The Music Salon in Russia in the First Half of the 19th Century

Music in the culture of society's woman's salon, while performing the communicative function, was becoming one of the practices of interlocution, a language of allusion. The established tradition of the etiquette behaviour of a lover dictated the means for expressing feelings in the `society parlance,' which was what music stood for. For example, to express the feeling of love one could use only the ready-made genres of speech, which included poetry, music such as the romance songs, instrumental theatrical pieces, and arias from operas. Illustrative is the occasion related to A. S. Pushkin's “The Daylight's gone” that I. I. Genishta put to music. In the autumn of 1826, Pushkin visited Volkonskaia's salon for the first time, and the hostess welcomed him with a song. The Princess's choice was not fortuitous: the song was meant for Pushkin, “having become an enticement through subtle and artistic coquetry” [37, p. 25] See also the subjects of O. Kozlovskii's French `chivalresque' romance “Assis au pied d'un chêne” as a conventional language of love [8, p. 154-7]..

Fig. 1. N. A. Stepanov's drawing to A. S. Dargomyzhskii's romances set to N. F. Pavlov's poem “Don't call her heavenly” [VII, p. 53]

Fig. 2. N. A. Stepanov's drawing to M. I. Glinka's romance to Iu. V. Zhadovskaia, “You will soon forget me” [VII, p. 13]

Fig. 3. N. A. Stepanov's drawing to W G. Katrioto-Skanderbek, lyrics by Debord- Valmore “LAttente” [VII, p. 41]

music salon concert theater

Music did play a communicative role in the salon culture, which was dramatically demonstrated by an episode when on 26^th December 1826 Z. A. Volkonskaia held a farewell party in honour of M. N. Volkonskaia (née Raevskaia), who was going to Siberia to join her Decembrist husband S. G. Volkonskii. For M. N. Volkonskaia's special benefit, her favourite music pieces were performed. “The whole evening she was listening to the songs, and no sooner had one piece ended than she asked for another. Till midnight she had not entered the reception-room because Princess Zinaida was having many guests; and she stayed outside the door where the hostess, unable to get her out of her mind and eager to please her, kept approaching her” [38, p. 823-4, quoted after: 7, p. 194]. Z. A. Vo- lonskaia was singing a fragment from F. Paer's “Agnese” “Agnese”, drama semiserio in 2 acts, libretto by L. Buonavogli, Parma, 1809. In the domestic literature since the 19^th century the opera has been known as “Agnessa”; In St. Petersburg the opera was staged under the name of “Father and daughter”. and stopped “when she reached the moment where the poor daughter was beseeching her much poorer father's pardon. The involuntary allusion to the likeness between Agnese's, or her father's, misfortune and the actual state her inconspicuous relative was in (Maria Volkonskaia. -- N. O.) enervated Princess Zinaida so much that she lost her voice... [39, p. 823-4, quoted after 7, p. 194]. It must have been Agnese's aria “Il padre o ciel mi rendi” (Largetto, F-dur) from Act 2 of the opera where the heroine, involuntarily having driven her father mad, beseeches his pardon. The singer definitely addressed the aria to M. N. Volkonskaia, who had been saying good-bye to her father prior to visiting the salon On 21 December 1826, M. N. Volkonskaia received a permission to go to Siberia and she said good-bye to her father. From M. N. Volkonskaia's memoirs: “I showed him [her father, N. N. Raevskii. -- N. Î. ] the letter from His Majesty [the response to the appeal]; then my poor father, losing control, raised his fists over my head and cried out, “I shall damn you if you do not come back in a year!' I did not say anything, threw myself on a settee and put my head under the cushion” [39, p. 18].. Moreover, for Z. A. Volkonskaia this aria served as a farewell message to her close friend: a message asking for forgiveness for not sharing her lot, for parting, possibly, forever.

It also should be noted that the woman's voice with its intimate and lyrical charm, its operatic and even pure acoustic quality had the male audience enthralled. Musical instruments performed the same function. For instance, the harp with its quiet, gentle, benign speech was also perceived by men not only as a nice instrument to play, but also as a sotto voce, as an instrument of gentle love message.

That music fulfils a communicative function is evident from various instances of its performance in Dargomyzhskii's salon. Thus, the composer had deliberately written a comic trio for male voices for his pupil L. F. Muller, who had a habit of rubbing her eyes in public. The performance of this trio was meant for a salon recital in the presence of the heroine who had prompted this musical jest: first, to attract her attention to this amusing habit, second, to entertain the guests. When V. T. Sokolov, an habitué and a dilettante composer, a participant of concerts, asked what the music and lyrics were about, Dargo- myzhskii replied, “The music is very simple, and the words are: “Don't rub your eyes," nothing else. I have composed it for Fräulen M[üller]. As soon as somebody notices her rubbing her eyes, I shall immediately get it going, and we shall sing this trio and you will be singing the bass part, Veliaminov the second and me the first tenor. K. N. Veliaminov arrived, practiced his part, and the trio was ready. L. F. Müller also came among others. Before long, one of us noticed her rubbing her eyes. Immediately Aleksandr Sergeevich took the matter into his own hands and we, turning to her, sang this trio con gran espres- sione. All the guests and the heroine of the trio had a good laugh about Dargomyzhskii's jest [40, p. 161-2].

Numerous album productions also performed the communicative function of music in the salon culture. The album, an indispensable attribute of the salon culture, was its trademark. This specific type of musical, poetic, figurative, and calligraphic creative endeavours clearly reflects the atmosphere of the salon life. Some albums were meant for “private use” and were kept at home; others invited friends to leave their notes, some bearing the autographs of celebrities were put on display. Albums containing music can be broken down into the following categories: 1) the music album; 2) the literary and musical album; 3) the album featuring autographic writings.

All albums are a “medley” of professional and amateur texts, languages, genres, and arts. Pushkin and Lermontov go side by side with a Horse-Guard officer and romantic songs composed by Glinka go hand-in-hand with those by A. I. Pashkov. The names of professionals and amateurs are on par and mixed up in a most peculiar way since both are very dear to the owner of the album. The album is part of the owner's world, memorable leafs of his life.

We cannot help but notice, while looking through these albums, how fond society was of amateur works. Much value was attached to extempore pieces, complimentary verses and romantic songs, singing talents and music-playing ability. The album, a prized possession of almost every hostess, enticed guests into demonstrating their various creative skills. The performance of extempore pieces was not expected to be highly professional. All that was needed was to blend into the game played at the gathering and do one's best in playing up to it. Yet, as often as not, in the motley of the album, the vividness of expression and rich imagination translated into texts written by professionals is amazing.

The album notes, as a rule, were spontaneous and direct. This was the peculiarity of not only common and cherished extempore pieces, but also various verses and music written “on the occasion” or “for the occasion,” on a name-day, for someone's departure and such album occurrences related to particular current events. So the album as a product of mass culture, like no other source, provides vivid demonstrations of the type of an amateur artist who was more a disseminator of the general spirit of art, of cultural and aesthetic novelties and period mind-set, than a creator of his own language. For a professional, the album writing with its immediate communicative allusion to a particular person and a reflection of a certain game situation was a creative act, a chance to produce something novel.

In the 1820s luxuriously ornamental “showy” music albums with calligraphically executed copies of popular pieces or music dear to the owners were coming into fashion. The “showy” albums used as “objects” of beauty to brighten up the interior were meant to impress the visitors. A “parlour album” was frequently an autograph collection-album showing the circle of outward cultural connections of its owner. As was already noted, being acquainted with well-known literary figures, artists, composers, and musicians was prestigious for the salon culture of the first half of the 19 ^th century.

The “musical” and the “visual” in the structure of the album is a channel of communication for both the owners of albums and their addressees, a means to express individuality (“information about oneself”), a reminiscence text or a reminder (“enciphered letter”) and an offering of the works by musicians to the composer in the form of “a remembrance.”

Dargomyzhskii as a society man was not immune to the latest trend of album collecting, either. He, undoubtedly, was proud of his magnificent “showy” album, which encompassed the autograph writings of the celebrities of the literary and music realm -- the composers G. Berlioz, F. Halévy, M. I. Glinka, G. Donizetti, F. Liszt, G. Meyerbeer, S. Moni- uszko, D.-F.-E. Ober, the performers H. Vieuxtemps, P. Viardot, F. Liszt, G. Pasta, G. Rubi- ni, A. F. Servais, the artists I. K. Aivazovskii, C. P Briullov, N. A. Stepanov, the men of letters P. A. Viazemskii, V. Hugo, V. A. Zhukovskii, N. V. Kukol'nik, the ballet dancers F. Elssler, M. Taglioni [VIII] On the attribution of the album, see [10; 41].. He had been filling the album with autograph writings from celebrities for almost 17 years in St. Petersburg, Moscow, Berlin, Paris, and Brussels. The album was displayed as telling evidence of cultural and professional music ties of the composer. Let us pay attention to the communicative function of certain autographed notes. The autograph albums may feature fragments of musicians' works as a “remembrance,” information about themselves as professional musicians and “offerings” to the owner of the album who was a composer and a connoisseur of music.

Thus, Berlioz who in 1845 met the composer in Paris, wrote down in his album a short monophonic waltz theme from the ballet “Dance of the Sylphs” “La Damnation de Faust,” thereby paying tribute to the album tradition -- a “remembrance.” He also demonstrated to the album owner, the composer, a fragment of a piece he was working on Caption under the autograph: “Theme du ballet des Sylphes dans le 2-me act de “La Damnation de Faust” (The theme of the ballet The Sylphs from the second act of “The damnation of Faust”). In the top right-hand corner is the autograph by V. Hugo (Paris, 1845) [VIII, sheet 24].) (fig. 4).

Fig. 4. G. Berlioz's autograph. The theme of the Sylphs from the dramatic legend “La Damnation de Faust” [1845] [VIII, sheet 24]

The autographs of musicians include “information about themselves” demonstrating their virtuosity to the owner of the album. Such is the note Ch. O. Bériot made in Brussels on 13 ^th November 1844, when Dargomyzhskii was there on his visit, which features the passaggio technique the virtuoso violinist had mastered. E. Frezzolini, engaged for the 1847/48, 1848/49, 1849/50 seasons and famed for the part of Beatrice in V. Bellini's opera “Beatrice di Tenda,” scribbled on the same leaf of the album on 10^th May 1848 the first note line of the final aria from the last act: “Ah! se un'urna è a me concessa. Senza un fior non la Lasciate” as a musical message to the composer to remind him of herself as a singer and actress [VIII, sheet 32] (fig. 5).

Short, spontaneous autographed “remembrance” notes and “information about oneself” appear in the form of graphic images aimed at producing a visual effect. Such notes are a kind of music both to the ear and the eye. Here, the notation serves as a universal language. For instance, H. Vieuxtemps' note entitled “Preludio” written in Dargomyzhskii's album in Brussels on 14^th November 1844 is featured on the top line of the staff as an ascending A-major scale of three and a half octaves and a scale descending to the initial position. Graphically, this scale looks like a triangle. On the bottom line, the chords are arranged in the form of a diamond, which Vieuxtemps repeated below. There are no grounds to assert that the violinist was referring to the symbolism of geometric figures established in the occult sciences and wished to encrypt something secret. However, it is obvious that such an impromptu entry refers to the virtuosity of the composer and violinist, who used in his works wavelike, scalelike, and other passaggios at the climactic and expressive moments of the form (for example, in violin concerts, Fantasia-Appassionata, Concert Etudes). The graphic geometrical representation purports to communicate volition [VIII, sheet 19] Caption under the musical autograph: “Preludio. Bruxelles 14 9bre. H. Vieuxtemps”. (fig. 6).

Fig. 5. Autographs of C. Bériot (Brussels, 13 November 1844) and E. Frezzolini (St. Petersburg, 10 May 1848) [VIII, sheet 32]

Fig. 6. Preludio. Autograph of A. Vieuxtemps. Brussels, 24 November 1844 [VIII, sheet 19]

G. Donizetti's autograph written in Dargomyzhskii's album in Vienna on 31^st March 1845 can be interpreted in the same manner; it is represented as a C-major scale running cornerwise in ascending and descending order, with a caption “Donizetti Gaetano” under each sign on the principle: a note -- a letter. As if deliberately, the compositor places the simplest discipular rhythmic unarranged scale of half-notes, which immediately attracts one's attention as a message producing a comic effect [VIII, sheet 43] Caption under the musical autograph. “Donizetti. etc. etc. Vienna 31 mars. 1845”. (fig. 7).

Fig. 7. Autograph of G. Donizetti, Vienna, 31 March 1844 [VIII, sheet 43]

Thus, salons in Russia in the first part of the 19^th century are significant socio-cultural institutions structured in accordance with their regular hours of functioning (days of the week, evenings), composition of guests, forms of communication, and concert and scenic practice. Their typical span of functioning is noteworthy. For example, Vielgorskii's, Lvov's, and Dargomyzhskii's Petersburg salons flourished for about 30 years and Odoevs- kii's (before he moved to Moscow) approximately 20 years.

Salons were hosted by leaders who had unquestionable skills of organization, direction, performance, and composition. The “mixed” social composition of salons by considering only names without titles, public capacity, and amateur or professional interest in music (as is frequently occurs in literature), only at first can seem random and suggest unbelievable “openness” of the salons. Hosts and hostesses always compiled a list of guests, and without an invitation it was impossible to come round even for a cup of tea. While scrutinizing the names of salon guests, (a significant amount of work remains), we identify certain regularities of their choice conditioned by the type of the salon and whether it was “aristocratic” (for example, those of Volkonskaia, Vielgorskii or L'vov) or “artistic” (that of Dargomyzhskii).

The structured element of salons is confirmed by the “time-table” of evenings including conversations on various topics and concert-theatrical and entertaining forms of communication. The concert and scenic portion was carefully elaborated: as a rule there were rehearsals and programmes with professional musicians always present. Entertainment and leisure time was filled with various “amusements” (theatrical charades, “tableaux”, etc.), amateur and professional playing of music, dinners, merry music, and dances. Some game forms of communication had been orchestrated well in advance (for example, “tableaux” performed to the music), others happened as the guests wanted, at the bidding of their heart and soul (for example, the spontaneous playing of music).

The concert and scenic programmes largely included multi-genre repertoire with fragments of operas, symphonies, etc., including pieces popular and new, hitherto unperformed (for example, Schumann's opuses at Vielgorskii's, or Dargomyzhskii's romances). Yet, on the whole, the structure of the concert consisting of different numbers resulted from the salon host's desire to satisfy the tastes of his “mixed” guests -- amateurs and “connoisseurs” of music.

Salon concerts encouraged amateur and professional composers to create music (for example, Vielgorskii's romances, Dargomyzhskii's satirical songs). The entertainment and game culture of the salon with its characteristic impromptus and private music playing encouraged the development of genres of variations, paraphrases, medley, and new versions of vocal miniatures.

The music style of the salon was undoubtedly determined by the tastes of its organizers, the time, and the fashion. Themes referring to the dimension of the salon style of the sentimental and romantic ages are illustrated briefly, with selected examples. Nevertheless, we wished to trace the path from the sentimentalist to the romantic salon according to the music played there: from Dalayrac to Gretry, to Cherubini and Rossini, from Beethoven and Schumann to Glinka, Dargomyzhskii, and “The Mighty Handful.” Also, we cannot disregard the themes of mythologization and de-mythologization of the creatorcomposer, the genius artist.

Music as a form of communication is an indispensable attribute of salon culture. It is addressed to the listener expecting from him not only delight, admiration, and pleasure, but also a certain “work.” This “work” is the listener's understanding of the language of allusion where the language of music frequently speaks. The aria, romance, instrumental piece, and album picture depicting musicians and even the music were an encrypted “script,” which did not cause difficulties in deciphering.

The salons in Russia of the first half of the 19^th century were centres of musical culture fostering “amateurship,” the practice of making music and the art of professional composing. Thus, it can be claimed that the patronage of arts was in the making. The salons had become music tastemakers, patrons of the new names and initiators of the performance of new music. Music carried out an important cultural mission in salons, along with other communication practices, it gained a powerful impetus to establish its own “name.” Salons encouraged composition and masterly performance. Amateur and professional musicians drew their inspiration for artistry and self-promotion in the society. As a result, the salon was instrumental in generating new ideas for developing Russian art. The subjects of the life of the Russian salon music culture of the first half of the 19^th century featured in this article cannot be regarded as complete. Not all questions have been fully answered. We need to meticulously seek additional sources and analyse the cultural context at the crossroads of traditions of European and Russian salons and the whole process of musical art development. This will afford an opportunity to explore new territories in the landscape of salon music culture.

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