"When men moved across the world for a piece of bread..." Emigration of the Rusyns-Ukrainians from the northeastern Slovakia in the years 1870-1940

Table 5 Number of emigration passports issued to persons from Slovakia (1920 - 1938) and Subcarpathian Rus' (1920 - 1936) (Bielik, 1964, p. 301; Sprocha & Tisliar, 2009, p. 194, tab. 64)

* Data is missing.

A total of 218,547 emigration passports were issued in Slovakia in 1920 - 1938 (see Table 5). In the years 1920 - 1930 there were182,083 passports (on average of 16,553 per year) and in the years 1931 - 1938 there were 36,464 passports ( on average of 4,558 per year). Just to remind - in the years 1900 - 1913, there were 361,074 people moving out, i. e. an average of 25,791 people per year when compared to the previous period (according to Tajtak's calculations). In 1920 - 1936, there were issued 23,764 emigration passports in total in Subcarpathian Rus' (see Tab. 5), including 21,783 passports (on average of 1,980 per year) in the years 1920 - 1930 and 1,981 passports (on average 330 per year) in the years 1931 - 1936.

However, according to the calculations of Milan Belej, in the years 1922 - 1937 there were issued 183,246 passports in Slovakia (in the years 1922 - 1930 it was 153,339 and in the years 1931 - 1937 only 29,907 passports). These include 56,834 passports (31%) in the eastern Slovakia, in 1922 - 1930 there were 49,267 issued passports and in 1931 - 1937 only 7,567 of them (Belej, 2007, pp. 210-211). Thus, it is evident that the dynamics of emigration flows in Slovakia and eastern Slovakia had quite declining tendency, similar to Subcarpathian Rus'.

From the point of view of the ethnic structure of emigrants during 1922 - 1937 and the total number of 183,246 passports issued in Slovakia, 153,289 persons of them were of Slovak nationality (83.7%), 13,581 people of Hungarian nationality (7.4%); 8,202 - Rusynian nationality (4, 5%); 6,597 - German nationality (3.6%); 807 - Jewishinhabitants (0.4%), 21 - people of Polish nationality and 749 persons (0.4%) of other nationalities. In the case of figures entirely for Eastern Slovakia - 56,834 passports had been issued to applicants from the region, including 8,046 for Rusyns (14.2%) at the second place after Slovaks - they had applied for 39,855 passports (70.1%) (Belej, 2007, p. 211). Nevertheless, it must be emphasized that the number of issued passports is not equal to the actual number of emigrants. Rather, it was the number of people who thus had expressed a willingness to migrate.

The above-mentioned Belej's data thus indicate that in the years 1922 - 1937 there were 503 Rusyns-Ukrainians from Eastern Slovakia on average per year, who were ready to emigrate (when compared to Slovaks from Eastern Slovakia, where it was an average of 2,491 persons per year). If we reconsider data from Vanat for the years 1922 - 1929 (about the emigration of 6,262 Rusyns - an average of 783 people per year) and deduct them from the data from Belej (for 20 - 30 years together), we can find out that in 1930 - 1937 there were at least 1,940 Rusyns willing to emigrate, i.e. 243 people per year. Although these are obviously incomplete data from official statistics, they suggest the fact that the emigration of Rusyns in the 1930s, under the influence of external factors, decreased and was around 1/3 of the number compared to the emigration in the 1920s. Although these data from official statistics are obviously incomplete, they suggest the fact that the emigration of Rusyns in the 1930s, under the influence of external factors, declined and represented 1/3 of the number when compared to the figures of emigration in the 1920s.

When comparing all-European statistics, it is evident that emigrants from Slovakia in the 1930s belonged to the largest group of social migrants. While in 1924 there were 1,174 emigrants per 100,000 inhabitants in Slovakia, the most in the whole Europe (!), in 1931 (similarly as in the following years) Slovakia with the number of its migrants (322) followed Ireland (826), Portugal (476) and Italy (335) (Jakesova, 1971, pp. 117-118). The fact is that more people had travelled overseas from the east Slovak regions within Slovakia, while from other areas they had gone to the Western Europe countries, usually for just seasonal work. However, it should be remarked that in the years of the economic crisis (1929 - 1933) a significant number of emigrants returned to Slovakia.

As a result of the economic crisis and the loss of extra income in local industry and abroad/overseas, tens of thousands of small landowners in northeastern Slovakia (as well as in Subcarpathian Rus') had found themselves in critical conditions. Many of them had been starving for several years (see also Verbytska & Kuzmin, 2019, p. 25) which hadbeen the result of the barren year 1932 and partly 1934 as well. Low immunity due to malnutrition had led to the spread of epidemics and the increase of mortality of this population. According to Czechoslovak statistics from 1931, an average of 14.3 people out of 1,000 died (15.08 men and 13.68 women). It should be noted that the mortality of Rusyns had represented around 20 people, Poles - 18.7, Hungarians - 17.4, Czechs with Slovaks - 13.4, Jews - 12.9 and other nationalities - 12.5 people. Infant mortality had been particularly high, especially for children up to the first year of their life (e.g. in the Snina district, it had reached 15%) (Vanat, 1990, p. 204). Statistically speaking of 1,000 children born to Rusynian women in the early 1930s, up to 190 out of them did not survive the first year (it was 160 children on average in Slovakia; in some countries of northern and western Europe only 50) (Sprocha & Tisliar & Smigef, 2017, p. 219).

On the other hand, Rusyns-Ukrainians had the highest birth rate among all ethnic groups in interwar Slovakia. The birth rate in Slovakia had begun to gradually decline from an average gross rate of 35%o in the years 1919 - 1923 and in the years 1934 - 1937 to 24%o (Tisliar, 2014c, pp. 47-48) (in 1920 - 4.25 children per woman on average, in 1930 - 3.49 and in 1937 - 2.77 children (Sprocha & Tisliar, 2008, p. 36)). However, the birth rate of Rusynian women had remained stable at 37-39 % until the end of the 1920s. Despite the fact that it had begun to decline gradually in the 1930s, it had been still higher than 30 % in the second half of the 1930s (Sprocha & Tisliar, 2016, p. 230; Sprocha & Tisliar & Smigef, 2017, pp. 220-221). Although Rusynian women in the whole interwar period had been characterized by the lowest extramarital fertility (the share of illegitimate children was 4-7%), it is interesting that in the early 1930s, Rusynian women also had the highest index of extramarital fertility when compared to women from other ethnic groups in Slovakia(Sprocha &Tisliar & Smigef, 2017, p. 220, tab. 4).

In 1921 - 1930 (see Table 6), the total number of Rusyns-Ukrainians in Slovakia had grown by 5,451 persons (6%), while the number of population (affected by emigration) of Slovakia grew by almost 300,000 (10%)in total in the same period. Even in this case as well, it is possible to speak of the Rusyns population stagnation in the 1920s where migration factors played a significant role (at least 6,262 migrating Rusyns had been mentioned). And since the year 1930 when the census (!) happened was one of the last prime years of interwar emigration, it had been obviously reflected in the statistics of the number of Rusyns.

Table 6 Number of the Rusyns and the Ukrainians in Slovakia and their share per total number of population in 1921 - 1940

However, it is much more difficult to analyze the number of Rusyns-Ukrainians in Slovakia between 1930 - 1940. The thing is that data about number of population in Slovakia from census in 1938 and 1940 are not comparable to previous interwar records. The reason is mainly extensive territorial losses that Slovakia went through in the years 1938 - 1939 after the Munich Agreement, the Vienna Arbitration, so-called Little war and as a result of “Polish territorial demands”. This was closely connected with the loss of the country's population, including Rusyns.

However, the number of Rusyns would be expected to increase and by 1940 it would approach 100,000 people due to the trends in the population development of Rusyns- Ukrainians from the previous period, consideration data on the mortality and natality of the Rusynian population, as well as the declining trend of Rusynian emigration in the 1930s (only around 243 persons per year). Despite these factors, results of official censuses had shown that by the end of 1930s, overall number of Rusyns had significantly and unnaturally declined - from 91,079 people in 1930 to 69, 106 persons in 1938. In 1940, it was 61, 270 people, i.e. in ten years it statistically lost 29,809 persons - 32.7% (see Table 6). The reason for this “difference” from the actual numbers must be seen in the context of the time and especially in the special circumstances in which the 1938 and 1940's censuses happened.

The so-called regional census of December 31, 1938 happened in the reduced territory of the (already autonomous) Slovakia, i. e. after the secession of large areas of Slovakia by Germany, Hungary and Poland following the Munich Agreement (September 29, 1938) and the Vienna Arbitration (November 2, 1938). It was a provisional, simple and inaccurate census, politically motivated in connection with territorial changes (however, these had not yet affected the Rusynian settlement area). Minorities had criticized the secret preparation for the census pointing out that some groups of the population had not been recorded with nationalities to which they had referred (Sprocha & Tisliar, 2012, pp. 18-21). Speaking about Rusyns - the decline in their number in 1938 (statistically by 24%; from the expected number - by 30%) when compared to 1930 meant an unnatural decline which was obviously of a non-migration nature.

Undoubtedly, members of the Rusyn-Ukrainian ethnic group in Slovakia in 1938 reflected several facts: escalating of the situation in the country - especially relations in Eastern Slovakia due to the national orientation of Rusyns and the determination of the Slovak-Rusynian land border in this period; Russophobic and Hungarophobic prejudices supported by the state propaganda; measures limiting the political life of the minority; attacks against the Greek Catholic Church because of its Rusynian character; alarm reports on the Hungarian-Polish division of Subcarpathian Rus',the annexation of area from the eastern Slovakia to Presov, etc. (KoneCny, 2005, p. 284). During the census in 1938, there were around 22 - 27,000 Rusyn- Ukrainians who did not refer to their own nationality under the influence of complex political and social situation both in the country and the region (of course, the “pressure of the Slovak environment” or the influence of natural assimilation is obvious there).

Another, for this time a proper census of December 15, 1940 and an additional census of January, 1941 had never been comprehensively compiled and published (Tisliar, 2011). What is the most important (from the point of view of the number of “Slovak” Rusyns), both censuses took place on the territory of the then Slovak Republic, which in March, 1939 was “impoverished” by a part of territory, this time from the Rusynian settlement area. The fact is that due to the so-called Little War (Slovak-Hungarian armed conflict at the end of March, 1939), Hungary which had previously annexed Subcarpathian Rus', expanded its territory to the exclusion of Eastern Slovakia - from the borders of Transcarpathia to Snina (part of territory from Stakchin in the north to Sobrance in the south). It had annexed 74 villages with about 40,000 population, 36 of them were Rusynian villages with about 20,000 inhabitants (Magocsi, 2016, p. 349; see Uzemie a obyvatel'stvo..., 1939). This means that during census in 1940,there were about 80,000 Rusyns (i.e. without 20,000 of them, who actually lived in the territory of Hungary). However, about 20,000 of them still did not refer to their nationality (apparentlybecause of combination of natural and purposeful assimilation).

This had happened due to the tense situation in the region, despite the fact that Greek Catholic Bishop Peter Pavol Gojdic had asked Greek Catholics (Rusyns, Russians, Ukrainians, “Rusnaks”) to state their nationality in the census as Rusynian (Konecny, 2005, p. 284; compare Vanat, 1985, p. 91). As the historian S. Konecny claims - the establishment of the Slovak Republic (March 14, 1939) and the Hungarian occupation of Subcarpathian Rus' and parts of eastern Slovakia at the end of March 1939 meant a certain isolation of the local Rusyns and further weakening of their political and national ambitions. “The official ideology of the Slovak state had considered the national principle to be the driving force of all state-building processes and the basis of political life in the country. This doctrine divided the population into three groups. Slovaks and Germans represented first-class citizens, while members of the Hungarian and Rusynian minorities were accepted only as “bearable" communities. Jews and Romanies who had been called as “saboteurs of the nation” and “enemies of the state”, were in fact deprived of their civil and later also human rights”.

(Konecny, 2005, pp. 283, 285). Obviously, some Rusyns did not want to be second-class citizens and therefore chose to change their nationality.

It is apparent that at the end of the 1930s, another factor had played its role. It had been reflected in the statistical number of Rusyns and Ukrainians in Slovakia and it had not been an emigration factor. It is a phenomenon of denationalization of the Rusyn-Ukrainian ethnic group with significant manifestations known from the later (post-war) period. Precisely speaking - this phenomenon had been repeated during the census in 1950 (see Table 7), when the revision of census data in northeastern Slovakia showed that up to 20 - 23,000 Rusyns had already referred to their Slovak nationality (Gajdos & Konecny, 2014, pp. 215-218, supplem. - doc. 11), i.e. after subtracting! of minority post-war emigration manifestations (see Smigef, 2004, pp. 31-66; Smigef & Krusko, 2011).

Table 7 Number of the Rusyns in Slovakia and their share in the total number of inhabitants during the years of 1930 - 1950

In the analysis of the post-war state of Rusyns-Ukrainians and the results of the census in 1950, Slovak historians M. Gajdos and S. Konecny had pointed to the phenomenon of the so-called purposeful statistical assimilation, which had been observed since 1938. Mentioned authors stated that “the unnatural decline of the number of Rusyns and Ukrainians in Slovakia in 1930 - 1950 is obviously the result of polydetermination, i.e. the effect of several causes or factors that had differentiated significance and impact in this context, with different political, socio-economic and particular, or rather immanent character»`. The above-mentioned authors had mainly included assimilation policy of the Slovak government and regional authorities, dated from the declaration of autonomy of Slovakia (1938) until the end of the First Slovak Republic (1945), in the category of political causes. According to their opinion: “...therefore, the number of Rusyns in 1940 was lower by more than 40% when compared to the year 1930, although this figure distorts the fact that the borders of the territory were not identical during the censuses and the methodology used in recording had been different” etc. (Gajdos & Konecny, 2014, pp. 40-41).

The Conclusions

Economically motivated migration flows of the population of Slovakia from the end of the 19th century to the end of the 1930s aiming to get a job and thus ensure the living of their family, had been mainly connected with people of both productive and reproductive age. These were mostly breadwinners - mostly married male part of the population which was directly reflected not only in the fertility rate, but also in the number and structural characteristics of the population. At the same time, Slovakia had been failing from an economic point of view due to moving of people of economically active age. In addition, after getting a permanent job abroad or overseas, other family members had often followed their father. Although the total number of migrants decreased in the interwar period (when compared to pre-war emigration - until 1914), Slovakia and the Rusynian-Ukrainian settlement area had long been among the migration loss-making countries/regions. A very important factor that points to this statement is the total volume of the migration balance of Slovakia, which in the years 1919 - 1937 meant a migration decrease of more than 186,000 people. Because of migration, the population of Slovakia had practically been only losing until 1932 (Tisliar, 2014c, pp. 44-45) and Rusyns-Ukrainians figuring as a part of it, had been seriously involved in the whole process. As the calculations of this study show, during the Hungarian period in 1870 - 1914, about 70,000 Rusyns migrated from Slovakia - on average of 1,550 people per year (while by the year 1900, it was about 1,700 people a year and in the years 1900 - 1914 it was about 1,250 people per year) and in the Czechoslovak period in 1920 - 1937 the number reached 9 - 10,000 Rusyns - an average of about 500 people per year (while in the 1920s, it was 783 people a year; in the 1930s - 243 people a year).

Emigration of Rusyns-Ukrainians from Slovakia - moving for work from an economically backward, poor, overpopulated and climatically raw ethnic settlement area-had been an economic necessity. It had also become an important psychological aspect of their behaviour during critical periods (economic crises, famine years, post-war periods). In addition, it had influenced the population development of the ethnic group (as indicated by the censuses from the years 1900 - 1930). For many Rusynian emigrants, such migration had embodied a form of silent social protest against unfavorable living conditions in their native country. However, at the end of the 1930s - when it was no longer possible to emigrate (as a result of the escalating war conflict in Europe) and political-national relations had been intensified in Slovakia - they had been isolated (after the Hungarian occupation of Subcarpathian Rus') and begun to denationalize. Thus, it was another form of silent social protest of Rusyns which began in the late 1930s (appeared in the censuses in 1938 and 1940) and repeated (in combination with emigration) in the years after World War II (in census in 1950).

Undoubtedly, the population policy of the state had also played an important role in the migration flows of Rusyns. As it had already been mentioned, the Hungarian government had not prevented emigration from the country de jure, it had only regulated the activities of emigration agents and agencies acting in the territory of the Kingdom of Hungary. Similarly, the Czechoslovak Republic had not restricted emigration, but rather directly helped it and facilitated the moving of people. The Immigration Act (Act No. 71/1922 Coll.), passed in 1922, did not restricted emigration itself, but tried to give it an organized character and prohibited the promotion of emigration through an implausible form (Sbuka zakonh..., 1922, pp. 77-78).

Interwar Czechoslovakia obviously held opposite, i.e. seemingly contradictory attitudes from the population policy point of view. On the one hand, the population in Czechoslovakia had been perceived from the position of populationism, where a typical example is bigger effort to improve the position of families (especially mothers and children from lower social classes) and social and family policy in general. On the other hand, there had also been typical positions of neo-Malthusianism visible mainly in the field of foreign migration. This was considered a kind of "necessary relief" (as a regulatory mechanism of the population, eliminating the possible causes of various economic and social conflicts). Therefore this attitude must be perceived particularly as a solution to the issue of rural agrarian overcrowding and social tensions, as well as an active means of dealing with high unemployment and problematic living standards.

However, the position of the leading representatives of the Czechoslovak Republic in the migration policy sphere had not been completely unified. In a particular way, some politicians had approved and positively received mass emigration, the other part perceived had been concerned as foreign migration mainly affected people of economically active age. The direction that finally dominated had been, to a certain extent, a compromise between the two political starting points. Such a “contradiction” between migration policy and pro-population measures had been the result of a long-absent conception of a well thought-out population policy, but also of the inability to use the economic potential of the population to the benefit of the state.

migration slovakia ukrainian minority

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