3.1.1 As a religious community

The Brotherhood promotes this process both in its members and as a collective. They integrate their critical historical memory narratives into their fundamental religious activity - catechization. This religious process teachers the fundamentals of the faith but also their understanding of Russia's 20^th Century history. Lepekhina described the catechization process as a process of becoming aware of one's sins, but also of the sins of the nation. A neophyte must, according to Lepekhina, know how Russia "lived its 20^th Century”. Interview with Anna Lepekhina, a Brotherhood leader. St. Petersburg, Russia. May 22, 2019. Knowing “historical truth” is vital to their “ritual” of repentance.

As a group, they also seek the spiritual aspect of this "ritual" of repentance. Lepekhina told me about how when the Brotherhood was smaller, they would visit different sites of the Repressions with Fr. Georgii. There he would preach about the importance of memory and repentance from the very early days of the Brotherhood. Interview with Anna Lepekhina, a Brotherhood leader. St. Petersburg, Russia. May 22, 2019. For the Brotherhood - the act of gaining knowledge is an important aspect of "working through a hard past", but it is not enough. People must be (re)connected to memory spiritually or affectively. One way they see this as possible is through visiting sites of memory. The other way this is done is through repentance - also part of their catechism process - where God gives the "gift of memory". This shows how the Brotherhood lives out its understanding of the interplay of their critical memory, historical consciousness, and faith as both the "dogmatic" process of learning "historical truth" but also as an affective process of being mystically connected to this past.

This can all also be understood as a sort of cyclical or iterative process. Repentance, in the Brotherhood's understanding of the concept, is the result of being given memory as a gift from God. But memory and historical truth - attained through feeling and “living out” memory - also lead one to repentance. Together these ideas acted out and internalized lead to the holistic restoration of the person, the Brotherhood believes. Conference report at “Ethics after the Gulag” conference by Viktor Dunaev, a ROC priest and a Brotherhood member from Khabarovsk. St. Petersburg, Russia. May 06, 2019. This catechism or process of spiritual renewal for the individual who is being initiated into the Brotherhood is also a process of being reconnected to the “authentic past”. Their historical consciousness tells them this is possible. Their critical historical memory narratives make it imperative. Their faith tells them that they should love Russia and help her undergo this same process as a nation.

3.1.2 As a Memory Actor

They work hard to promote their critical historical memory narrative like any memory actor. This is evidenced by the "dogmatic" aspect of their battle for "authenticity" for Russia. They organize conferences, public memory events, and seminars. I estimate that in all of Russia they host up to 50 small annual events (less than 50 participants) and a few big events (over 500 participants). In Moscow at St. Philaret's Institute academics and theologians write working papers, books, and pamphlets. The Brotherhood also runs websites and social media with national and local reach. And all of these events and materials - some more religious, some more sociological, some more historical - promote their historical memory narratives. They promote their "historical truth" and "memory" to combat what they see as "bespamyatstvo" (forgetfulness). Preobrazhenskoe bratstvo, “Forum Natsional'nogo Pokaianiia i Vozrozhdeniia.” This is part of the iteration of memory - repentance - memory.

More complex - when applied nationally and as a process of drawing in Russia's public - is promoting repentance. But their critical historical memory narrative means it's imperative that Russia not only knows its past (as the Brotherhood understands it) but also spiritually repents of this past. (In their rhetoric they draw little to no distinction between this proposed “national repentance” and typical Christian repentance that refers to recognizing and renouncing sins both in the process of conversion and as part of the cycle of life in the Church.) As Volnenko put it, Russia's problems must be solved “spiritually and internally… you can do little things, but without the church and spiritual experience you cannot solve this problem.” Conversation with Dmitrii Volnenko, a Brotherhood member. St. Petersburg, Russia. August 22, 2019 Here the Brotherhood's most important public memory initiative - the “Prayer of Remembrance” event, described in the opening paragraph of this chapter can be seen as the Brotherhood's spiritual answer to this problem for the nation as a whole.

The chosen date - the 30^th of October - the “Day of Remembrance of the Victims of Political Repressions" finds its roots in the work of Sakharov in the USSR for human rights. At the height of Perestroika, the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR turned this day into an official "day of memory", which it remains to this day in the Russian Federation. Since then state support for marking this day has never been large or consistent. A part of the liberal intelligentsia largely through the work of the famous memory and human rights organization "Memorial" has continued to both mark the day and to push society as a whole to remember Soviet Repressions. Since 2007 "Memorial" has marked the day by reading the names of victims in Moscow, in front of the former KGB building, on Lubyanka square, where the most prominent Solovetskii stone monument to the victims of Soviet political repressions stands.

The Brotherhood began its annual public memory initiative in the year 2011 in St. Petersburg. However, unlike “Memorial” over the last 9 years they have worked to turn their event into a synchronized national event covering the whole of Russia. Their website dedicated to the "Prayer of Remembrance" boasts that 47 cities across Russia hosted this event, and 5 cities outside of Russia - from Riga to Washington D.C. “Molitva Pamiati,” Molitva Pamiati, accessed November 30, 2019, https://molitvapamyaty.ru/9/. I participant-observed this event in St. Petersburg. The St. Petersburg branch of the Brotherhood - the original creators of the event - organized the "Prayer of Remembrance" at 6 different locations: 2 sites of memory (The Levashovo Memorial cemetery - a site of mass shootings and burials outside of St. Petersburg, and Troitskii Square's Solovetskii kamen - St. Petersburg's main memorial to the victims of Soviet state's crimes), at spaces provided by 3 state cultural institutions (in front of a branch of the Russian National Library, at a statue of Dostoyevsky in downtown St. Petersburg, and in the courtyard adjacent to the Akhmatova Literary and Memorial Museum) and at an Orthodox Cathedral (Fydorovskii Sobor in the heart of the city). I was able to act as a driver for the Brotherhood's videography team and thus be a participant-observer at four of these locations in a period lasting from 11:30 AM to almost 9 PM.

Dissecting this event reveals that it is acting out of their "authenticity"-gaining "ritual" of repentance through both the dogmatic and mystical approaches.

The first way the "Prayer of Remembrance" is the acting out of the interplay of the Brotherhood's critical memory, historical consciousness, and faith is through its reading of the names of the victims of Soviet crimes. As established earlier in this thesis - the Brotherhood sees "bespamyatstvo" ("lack of memory" or "forgetfulness") as one of Russia's main problems. This event recalls or restores the memory of those killed in Soviet times by reading out their names, occupations, dates of arrest, and death. In this way, it also promotes the "historical truth" they see as the center of their critical memory narrative. The importance of this aspect to the "Prayer" cannot be overemphasized. In St. Petersburg one of their main partners in this event is Anatoly Razumov - a man whose life work is researching and writing the “Leningradskii martyrologue”. The Leningrad Martyrology is a constantly growing list of all persons repressed by the Soviet regime from St. Petersburg and the surrounding areas, published as part of the Russian National Library's Center “Vozvrashchennye imena” (literally translated “Restored Names”), in over 15 volumes, paid for by the city of St. Petersburg. It is essentially a huge historicist work. Its primary author and researcher is a key supporter of their event. For them, the "Prayer" is a chance to bring up and promote the "historical truths" at the heart of their critical memory narrative and to combat "bespamyatstvo".

The “Prayer” also physically acts out an important element of the Brotherhood's interplay with the past. They believe that going to sites of memory of the Repressions is important for activating “memory” and when organizing the “Prayer” they often purposely chose these sites of memory of the Repressions. Importantly the whole event started in St. Petersburg's main site of memory of the Repressions that's connected to the historical events commemorated - Levashovo memorial cemetery, a site of mass burials from the time of Stalin's Great Terror. The Brotherhood's first “Prayer” took place there in 2011. Now in St. Petersburg they still host the “Prayer” there every 30^th alongside other locations. These other locations are also often places connected to memory of the Repressions. The Solovetskii kamen, the Akhmatova Memorial Museum's courtyard garden (Akhmatova and many of those she loved suffered from the Repressions), Fyodorovskii Cathedral - destroyed during the Soviet era, and recently restored. Thus their “Prayer” brings people directly into contact with sites of memory of the Repressions, something they consider vital to the “ritual” of repentance.

The second way the "Prayer" is this "ritual" acting out of the interplay of their faith, critical historical memory narratives, and historical consciousness is its "spiritual element". As Lepekhina told me, the event is an attempt to change Russia without politics (for the Brotherhood politics is “all pride") but rather through prayer or "synergy with God." Interview with Anna Lepekhina, a Brotherhood leader. St. Petersburg, Russia. August 22, 2019. That is the key difference, according to Lepekhina, between their event and the Memorial event held earlier in St. Petersburg on the same day. Memorials event was “political” she negatively intoned, whereas the Brotherhood's event was “spiritual”. And as Volnenko pointed out in conversation with me - in his opinion, a “spiritual solution” its Russia's only hope for salvation. Conversation with Dmitrii Volnenko, a Brotherhood member. St. Petersburg, Russia. August 22, 2019.

Rhetorically the Brotherhood began and ended the event with a liturgical prayer - compiled by them from various historical prayers of the Church, but at the heart of it was a prayer written by them in the last decade. One part of this prayer to God reads:

“We are covered in shame and shame/ because of the untruths and crimes, murder and adultery, treachery and spying, evil and jealousy, lies and hatred. All the land of the former Russian Empire and our whole people are still tainted/dirty… we all repent and ask You to forgive us…” Quoted from a Word Document used by the Brotherhood for the “Prayer of Remembrance” event entitled “MOLITVENNOE POSLEDOVANIE V DEN'' PAMIaTI ZhERTV SOVETSKIKh REPRESSII? (30 oktiabria)” in section 4.2 entitled “Molitva Preobrazhenskogo bratstva". Shared by Anna Lepekhina, Brotherhood leader. (Heard this prayer multiple times during participant-observation in the "Prayer of Remembrance" event on October 30, 2019.)

This prayer said by an invited priest at the beginning and end of the working of each site of the event clearly expresses the Brotherhood's proposed historical memory understanding and their understanding of how it taints the present. Of course, it also represents their historical consciousness that says that repentance before God can undo this shame, and this past wrong. Thus, it can be seen as the spiritual representation of the interplay of their critical memory and historical consciousness.

The "Prayer" also represents other aspects of their historical consciousness. One volunteer told me that the reason this event is so important is that the people whose names are being read are eternal and thus still alive and owed "memory". Another woman - a former movie director (who filmed the first documentary ever made about President Putin) and Brotherhood member - answered my question about why the “Prayer of Remembrance” event is important. Quite matter-of-factly she stated: “These people [the victims whose names are read] are still alive." Although her words sound strange, even unsettling, it's both an outflow of their religious beliefs and their corresponding historical consciousness as outlined in chapter 1 of this thesis.

Ultimately the "Prayer" as an event represents them acting out - and drawing into their "ritual" of repentance and memory - their understanding of the past, its connection to the present, and their faith. In this sense though, they extend it even further, by using the "Prayer" as the centerpiece of an attempt to initiate a social movement of memory that promotes their critical historical memory narratives and historical consciousness.

3.2 The “Prayer of Remembrance” as a Social Movement

The Brotherhood sees all Christians, themselves included, as called by God to serve Russia. Thus, “repentance” for themselves is not enough; all of Russia needs repentance. Their “Prayer” attempts to make draw the greater public into this “ritual” of repentance. The event by itself cannot accomplish this goal. They initiated a social movement of memory (and repentance) around this event to remedy this shortcoming. Only thus can they see themselves faithful to their calling to Russia. This movement is part of their effort to involve a significant portion of Russian society in the process of repentance. This process assumes an acceptance of their historical memory narratives.

The term social movement can be confusing. It often conjures up images of political protests perhaps even violent. However, an academic definition of the term by Diani and Della Porta, premier social movement scholars from Italy, describes a social movement as a "[the] informal networks created by a multiplicity of individuals, groups, and organizations, engaged in political or cultural conflicts" Donatello Della Porta and Mario Diani, “Social Movements,” in The Oxford Handbook of Civil Society, ed. Michael Edwards (Oxford University Press, 2011), doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780195398571.013.0006.The full definition provided by Diani reads: “[the] informal networks created by a multiplicity of individuals, groups and organizations, engaged in political or cultural conflicts on the basis of a shared collective identity” however combining this definition with others like Jacobsson and Saxonberg, scholars of Eastern European civil society, where they describe a social movement as “groups of people engaging in a variety of different types of collective action to accomplish their goals, which could be either influencing policies or influencing identities and the views of their supporters, or both.” We see that collective identity is not essential to classifying a social movement as such. (Kerstin Jacobsson, Beyond NGO-Ization: The Development of Social Movements in Central and Eastern Europe (Routledge, 2016), doi:10.4324/9781315569246, 1.). Another definition by scholars in the fields adds the concept of “shared beliefs” to this definition. Jacobsson, Beyond NGO-Ization: The Development of Social Movements in Central and Eastern Europe, 1. The Brotherhood's memory acting can and should be understood as an attempt to create exactly these “informal networks” of “shared beliefs” about memory. And there is a growing body of literature that documents the work of “social movements of memory” that explores “how they mobilize around the reinterpretation of the past and how they participate in the construction of public memory about past contentions and other historical events.” Priska Daphi and Lorenzo Zamponi, “Exploring the Movement-Memory Nexus: Insights and Ways Forward,” Mobilization: An International Quarterly 24, no. 4 (December 2019): 399-417, doi:10.17813/1086-671X-24-4-399, 402. Something this movement of memory initiated by the Brotherhood does, too.

This is not to say that the Brotherhood itself is a social movement, but rather that their work as a memory actor - stemming from the interplay of their faith, critical historical memory narratives, and historical consciousness - aims to create a "social movement of memory." That is to say that they: (1) work to create an "informal network" of a "multiplicity of individuals, groups and organizations" based on (2) "shared beliefs" about the importance of knowing "historical truth" about the past and most importantly: (3) "engaged in political and cultural conflict" (in this case a "reinterpretation of the past" and an attempt to construct a certain public memory). This work must be uncovered and understood as part of their memory acting. It can and should be seen as integral to their "ritual" of repentance and memory which in their opinion has little chance of restoring Russia's “authenticity” without some sort of mass participation in this “ritual.” The “Prayer” as an event illustrates well this “social movement of memory”.

The first way it can be seen initiating a social movement is in the informal network the Brotherhood has created in St. Petersburg around the event. At their primary location, Troitskii ploshchad, a "Memorial" organized event took place directly before theirs. At the end of this event, Razumov of the Russian National Library spoke. His words bridged the two events as he invited all those present to participate in the “Prayer of Remembrance” hosted by the Brotherhood. Public speech given by Anatoly Razumov at the “Prayer of Remembrance” event, a co-organizers of this event in St. Petersburg. St. Petersburg, Russia. October 30, 2019. In an early interview, Lepekhina told me that Razumov "is our big friend". Interview with Anna Lepekhina, a Brotherhood leader. St. Petersburg, Russia. May 22, 2019. This relationship and partnership with Razumov is the first powerful instance of the informal networks the Brotherhood has worked hard to create as the core of their social movement of memory. Through him, they partner with a culturally, historically, and internationally significant organization - the Russian National Library. They also gain him with his influence and prestige as someone who invites others into their event as I witnessed him do on that day.

The same can be said for their other locations. They boast a close tie to the cultural center and museum - the Akhmatova memorial museum, on whose garden they host on of their “Prayer” locations. These partnerships extend to more than just this one event. The Brotherhood was able to host its exhibit "Man at the Break" at the Dostoyevsky Museum in downtown St. Petersburg because of this connection. Their event is also hosted at one of St. Petersburg's most public and open Cathedrals - Fyodorovskii Sobor. The examples I gave above by no means are an exhaustive list, but rather prove that the Brotherhood has made an unlikely informal network that stretches between the Church, state institutions, and civil society groups. An unlikely network for institutions that at first glance would seem politically distanced from the ROC and one doubtless made possible by their theological and philosophical “openness to culture” explored by Agadjianian. Agadjanian, “Reform and Revival in Moscow Orthodox Communities”, 80.

This informal network, especially seen through the organization and hosting of the "Prayer" is bound together by a desire to promote the importance of the memory of the Repressions. I observed throughout the day that the priests and the co-organizers - non-Brotherhood members - all spoke of the importance of memory. This is the shared belief behind this Brotherhood-initiated social movement of memory. Almost none of the priests that read the liturgies are members of the Brotherhood. Rather they represent this informal network and its shared beliefs. ROC priest Fr. Aleksandr Stepanov who led the first litany at the Troitskii Square location is a good example. Directly after ending the formal part of his prayer - he shared a short word of his own. He proclaimed that those who had gathered there that day were those who could not accept this evil in Russia's past and that “it was the will of men. By the conscious will of men.” “30 Oktiabria v Peterburge - Radio `Grad Petrov,'” accessed April 17, 2020, https://www.grad-petrov.ru/broadcast/30-oktyabrya-v-peterburge/. In his small homily, he put the memory of the Repressions at the center of the event. What is important about his words is they put him - a priest who is not a member of the Brotherhood - squarely within their understanding of Russia's historical memory, and its meaning and connection to the present. Though it is beyond the scope of my research to know the exact connection and history of Fr. Stepanov to the Brotherhood - but his words show the underlying "shared belief" about the memory of the Repressions that unite this "informal network".

Most important for defining any social movement is examining if this “informal network” of “shared belief” is involved in contention. To be a social movement this network must contend with the status quo. Interestingly enough, the Brotherhood's critical historical memory narratives were shown to do just that in the second chapter. However, their “ritual” and its surrounding “social movement of memory” does this, too.

Lepekhina herself framed their work in the terms of contention, saying they were in a “spiritual battle” for “restoring memory.” Interview with Anna Lepekhina, a Brotherhood leader. St. Petersburg, Russia. May 22, 2019. Participating and interviewing participants of the “Prayer” illustrated to me both the political and cultural contention involved in this event. Many of those who read names that day finished by saying "Eternal Memory to them". Others added, "Never again." And this seemed to be an important goal of those who gathered that day - the last person I interviewed said that if we do not remember, then we will repeat these same mistakes. Interview with Aleksandr, participant in the “Prayer of Remembrance” event. St. Petersburg, Russia. October 30, 2019. It went without speaking that his participation was meant to be the act of remembering, the very act that will help accomplish the goal of preventing the repetition of the Soviet Repressions. Another participant - not a religious person or Brotherhood member - directly told me that he came to participate because he was against the fact that Russia lived as a nation and society without memory. Interview with Pyotr Razumov, a participant in the “Prayer of Remembrance” event. St. Petersburg, Russia. October 30, 2019. Thus the Brotherhood's “ritual” can be seen as an organized attempt to battle against a public memory that forgets.

But there was a political component to the contention, too. Others concluded reading the names by saying, “Freedom to today's political prisoners.” Public statement by Mariya, a participant in the "Prayer of Remembrance" event, after she read the names of victims of the Soviet Repressions. St. Petersburg, Russia. October 30, 2019.= The first priest who spoke at the Troitskii Square location tied the event to the politics of today by stating that a “new machine, blind, is raising its head and willing to cut down all in its way and fabricate evidence to put down all who oppose it.” Homily of Aleksandr Stepanov, a ROC priest but not a Brotherhood member, given after the first Litany read at the “Prayer of Remembrance” event on Troitskii Square. St. Petersburg, Russia. October 30, 2019. This priest saw this event as a coming together to of people to declare themselves in opposition to the Repressions of the past, and the present. Other participants, however, said they did not think the event was political. The Brotherhood as organizers are quick to say the event is not political, doubtless due to their understanding of the event as spiritual but also because, according to them, the event must be called "non-political" to be able to get permission from the city government to host it in the format they like. Personal communication via social media with Anna Lepekhina, a Brotherhood leader. October 25, 2019. (On the other hand, Lepekhina told me that many people faced pressure from the city administration to not attend. While this was said in passing, and it was not clear exactly to whom she was referring, it is clear that city authorities as political authorities did not want people to attend, in her opinion. Informal conversation with Anna Lepekhina, a Brotherhood leader. St. Petersburg, Russia. October 30, 2019. ) Another attendee told me the event was not political but when pressed admitted a political aspect, and recalled that just a few minutes before, after reading the names of the repressed, she had said “Freedom to [today's] Political Prisoners.” Interview with Mariya, a participant in the "Prayer of Remembrance" event. St. Petersburg, Russia. October 30, 2019. This event had a strong aspect of political contention.

The Brotherhood's memory projects, - the chief of which is the "Prayer of Remembrance" - and the informal networks of shared beliefs they've initiated surrounding them are contentious. They fight with the public memory status quo not just in their narrative form that subverts the dominant narratives but in their "ritual" that contends with the political powers that be and the apathy they see in Russia's public and its memory of the Repressions.

Thus, we can see all three essential elements of the initiation of a social movement are present. The Brotherhood brings together a multiplicity of individuals, groups, and organizations in many different forms - as volunteers, as participants, as co-organizers, etc. This informal network has shared beliefs about the importance of the memory of the Repressions. And finally, this informal network engages in political and cultural conflict against their perception of the public's lack of memory of the Soviet Repressions.

This social movement can be seen as an essential part of the "ritual" of repentance and memory the Brotherhood promotes both for itself and Russia as a whole through its memory acting.

3.3 Conclusion

This chapter argued that the three factors - two dissected in the first two chapters - shape the Brotherhood as a unique memory actor of the Soviet Repressions. Their critical historical memory narratives tell them Russia has a past that taints the present and requires repentance. Their historical consciousness tells them that they owe both God and the victims of the Repressions repentance. It also tells them that this repentance will lead to a “restoration” for Russia. And finally, their faith commands them to love and serve Russia. At Moscow's “Prayer of Remembrance” event Fr. Georgii spoke: “if we don't have memory, we won't have repentance, and if we don't have repentance, we will never have revival.” “Tserkov' Molitsia o Postradavshikh i Pogibshikh v Gody Sovetskikh Repressii | Preobrazhenskoe Bratstvo,” accessed April 17, 2020, https://psmb.ru/a/tserkov-molitsia-o-postradavshikh-i-pogibshikh-v-gody-sovetskikh-repressii.html. The Brotherhood is not content with “repentance” just for itself and its members. Thus, the Brotherhood initiated a social movement of memory led by those who “older and bigger [wiser] - people ready to take responsibility” with the aim of redeeming Russia. Interview with Anna Lepekhina, a Brotherhood leader. St. Petersburg, Russia. August 22, 2019.

The factors listed above define the Brotherhood as a memory actor by defining the "ritual" they use to "work through a hard past" and how they strive to draw Russia's public into this "ritual". For them, however, this "ritual" goes beyond the definition I originally borrowed from offered by Shafir that suggested "ritual" is the acting out of their proposed narrative. This "ritual" describes something more holistic that stems from their historical consciousness and the iterative process of memory - repentance - memory described earlier. The “Prayer” is mnemonic and religious "ritual" of repentance of their community projected for Russia as a whole to participate in.

Conclusion

My thesis reveals the importance of appreciating the Brotherhood's historical consciousness. A close examination of its historicity uncovers the interdependence of their beliefs about what happened in history and the practice of these beliefs. The first chapter proved how the Brotherhood's historical consciousness is grounded in the world of historicist historicity. Yet, it also differs in important ways: certain Christian beliefs, and certain unique convictions about memory are nonhistoricist in nature. Thus, I categorized their historical consciousness as a form of “hybrid historicity.” This next chapter revealed how the Brotherhood constructs historical memory narratives that refute society's dominant historical narratives, (re)construct an alternative past, present, and future with which they identify, and sees the present as almost entirely tainted by the past. Chapter 3 argued that three factors shape the Brotherhood as a unique memory actor of the Soviet Repressions: their critical historical memory narratives (which tell them Russia has a past that requires repentance), their historical consciousness (which tells them that they owe repentance to God and the victims), and finally, their faith (which commands them to love and serve Russia). Furthermore, I argued that their memory acting takes the form of a social movement that tries to draw the Russian public into their “ritual” of repentance.

My thesis in the process accomplished its two main goals: (1) nuancing the understanding of the ROC as a memory actor and (2) revealing the interconnectivity of historicity, memory narratives and memory acting. I briefly explain how below.

Nuancing the Understanding of the ROC as a Memory Actor

The thesis nuances the academic understanding of the ROC as a memory actor. The Brotherhood's memory initiative, “Prayer of Remembrance” pushes against state-sponsored historical memory narratives of the Soviet Repressions. It broadly falls into the agenda of the small but dedicated liberal segment of civil society usually represented by the organization, “Memorial”. On the other hand, the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) - resurgent since the fall of the Soviet Union - is a powerful institution but is overtly supportive and subservient to the state which is its primary promoter and financer. According to this understanding, however, it makes little sense that ROC believers would so actively promote a memory inconvenient (and at points: subversive) to the state's narratives.

The academic literature on the topic of the ROC as a memory actor is sparse. In 2014, Igor Torbakov, a premier scholar of Russian memory studies of Ukrainian origin, described the politics of memory of the "official Church" as supportive of the government's "state-centered historical narrative". This narrative works to forget the Soviet Repressions. Torbakov gives an example: a televised "history lesson" by Patriarch Kirill in 2012. The Patriarch spoke about Russia's Time of Troubles in a manner “keyed to the vision - and the immediate political interest - of Russia's” state.Torbakov, “The Russian Orthodox Church and Contestations over History in Contemporary Russia”, 145-146. Torbakov is not alone in his analysis - Margarete Zimmerman, a scholar of ROC memory politics of German origin, argues convincingly that the ROC elites' "approach to history [which] is quite similar for Church and state; both engage in a quest for a common enemy…, whose existence, in turn, justifies the demand for unity." Zimmermann, “Never Again! Remembering October 1917 in the Contemporary Russian Orthodox Church”, 97. Batischev, a lesser-known scholar of Russian origin, and his co-authors infer something similar when they quote Patriarch Kirill as saying that Russia has "already paid for its sins" and no longer needs to repent of its Soviet past. Batishchev, Beliaev, and Linchenko, “Russkaia Pravoslavnaia Tserkov' Kak Aktor Sovremennoi Politiki Pamiati: Diskurs Kanonizatsii.” These authors are also quick to point out the nuance and complications in ROC memory politics, but they agree that the ROC hierarchy's memory politics largely align with the state's memory politics. This makes the phenomenon of the Brotherhood as a memory actor interesting.

The above scholarship recognizes that official ROC structures' politics of memory "follows its own logic” despite its alignment with state narratives. Zimmermann, “Never Again! Remembering October 1917 in the Contemporary Russian Orthodox Church”, 96. Currently no scholarship highlights ROC memory actors whose narratives largely align with the one promoted by “Memorial”. The closest is the book by Karin Hyldal Christensen (a Danish researcher) “The Making of the New Martyrs: Soviet Repressions in Orthodox Memory”. This impressive work details the process by which the ROC canonized the “New Martyrs”. Her work illustrates ways in which the ROC narrative aligns with the state's narrative but concludes that the “New Martyr's” narrative is a “thorn in the side” of the state's “great state” narrative. Zuzzanna Bogumil, a Polish researcher, and her co-authors find that the ROC's narrative is in fact different than the state's narrative (or lack thereof). They also show how state abdication of a role in commemoration of the Repressions the ROC's narrative of the Repressions has led to the ROC's narratives becoming society's dominant narrative. Zuzanna Bogumi³, Dominique Moran, and Elly Harrowell, “Sacred or Secular? `Memorial', the Russian Orthodox Church, and the Contested Commemoration of Soviet Repressions,” Europe-Asia Studies 67, no. 9 (October 21, 2015): 1416-44, doi:10.1080/09668136.2015.1085962, 1442. However, both these works represent the problem of binary analysis of memory actors in Russia, especially as it applies to the analysis of the ROC as a memory actor. This is a hole in the scholarship that Anatoly Kalashnikov, a new scholar of Russia's public memory, highlights. He argues that scholarship on ROC memory politics does not approach it in its own right without normative (e.g. there is a right way to remember the past) or binary (e.g. pro-state or oppositional) approaches being applied. Kalashnikov, “Stalinist Crimes and the Ethics of Memory”, 609-610.

My thesis works fills this void by assessing the Brotherhood as a ROC memory actor that does not fit the above mold. I highlight how the Brotherhood's critical historical memory narratives subvert not the dominant narratives proposed by the state and by the ROC hierarchy. In this sense, I might have classified the Brotherhood similarly to those memory actors in active political opposition to the Russian state (and at times the ROC hierarchy) like "Memorial". But through exploring the Brotherhood's historical consciousness I avoided making that same classification within the binary framework of those for and those against the state's historical memory narratives of the Repressions.

My thesis evaluates the Brotherhood in its own right. I acknowledge the political aspect of its stances: how its work as a memory actor at times contrasts and contends with that of the ROC hierarchy. Understanding the Brotherhood as a memory actor nuances our understanding of the ROC as a memory actor. Revealing the existence of ROC actors that oppose the state's memory politics. But also illustrating the complexity of their work as memory actors. This complexity discounts simple political explanations for their subversive historical memory narratives and resulting memory acting.

The Interdependence of Historicity, Memory and Ritual

Most importantly this thesis explored the impact a memory actor's historicity has on their narratives about the past and how they propagate those narratives. This reveals the interconnection of some of the key concepts of my thesis.

This is seen no matter which way these factors are approached. The Brotherhood's historical consciousness enables their critical historical memory narrative. This narrative taints the present. Would the Brotherhood have such a narrative if its historical consciousness did not allow for a way out of this taint through repentance and memory? The Brotherhood's historical consciousness is one of the reasons the Brotherhood is a memory actor in the first place. It makes the “ritual” of memory acting a spiritual - not political - act. The opposite seems to be true, though, too. The brotherhood's critical memory narratives can be seen as an important factor in shaping their historical consciousness. Would the Brotherhood believe such things about how to “restore” memory through repentance if it did not have a critical memory that told it that this was vital to Russia's very survival? Finally, the Brotherhood's "ritual" of "working through a hard past" through repentance and the "gift of memory" is defined both by its historical memory narrative and historical consciousness. Would the Brotherhood need to act out repentance if their narratives did not make that repentance necessary? These factors are interconnected.

The “Prayer of Remembrance” event is a key example of this interconnectivity as it shapes them as memory actors. Their "ritual" is shaped by their critical memory and historical consciousness. But it also shapes those factors. This "ritual" is part of their critical historical memory narrative and historical consciousness. Critical memory narratives that connect the past to the present. Their "ritual” of repentance" - itself an extension of their historical consciousness - is part of that present, connecting back to the past. According to them this “ritual” heals past wounds, unlocking a different present and future. Essentially, they act out an iteration of memory - repentance - memory. Their “ritual” thus impacts their narratives. In turn, these narratives impact their historicity. Their belief in Russia's “memorylessness” shapes their belief that repentance before God can “restore” memory. These factors endlessly shape each other.

If the interconnectivity of these factors is undeniable and a strength of this thesis, then an important stone unturned is the source of these factors. Why did the Brotherhood develop its historical consciousness the way it did? Did its historical memory narratives come first, or its understanding of repentance as a “solution” to Russia's “dark past” come first? Does their faith dictate their critical memory or does their historical consciousness shape their theological understandings? This thesis did not uncover where, why and how the Brotherhood developed these factors the way they did nor which of the factors came first (if any of them can claim this “honor”).

Other Findings & Further Research

Anthropological methods and participant-observation enabled the above analysis. I thus avoided getting caught up in analyzing the political content and approaches of the Brotherhood's memory acting. This is a strength of my thesis. Ironically, I originally planned to analyze the Brotherhood as a political actor. It seemed that the Brotherhood clearly had political aims in combatting the state's memory politics of national identity and political legitimacy. But as I explored this avenue everything felt forced. People I interviewed answered my questions about politics, but these questions seemed a distraction to them. Something else mattered far more. As I followed my leads, I realized that politics took a backseat to other priorities. The Brotherhood's first priority is Russia's spiritual revival made possible only through repentance.

This analysis connects to the bigger picture of the study of memory actors, too. This thesis reveals the importance of historicity to memory acting. If it is assumed that most memory actors operate in a historicist historicity framework than their historicity will not even be examined by researchers. Breaking free of this stereotype let me question the Brotherhood's assumptions about the past and uncover their “hybrid historicity”. I then uncovered how this relates to their historical memory narratives and memory acting. This thesis then suggests that more work should be done in examining the historicity of memory actors before examining the content and form of their memory acting. This may reveal links similar to those I found in my thesis.

My thesis also revealed how historicist historicity and nonhistoricist historicity easily coexist even within the framework of one small group. Stewart proposes that “hybrid historicity” may be common in the West, my work confirms this thought. But my work is different in that it examines a memory actor that prides itself in relying on historicist history. My thesis is an example of just how unexpected and ironic “hybrid historicism” can be. It points to the possibility that this idea lurks in other memory actors or any social actors that claim to be, think they are or are seen as firmly historicist in their approach to the past.

My thesis raises many questions, besides those already mentioned, that I did not seek to answer but deserve further study. I do not find (or seek to find) the border (if one exists) between religion, politics and historicity / memory. These three factors shape the Brotherhood. However, I cannot say where the influence of one begins and overtakes the others, or vice versa. Revealing interconnectivity raises at least as many questions as it answers. For instance, do other religious organizations, even if not such prolific memory actors, have nonhistoricist historicities? And more basically, how does the Christian faith affect religious social actors in their work as memory actors, when they consciously or unconsciously work as such? Or at what point does an approach become political even if those using it deny its politicization?

The above questions do not even consider the last point of my thesis. Namely, that the Brotherhood initiated a social movement of memory around the “Prayer” event. This leads to unanswered questions, too. How might different types of historicity and historical consciousness affect a social movement with memory at its core? How might the initiation of a social movement, in turn, impact one's memory narrative or even historical consciousness

The Brotherhood is a marginal group. But studying them opens up a lot of questions that might lead researchers to a more thorough understanding of the intersection of historicity, memory acting, and faith. And since the Brotherhood is busy initiating a social movement, it might not be marginal forever. In 2011 they hosted the “Prayer” event for the first time in St. Petersburg. This past year, in 2019, the event was held in 47 cities. Eighteen of those cities held it for the first time. “Molitva Pamiati.” If this kind of growth continues, this relevance of this research might change considerably, too.

References

1. Primary Sources

2. Oral Sources

3. Interviews & Conversations

4. Interview with Anna Lepekhina, a Brotherhood leader. St. Petersburg, Russia. May 22, 2019.

5. Interview with Anna Lepekhina. St. Petersburg, Russia. August 22, 2019.

6. Conversation with Dmitrii Volnenko, a Brotherhood member. St. Petersburg, Russia. August 22, 2019

7. “Ethics after the Gulag” Conference

8. Summary remarks at “Ethics after the Gulag” conference by Dmitrii Volnenko, a Brotherhood member. St. Petersburg, Russia. May 06, 2019.

9. Conference report at “Ethics after the Gulag” conference by Viktor Dunaev, a ROC priest and a Brotherhood member from Khabarovsk. St. Petersburg, Russia. May 06, 2019.

10. “Ethics after the Gulag” round table discussion speech by Fr. Georgii Kochetkov, the Brotherhood founder. St. Petersburg, Russia. May 06, 2019.

11. “Ethics after the Gulag” round table discussion speech by Fr. Georgii Mitrofanov, a ROC priest but not a member of the Brotherhood. St. Petersburg, Russia. May 06, 2019.

12. Speech between reports at “Ethics after the Gulag” conference by Iulia Balakshina, a Brotherhood leader. St. Petersburg, Russia. May 06, 2019.

13. Informal Conversation with Elena, a Brotherhood member. St. Petersburg, Russia. May 6, 2019.

14. Summary remarks at “Ethics after the Gulag” conference by Dmitrii Gasak, a Brotherhood leader. St. Petersburg, Russia. May 06, 2019.

15. “Prayer of Remembrance” Event

16. Interview with Mariya, participant in “Prayer of Remembrance” event. St. Petersburg, Russia. October 30, 2019.

17. Informal conversation with Aleksandr, Brotherhood member. St. Petersburg, Russia. October 30, 2019.

18. Interview with Pyotr Razumov, participant in the “Prayer of Remembrance” event. St. Petersburg, Russia. October 30, 2019.

19. Public statement by Mariya, participant in “Prayer of Remembrance” event, after she read the names of victims of the Soviet Repressions. St. Petersburg, Russia. October 30, 2019.

20. Homily of Aleksandr Stepanov, ROC priest but not Brotherhood member, given after the first Litany read at the “Prayer of Remembrance” event on Troitskii Square. St. Petersburg, Russia. October 30, 2019.

21. Public speech given by Anatoly Razumov, co-organizer of the “Prayer of Remembrance” event. St. Petersburg, Russia. October 30, 2019.

22. Informal conversation with Natalya, a Brotherhood member and volunteer at “Prayer of Remembrance” event. St. Petersburg, Russia. October 30, 2019.

23. An informal interview with Fr. Aleksei, a Brotherhood member, and ordained ROC priest. St. Petersburg, Russia. October 30, 2019.

24. Textual Sources

25. Personal communication via social media with Anna Lepekhina, Brotherhood leader. November 28, 2019.

26. Personal communication via social media with Anna Lepekhina, Brotherhood leader. October 25, 2019

27. Word Document used by the Brotherhood for the “Prayer of Remembrance” event entitled “MOLITVENNOE POSLEDOVANIE V DEN'' PAMIaTI ZhERTV SOVETSKIKh REPRESSII? (30 oktiabria)” in section 4.2 entitled “Molitva Preobrazhenskogo bratstva”. Shared by Anna Lepekhina, Brotherhood leader.

28. n.a. “Programma Nauchno-Prakticheskoi Konferentsii `ETIKA POSLE «GULAGa»,'” May 6, 2019.

29. Social Media & Web Sources

30. “30 Oktiabria v Peterburge - Radio `Grad Petrov.'” Accessed April 17, 2020. https://www.grad-petrov.ru/broadcast/30-oktyabrya-v-peterburge/.

31. “Aktsiia Natsional'nogo Pokaianiia.” Accessed April 17, 2020. https://pokayanie1917.ru/anp.

32. “«Chelovek Na Perelome» | SFI.” Accessed April 17, 2020. https://sfi.ru/announcements/otkrytie-vystavki-chelovek-na-perelome.html.

33. “Glavnaia | Preobrazhenskoe Bratstvo.” Accessed November 26, 2019. https://psmb.ru/.

34. “KPTs `Pokrovskii Ostrov.'” Accessed April 17, 2020. https://vk.com/pokrov_ostrov.

35. Lepekhina, Anna. “26 dekabria 1919 goda byl podpisan dekret «O likvidatsii bezgramotnosti v RSFSR»..” Wall Post. Facebook.com, January 13, 2020. https://www.facebook.com/anna.lepekhina/posts/2704148716317434?__xts__[0]=68.ARA0Lo-kepjY-SHPHfKWHGhwyuv52NOmaqeXoQ73UvLS4voeRbi8CNGmoO4NnGhDjG6jV-BEbENHRpoqzIVIdhMoseA3nEn5R6e4Tb7mtLZHB5ObA6KYqeeyqwkIrwIZs3WINfSoPCraaoWID6Umeaw8TIs1_x6_RXLfM7bOp0Pb6D_QP-PjWo_FwXG1dERCBj6zfvAPA9Yx7MY9prAgkWWyh1qQkSxqapeyRoZzACha2XaZyVJovBzyjhmt0XeeFAGd0Ud8_Z8AAC2DzkLG_2LRSZe1Q6M2muXKrUnTViaJojGiDYjhu3euw-gtBC2XUrBMY_raKOR3YJyJAUkeV6x1Hyhy3I5lmgGDPA&__tn__=-R.

36. “Eshche v 80-e gody v Leningradskoi dukhovnoi akademii u menia sformulirovalsia sposob reaktsii na propovedi, kotorye my, akademisty, slyshali v khramakh..” Wall Post. Facebook.com, December 21, 2018. https://www.facebook.com/anna.lepekhina/posts/2027531957312450.

37. “Molitva Pamiati.” Molitva Pamiati. Accessed November 30, 2019. https://molitvapamyaty.ru/9/.

38. “Obrashchenie Initsiativnoi? Gruppy FNPiV_211119.Pdf.” Google Drive. Accessed February 22, 2020. https://drive.google.com/file/d/1Hl94BofYFbotMx_comu65fezmqwVOgew/edit.