Livonian canons and challenge of the Reformation
The changes in the chapter and the reactions to the Reformation, religious changes. The reasons for the fall in the number of cumulations, indicating the desire to increase internal discipline in the chapter, to accept the challenge of the Reformation.
| Рубрика | История и исторические личности |
| Вид | статья |
| Язык | английский |
| Дата добавления | 18.06.2021 |
| Размер файла | 1,0 M |
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There are some other instances when religious affiliation of a canon is implied. Earlier researchers stated that canons Matthias Unverferth and Hildebrand Lutke of Riga demonstrated noticeable curiosity about Protestantism and could have been rather pro-Protestant or somewhere in the middle ground between Catholics and Lutherans Cf. Karge P Die Berufung des Markgrafen Wilhelm zum Koadjutor des Rigaschen Erzbichofs. Ein Betrag zur Reformationsgeschichte // Baltische Monatsschrift. 1906. Vol. 61. P 117-156, here pp. 130-132; Arbusow L. Sr. Livlands Geistlichkeit vom Ende des 12. bis ins 16. Jahrhundert. Part 4. P 129, 222.. However, this statement seems to be not very plausible, as the books owned by Lutke were actually anti-Lutheran Arbusow L. Sr. Livlands Geistlichkeit vom Ende des 12. bis ins 16. Jahrhundert. Part 4. P 129., and both canons had the leading positions in the 1540s when the chapter rejected the Lutheran reform plan of Archbishop Wilhelm. It is even more puzzling to indicate the religious allegiance of Friedrich von Ambten -- a canon of Reval and Osilia, and later Bishop of Reval (1551-1557). Archbishop Wilhelm named him once reportedly Lutheran and a couple of years later -- “total Papist” Herzog Albecht von PreuЯen und Livland (1540-1551). No. 1312; Herzog Albecht von PreuЯen und Livland (1551-1557). No. 1529.. Additionally, the chronicler Johann Renner presented an anecdote, according to which, Ambten had once intended to become a preacher in Reval and asked how he should arrange the rehearse sermon -- in an old (Catholic) or a new (Protestant) style. Renner J. Livlдndische Historien / eds R. Hausmann, K. Hцhlbaum. Gцttingen, 1876. S. 154-155. It can be that Ambten swayed between two confessions, tried to find a common ground between them, or was just a cold-blooded opportunist. However, at least until the 1550s, many Germans hoped for the reunion of the Western Church with the help of general or national church council Mцrke O. Die Reformation: Voraussetzungen und Durchsetzung. Mьnchen, 2005. S. 53-57., and it is quite possible that there could be Livonian canons that desired it as well.
Conclusions
Although there are some obvious gaps in currently available data about Livonian chapters and canons during the Reformation era, it seems that there is enough material to verify general trends concerning the characteristics discussed here. It also comes clear that the best information is currently available for the chapter of Riga -- the numbers of its members were more steady in comparison to other Livonian chapters, and there is the richest knowledge about the activities and religious affiliations of the canons.
Comparing the numbers of Livonian canons for the 1520s and the 1550s, it is possible to state that the general number did not decrease dramatically, and there were probably no important changes in chapters' position in local social and political spheres during the Reformation era. However, there were noticeable changes in canons' social and geographical background: the number of local burghers dropped drastically, as well as the importance of canons originating from Prussia. One can assume that it could have been connected with the domination of Protestantism in Livonian and Prussian towns and cities. However, if the significant rise of the number of noble-birth and German-origin canons from the 1540s might indicate that the chapter seats were mostly viewed as means of income, and the role of canons' religious commitment might have diminished, the data concerning the cumulations of chapter seats is at variance with it. The decrease in the cumulations might indicate that the principles of canon law might have been followed more strictly. Perhaps, the chapters tried to improve their inner discipline to be able to withstand the challenge of the Reformation better.
The activities of the chapter of Riga in the 1540s demonstrated it as a bulwark of the Catholicism according to Leonid Arbusow Jr., but this trend was certainly not continuous as it is shown by the actions of the chapter during the beginning of the Livonian War. It appears that the majority of the canons of Riga were supporting Protestantism by the beginning of the war, and that this turn must have taken place during the 1550s. Unfortunately, the information is too scarce for other Livonian chapters to assess religious stance there.
The survey of canons' personal beliefs indicates that, except for one canon, probably no other left the chapter because of religious convictions. There were a slightly increasing number of canons that left the chapter to marry, but this cannot be directly connected with religion. There are no signs of religious tensions inside or between the chapters, and it might as well be that most of the canons, irrespective of their personal confessional preferences, were waiting for a general solution to the religious divide and rather hoped for the reunion of Western Church.
As there are no other signs of serious religious conflicts in Livonia generally, it seems justified to suggest that strict religious differentiation reached the region only during the Livonian War when the old political structures collapsed and new borders -- political, ideological, and also confessional -- were drawn by Russia, Poland-Lithuania, Denmark and Sweden. Moreover, it can be maintained that truly confessionalist conflicts occurred in the region even later, only since the 1580s when the Jesuits started the Counter-Reformation in Polish Livonia, and the Swedes began to implement strict Protestantism in the Province of Estonia.
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