-1939. -- Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1996.
8. Центральний державний архів вищих органів влади та управління України, ф. 5233, оп. 1, спр. 54.
References
1. Androshchuk, O.V. (2010). V. Chornovil ta ideia federalizatsii Ukrainy: evoliutsiia pohliadiv. Ukrainskyi istorychnyi zhurnal, 1, 22-34. [m Ukrainian].
2. Dashkevych, Ya.R. (1995). Krym u heopolitytsi mynuloho i suchasnoho. Derzhavnist, 1, 4-7. [m Ukrainian].
3. Krasivskyi, O. (2000). Halychyna u pershii chverti XX st.: Problemy polskoukrainskykh stosunkiv. Lviv. [m Ukrainian].
4. Kulyk, V.M. (1999). Ukrainskyi natsionalizm u nezalezhnii Ukraini. Kyiv. [m Ukrainian].
5. Kurti, L. (2014). The Remote Borderland: Transylvania in the Hungarian Imagination. New York.
6. Lashko, O. (1995). Porivnialnyi analiz orhanizatsii vykonavchoi vlady v Ukraini. Respublikanets, 2, 20-25. [m Ukrainian].
7. Martin, T. (1996). The Affirmative Action Empire: Nations and Nationalism in the Soviet Union, 1923-1939. Ithaca.
8. Tsentralnyi Derzhavnyi arkhiv vyshchykh orhaniv vlady ta upravlinnia Ukrainy, f. 5233, op. 1, spr. 54. [Central State Archives of Supreme Bodies of Power and Government of Ukraine, col. 5233, description 1, file 54].
Шульга Тарас (м. Київ). Український націонал-демократичний рух та деякі проблеми державного управління у Криму на початку 1990-х років
В Україні на початку 1990-х років націонал-демократичні політичні діячі зіткнулися з необхідністю підтримувати національну єдність, що була загрожена численними регіоналістськими та сепаратистськими рухами (найпотужніший з яких функціонував у Криму). Серед тих інструментів, що пропонувалися для цього національними демократами, автор виділяє спроби поділити регіони, які виглядали схильними до відокремлення, тим самим поборюючи регіональний сепаратизм через підтримку внутрішньорегіонального сепаратизму. Однак багато національних демократів, зокрема В'ячеслав Чорновіл, не підтримували такі проекти.
Ключові слова: Україна, сепаратизм, національні демократи.
Шульга Тарас. Младший научный сотрудник отдела новейшей истории и политики Института истории Украины НАН Украины
Украинское национал-демократическое движение и некоторые проблемы государственного управления в Крыму в начале 1990-х годов
В Украине в начале 1990-х годов национал-демократические политические деятели столкнулись с необходимостью поддерживать национальное единство, которому угрожали многочисленные регионалистские и сепаратистские движения (самое мощное из которых функционировало в Крыму). Среди инструментов, которые предлагались для этого национальными демократами, автор выделяет попытки разделить регионы, которые выглядели склонными к отделению, тем самым борясь с региональным сепаратизмом через поддержку внутрирегионального сепаратизма. Впрочем, многие другие национальные демократы, в том числе Вячеслав Чорновил, не поддерживали такие проекты.
Ключевые слова: Украина, сепаратизм, национальные демократы.
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