the Free democratic party (FDP): a polish perspective

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the Free democratic party (FDP): a polish perspective

political polish democratic

Kruk, Dr, adjunct

University of Zielona Gora, Zielona Gora, Poland

Polish-German relations were an important issue in the international politics led by the Free Democratic Party after world war II. The article presents the most important actors responsible for the liberal politics towards Poland both before and after Reunification of Germany. The Free Democratic Party observed the development of events in Poland during the Cold War and supported the Polish-German border on Oder and Nysa Luzycka. Foreign ministers from the FDP: Hans-Dietrich Genscher (1974-1992), Klaus Kinkel (1992-1998) and Guido Westerwelle (2009-2013) emphasized that they want good relations with Poland. These politicians supported the bilateral cooperation after reunification and supported Poland's accession to the European Union. The liberals suggested to base Polish-German relations on the Polish-German Treaty of Good Neighbourship and Friendly Cooperation from 17. June 1991 which was signed among others by Hans-Dietrich Genscher. Genscher and his successors' politics were well received in Poland and contributed to improving Polish-German relations after world war II.

Keywords: Liberalism, Free Democratic Party, Germany, Polish-German relations.

О. Крук

ВІЛЬНА ДЕМОКРАТИЧНА ПАРТІЯ (ВДП): ПОЛЬСЬКА ПЕРСПЕКТИВА

Польсько-німецькі відносини є важливим питанням у міжнародній політиці, яке вирішує Вільна демократична партія після Другої світової війни. Представлені найбільш важливі особи, відповідальні за ліберальну політику щодо Польщі як до, так і після возз'єднання Німеччини. Вільна демократична партія спостерігала за розвитком подій у Польщі під час холодної війни і підтримала польсько-німецький кордон на Одері та Нейсе. Міністри закордонних справ ВДП: Ханс-Дітріх Геншер (1974-1992), Клаус Кинкель (1992-1998) і Гідо Вестервелле (2009-2013) наголошують, що вони хочуть добрих відносин ыз Польщею. Ці політики підтримали вступ Польщі до Європейського Союзу. Ліберали запропонували засновувати польсько- німецькі відносини на підставі польсько-німецького договору Доброго сусідства, дружби і співробітництва від 17 червня 1991 року, який був підписаний, між іншим, Хансом-Дітріхом Геншером. Геншер і політика його наступників були добре прийняті в Польщі і сприяли поліпшенню польсько-німецьких відносин після Другої світової війни.

Ключові слова: Лібералізм, Вільна демократична партія, Німеччина, польсько- німецьким відносинам.

А. Крук

СВОБОДНАЯ ДЕМОКРАТИЧЕСКАЯ ПАРТИЯ (СвДП):

ПОЛЬСКАЯ ПЕРСПЕКТИВА

Польско-немецкие отношения являются важным вопросом в международной политике, который решает Свободная демократическая партия после Второй мировой войны. Представлены наиболее важные лица, ответственные за либеральную политику по отношению к Польше как до, так и после воссоединения Германии. Свободная демократическая партия наблюдала за развитием событий в Польше во время холодной войны и поддержала польско-немецкую границу на Одере и Нейсе. Министры иностранных дел СвДП Ханс-Дитрих Геншер (1974-1992), Клаус Кинкель (19921998) и Гидо Вестервелле (2009-2013) отмечают, что они хотят хороших отношений с Польшей. Эти политики поддержали вступление Польши в Европейский Союз. Либералы предложили основывать польско-германские отношения на польско- немецком договоре Доброго соседства, дружбы и сотрудничества от 17 июня 1991 года, который был подписан, между прочим, Хансом-Дитрихом Геншером. Геншер и политика его преемников были хорошо приняты в Польше и способствовали улучшению польско-немецких отношений после Второй мировой войны.

Ключевые слова: Либерализм, Свободная демократическая партия, Германия, польско-немецким отношениям.

Introduction

The relations with Poland have always been significant in the politics of the Free Democratic Party created in 1948. The Free Democratic Party (FDP) has shaped the German political parties' scene together with the Christian Democratic Union/Christian Social Union and the Social Democratic Party and played in the political system the role of a "scales indicator arrow" for many years, concentrated heavily on the matters of foreign politics. It's not without a reason that the FDP has an image of the party of foreign office ministers as this post has been occupied by Walter Scheel, Hans-Dietrich Genscher, Klaus Kinkel and Guido Westerwelle - all members of the FDP. The theme of the article is to present the politics towards Poland which the three foreign ministers - Hans-Dietrich Genscher (1974-1992), Klaus Kinkel (1992-1998) and Guido Westerwelle (2009-2013) presented. K. Kinkel and G. Westerwelle stressed on many occasions, that when shaping their politicies towards Poland they looked at the example of H.-D. Genscher, who was popular in Poland The article is resume part of dissertation: A. Kruk, Hans Dietrich Genscher w polityce wewnзtrznej i zagranicznej RFN w latach 1969-1992, Katowice 2010 and A. Kruk, Wolna Partia Demokratyczna po zjednoczeniu Niemiec (1990-2013), Zielona Gora, 2015..

Poland in Genscher's politics. Hans-Dietrich Genscher was the minister of interior affairs at Willy Brandt's cabinet and in the cabinets of Helmut Schmidt and Helmut Kohl - the foreign minister. The way H.-D. Genscher implemented his policy was described with the term "genscherism". It describes the stance of creating a credible image of the German Federal Republic in order to achieve Germany's reunification based on the European integration [11, s. 185]. Genscher found the relationship with Poland important and thought that the Polish-German relations should

be shaped based on the example of the German-French relationship which general de Gaulle and Konrad Adenauer built after the Second World War based on the Elysee Treaty of 1963 and the European integration. He supported Eastern Politics in the cabinet of Willy Brandt. The Eastern Politics was a permanent point in the politics of the German states, implemented with a different level of dedication depending on the era, but in the SPD/FDP coalition in the years 1969 until 1982 it received a special significance. During the Cold War Genscher was a supporter of the Eastern Politics which was supposed to normalize the relationship with communist countries - the USSR, the People's Republic of Poland, Czechoslovakia and German Democratic Republic. After the Second World War Western Germany was building an image of a democratic country, based on the rules of a state of Justice in order to defeat the negative image of the country caused by the Nazis. The memory of World War II was very much alive in Poland at the time. Germany was feared after the Second World War in Poland and the fight against the fear required very effective actions. Genscher reminded, that the relations with Poland are very specific because Polish people were victims of Nazis' crimes during the Second World War. During his time at Willy Brandt (1969-1974) and Helmut Schmidt's (1974-1992) cabinets he supported cooperation with Poland in a manner where the state of the international affairs in Europe after the Second World War would be considered. The economic strength of Western Germany was advantageous. In the 1970s Germany gave Poland loans in return for some concessions towards the Germans living in Poland [8; 18; 11, s. 75].

Genscher drove for the reunification of Germany and in order to achieve that it was important to define the borders of postwar Germany. He wanted to allay the European countries' fears of reunited Germany according to the motto of Thomas Mann "we want a reunited Germany in a re-united Europe". When Genscher became the foreign minister in 1974, he strove for strengthening the economic cooperation with Poland. He described the Polish-Western German relations as difficult due to the need to negotiate the situation of Germans living in the People's Republic of Poland's territories many of whom wanted to leave for Western Germany [6, s. 213; 975-976].

Polish-German relations were also influenced by the Conference on Security and Cooperation (CSCE) taking place from 30 July until 1 August 1975 and particularly the seventh rule of the first basket of and the third basket of CSCE. The negotiations between the German side (Helmut Schmidt and H.-D. Genscher) and the Polish side (Edward Gierek, Piotr Jaroszewicz and Stefan Olszowski) concerned financial affairs, et. al. a 1 billion Mark loan for Poland negotiated by the Polish side. Another discussed matter was a pension/retirement treaty concerning people depositing money in German institutions. The third matter concerned permits for Germans to leave the People's Republic of Poland and go to Western Germany. The German side believed, that by granting a loan to the Poles, they can negotiate the amount of permits for Germans. The expectation that the Polish concentration camp prisoners will receive a compensation was not fulfilled [3, s. 162-166; 2, s. 271-176; 10, s. 586-587; 17, s. 480].

H.-D. Genscher came to Poland on the 9th and 10th of October 1975. The aim of the meeting with E. Gierek, Henryk Jabtorпski, P Jaroszewicz and S. Olszowski was the signing of the treaty about pensions and retirements. The talks in Warsaw were about the cooperation between the Polish and German Red Cross and a cultural exchange. In order to gain acceptance of the treaties with the People's Republic of Poland in the Bundestag, Genscher sought the Christian Democrats' support. When on 18 February 1976 the German Bundestag held a vote about the Polish-West German treaty, it was supported by Rainer Barzel, Norbert Blьm, Hans Katzer, Walter Lieser Kiep, Richard von Weizsдcker. An opponent of the treaty with Poland was a politician from the bavarian CSU- Franz Josef StrauЯ. On the 19 February 1976 H.-D. Genscher was trying to convince the states' representatives in the Bundesrat to support the retirement treaty with Poland. However the Bundesrat decided to accept the treaty only under the condition, that the Polish government would allow the German citizens to leave the country. The negotiations were stretching in time. The impasse was finally broken on 12 March 1976, when the Bundesrat accepted the treaty [11, s. 77].

The Polish-German relations were strengthened by visits during which the will to make Polish-West German relations normal again was expressed. The 1st secretary of the central committee of The Polish Workers United Party Edward Gierek met H.-D. Genscher in July 1976 in the German Federal Republic. H.-D. Genscher visited Poland on the 2nd and 4th of November 1978 [11, s. 79].

Genscher called to abide by the rules of the CSCE during the strike of the Polish workers in August 1980. He also expressed his concern not to allow the workers' protest to take shape similar to the occurrences in Hungary in 1956 or the Prague spring of 1968. Genscher, together with the Secretary of State of the United States of America, warned the USSR against an escalation of the conflict in Poland and the politics of intervention [13, s. 52-57].

H.-D. Genscher came to Poland on 20 March 1981, one day after the fights in Bydgoszcz, where the representatives of the trade unions clashed with the police. Commenting on those events the politician warned against an escalation of the conflict and a foreign intervention in Poland. In his talks with President Wojciech Jaruzelski and the foreign minister Jцzef Czyrek he emphasized, that any financial aid of Western Germany for Poland will be given under the condition of a more open politics for the departures of Germans living in the People's Republic of Poland to Western Germany [11, s. 80; 3, s. 199; 15, s. 215; 13, s. 67].

On 13 December 1981 the state of emergency was declared in Poland. Chancellor Helmut Schmidt warned against an intervention of the USSR. When sanctions against Poland were discussed in the West, H.-D. Genscher expressed his expectations for the Polish government to lift the martial law, free the political prisoners and continue the reform. When a coalition change occurred in the German Federal Republic and Helmut Kohl became Chancellor, H.-D. Genscher kept the post of the foreign minister. He continued his politics based on the OCSE process and the agreement from 7 December 1970 in the CDU/CSU/FDP coalition government. H.-D. Genscher understood the anxiety of the Polish people, when they heard from the interior minister Friedrich Zimmermann in 1983, that the Polish German border is temporary. The Foreign Minister stressed, that the border on the Oder and Nysa tuzycka rivers is untouchable. Genscher stated on the 7th July 1984 at the Bundestag, that Germany has no territorial demands towards Poland. He declared the will to keep positive relations with Poland also on the forum of the General Assembly of the United Nations. However, his cooperation with the Polish authorities had some obstacles in the 1980s. Due to the lack of acceptance of the Polish government to the itinerary of Genscher's visit to Poland, he cancelled his trip to Poland between the 21-23 November 1984. As a consequence Genscher did not visit the grave of father Jerzy Popietuszko, the chaplain of "Solidarnosc" [11, s. 80-82; 8, s. 9].

In the 1980s Genscher was considered a politician who wanted to continue the politics towards Poland in the spirit of the 1970s. However his approach to the normalization of relations with Poland was deemed too compliant by a part of right wing milieu in Western Germany. The Polish side observed, that the diplomat tried to minimise Polands' fears about the reunification of Germany. The internal conflicts within the People's Republic of Poland in the 1980s. between the communist government and the opposition made the diplomatic relations between Western Germany and Poland seem temporary. Genscher's visit to Poland on 10 - 12 January 1988 was supposed to give an impulse to strengthen the cooperation and confirm the validity of the agreement from December 1970. Genscher met both Wojciech Jaruzelski and Lech Watзsa. He gave positive reports about the politician representing the communist camp as well as the leader of Solidarnosc. Noticing an increasing support for the opponents of communism in Poland, H.-D. Genscher promised to support the reform process in Poland. During the General Assembly of the United Nations on 27 September 1989 he emphasized that the Polish German border is untouchable. He did not want the Polish-German border issue to complicate the process of reunification of Germany [22, s. 116-117; 12, s. 83-85].

When H. Kohl and H.-D. Genscher decided to visit Poland from 9 to 14 September 1989, the situation got out of control. The Berlin Wall fell on 9 September 1989. The events evolved swiftly. The German politicians went to Berlin to participate in their nation's historic moment, but later on they continued their visit to Poland. On 12 November 1989 the famous reconciliation mass was held in Krzyzowa in Silesia and Helmut Kohl and Tadeusz Mazowiecki used this meeting as a helpful symbol in initiating cooperation between Germany and Poland in the future. Reunification of Germany became a priority for the Chancellor of Germany. He presented the reunification plan on 28 November 1989 in the Bundestag. The Poles were listening carefully to see if Germans would mention the issue of the Polish-

German border. The cooperation between H.-D. Genscher and the Polish foreign minister Krzysztof Skubiszewski intensified. CDU/CSU assumed that H.-D. Genscher's approach towards Poland is too favourable. The German foreign minister however drew everyone's attention towards the international reactions to the issue of the Polish-German border. Noticing France's acknowledgement of the Polish anxiety regarding border changes, he agreed to Poland's participation in Germany's reunification negotiations. K. Skubiszewski was invited to Paris in July 1989 to participate in the two + four meeting (both German states as well as the USA, the USSR, Great Britain and France) [11, s. 85; 14, s. 82-86; 20, s. 28].

On 12 September 1989 the 2+4 treaty concerning the reunification of Germany was signed and on 14 September 1990 H.-D. Genscher and K. Skubiszewski signed a treaty acknowledging the Polish-German border. Genscher declared, that the Polish and German nations should intensify their cooperation in order to overcome historic anxieties and prejudices and build proper neighbor relations. The politician supported Poland's aspiration to join the European communities. He expressed a positive assessment of the activities of the Polish-German Historic Institute in Krzyzowa [11, s. 8788; 4; s. 703-06].

The Polish-German treaty on Good Neighborship and Friendly Cooperation was signed on 17 June 1991. Poland and Germany decided that they would extend their economic, scientific, technical, cultural, environmental cooperation and also strive for better contacts between the Polish and German people for example through youth exchange programs. H.-D. Genscher explained, that the treaty would improve the Polish-German relationships. When presenting the treaty in the Bundestag on 6 September 1991, he stated that the issue of the German minority in Poland was regulated in it [19, s. 83-84; 5, s. 144; 11, s. 89].

In 1991 in Weimar - the birthplace of Goethe - Genscher received Roland Dumas and Krzysztof Skubiszewski. It was the first meeting of the Weimar triangle, the uninstitutionalized platform for cooperation between Poland, Germany and France. The main aim of the forum was to enable the building of "a new Europe" in the continent's historic turning point. Genscher's politics towards Poland was that of friendship and kindness. He was honored the Great Cross of Merit when he visited Warsaw in 1992. Genscher supported Poland's efforts to join the European Union. He received the honoris causa doctorate of the Szczecin University. During the ceremony Professor Wtodzimierz Stзpinski said: Genscher gained the affection and respect among many Poles without the fanfares and in an atmosphere of rather moderate trust. According to the scientist, some "gestures were missing here, like the kneeling of chancellor Brandt before the Monument of Warsaw Ghetto Fighters, the kiss of reconciliation between Helmut Kohl and Tadeusz Mazowiecki in Krzyzowa in November 1989, or the speech of president Roman Herzog in the capital of Poland on the anniversary of the Warsaw Uprising in VIII 1994. H- D. Genscher built bridges with Poland - as seen from the Polish perspective - through organic work." [9; 7; 11, s. 90].

When President Lech Kaczynski did not go to the meeting dedicated to the 15th anniversary of creating the Weimar triangle, this fact contributed to an evaluation of the forum's achievements. Genscher stated: "the Weimar triangle could have been a start to something bigger [...], it does not play a major role [...]. I do not blame Warsaw for this. It was France and Germany that couldn't draw Poland to a broader exchange of opinion." (Nic o nich...).

Poland in politics of Kinkel. Klaus Kinkel was the foreign minister in Helmut Kohl's cabinet from 1992 until 1998. Contrary to the declarations of German politicians, the relationship with Poland did not dominate the foreign policy of the German Federal Republic and the politics towards Poland was only a component of the German European policy. Poland did care about good relations with Germany and about cooperation resulting from the challenges of the transformation processes, building of democracy and integrating with the west. Kinkel's politics towards Poland was influenced by the earlier commitment of H.-D. Genscher in strengthening proper relationships with Poland. Kinkel's predecessor in the chair of the foreign affairs Minister emphasized often times that the acknowledgement of the Polish-German border is a sine qua non of German reunification. Genscher urged Kohl not to heed to the demands of the expelled and seek good relationships with Poland. The signing of the Polish-German Border Treaty on 14 XI 1990 and the Treaty about good neighborhood and friendly cooperation from 17 VI 1991 opened a new chapter in relations of Warsaw and Berlin. The liberals in Kohl's government supported Polish aspirations to join the European Union and NATO. As noted by Aleksandra Trzcielinska-Polus, the ones speaking most about the Polish matter in the Bundestag from FDP were Helmut Hausmann and Otto Graf Lambsdorff. The policy towards the eastern neighbor was a reflection of the diversity of the German political scene and of the struggle to win the voters' support amongst others from the group of the German expelled [12, s. 117-118; 21, s. 82; 1, s. 72].

The Polish matter in the political actions of Guido Westerwelle.

Westerwelle emphasized the European politics' role in cooperation with the countries of Middle and Eastern Europe. He continued the implementation of Genscher and Kinkel's concept of strengthening good relationships with Poland. The very first country which Westerwelle visited on his first diplomatic journey was Poland. He wanted to have a strong relationship with Poland like the relationship with France. He visited Warsaw on 31 X 2009 and met the Polish foreign minister Radosfaw Sikorski. On that occasion he described the Polish German relationships "as the best in history". He voted for the activity of member states within the Weimar triangle initiated by his predecessor Genscher. Commenting on relations with Poland, Westerwelle hoped that they would be like the French German relations. It is not to be underestimated that his first foreign journey was to Warsaw. The Commissioner of relationships with Poland, as a substitute to the social Democrat Gesine Schwan, was Cornelia Pieper from FDP who knew Poland as well as the Polish language which she learned during her Slavic studies in Warsaw. Cornelia Pieper criticised Jaroslaw Kaczynski and supported Bronislaw Komorowski and the government of Donald Tusk. She cooperated with the former Polish ambassodor in the Germany Marek Prawda and received an honorary professor title in his hometown of Kielce. Pieper and Westerwelle spoke about the Centre Against Expulsions and criticised the policy of Erika Steinbach fighting to commemorate Germans who lost their homes after the Second World War. Whereas the Poles carefully observed the German discussion about the consequences of the Second World War and looked with concern at the demands of Steinbach and her likes to recognise the expelled Germans as victims without presenting the reasons for the war and results of the Nazi politics. In the dispute between Wladyslaw Bartoszewski and Erika Steinbach Cornelia Pieper always took Poland's side and expressed deep respect towards Bartoszewski's biography. She pointed out Bartoszewski's contribution to the Polish-German reconciliation. The Poles reminded everyone that the tragedy of displacement was the result of the war and its course as well as the decisions of allies about the borders in Europe after the Second World War [12, s. 141-143].

In 2011, in the course of celebrations of 20 years of the Polish and German Treaty About Good Neighborhood and Friendly Cooperation the benefits of cooperation were enumerated. Both governments assumed the "declaration on the 20th anniversary of signing of the Treaty" describing the achievements of cooperation in the following fields: political dialogue; regional and trans-border cooperation; transport and infrastructure; Public Safety; civic society; social matters; culture; education, science, research and development; economy and energy sector; environmental protection; cooperation on the European scene; safety; protection and humanitarian aid. It is worth mentioning that the liberals' expressed positive opinions about the Polish presidency in the European Union in 2011. Westerwelle and Sikorski often initiated joint activities and provoked discussion about the condition of the European Union, amongst others on 17 IX 2012 they presented "A new version of Europe" in the International Herald Tribune, calling upon member states to show solidarity in the face of economic problems in the European Union [12, s. 142-143].

Becuase of FDP's defeat in the Parliament election on 22 September 2013, the party lost its representatives in the government. G. Westerwelle was replaced by the social-democrat Frank Walter Steinmeier. Cornelia Pieper of the FDP who was the coordinator of the polish-german cooperation from 2009-2013 lost her post to Dietmar Woidke.

When Guido Westerwelle died of leukaemia on 18 March 2016 he was remembered in Poland positively for his engagement in creating good relations with Poland. Similar positive notions were made in the Polish media and by Polish diplomats after the passing of H.-D. Genscher on 31 March 2016. The politician was popular in Poland. According to the Polish historian Zbigniew Mazur, H.-D. Genscher was "a great tactician, persevering and flexible at the same time". Dariusz Rosati noted, that Genscher "had a strategic political vision based on values rooted in the European civilization such as freedom, solidarity and diligence". Another German liberal, Walter Scheel (President of the Federal Republic of Germany 1974-1979) was not as well known in Poland as G Westerwelle and H.-D. Genscher.

Summary

The leaders of the Free Democratic Party have always had the international politics in the centre of their interest. They held the view, that Germany after the Second World War should strive for shaping their politics in a european manner. H.-D. Genscher, K. Kinkel and G. Westerwelle emphasised, that they want to have good relations with Poland. During the Cold War the liberals supported the untouchability of the border on Odra and Nysa Luzycka rivers. After the reunification of Germany they supported Poland's membership in the European Union and NATO.

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