American security assistance to Ukraine: mechanisms and practical implementations

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Petro Mohyla Black Sea National University

American security assistance to Ukraine: mechanisms and practical implementations

Marharyta Lymar,

Iryna Tykhonenko,

Mykolaiv, Ukraine

Abstract

The , purpose of the article is to research basis, experience, and practical ways of the implementation of U.S. security (defense) assistance to Ukraine. The current study considers the institutional and legal framework for providing U.S. defense support to Ukraine; explores the preconditions for strengthening U.S. military assistance at modern stage; analyzes the possible consequences of such support for the United States; gives an overall assessment of U.S. security assistance to Ukraine since 2014.

The methodological basis of the study includes a set of general and special research methods. The systematic method allowed to consider the process of providing military assistance to Ukraine by the United States as a multilevel system. First, military support to Ukraine is considered in the format of mechanisms that promote comprehensive military assistance to Ukraine. Second, it is observed as an element of foreign policy strategies of the U.S. administrations since 2014. Third, the overall impact of U.S. assistance to Ukraine is studied in the format of a security environment at the regional and global levels of international relations. The comparative method helped to compare the volumes and effectiveness of security assistance under Obama, Trump, and Biden administrations. Statistical methods were used as the basis for the objective study and allowed to consider features and scope of assistance in the period from 2014 to 2022.

The scientific novelty lies in one of the first attempts among Ukrainian authors to make an overall analysis of current situation in Ukraine, - active phase of Russian aggression against our state, - given the fact that domestic scientists are just beginning to study comprehensively foreign military and defense assistance that Ukraine receives from international partners, including the United States. In this regard, the authors pay special attention to reviewing American and British sources as well as current news and analytical reports. Summing up, the authors confirm significance of American security support for effective military counteraction to Russia and restoration of Ukraine's territorial integrity.

Key words: defense; security assistance; United States; Ukraine; DoD; USAI; Biden; Russian aggression.

Анотація

Маргарита Лимар, кандидат політичних наук,

Ірина Тихоненко, кандидат політичних наук,

Чорноморський національний університет імені Петра Могили, Миколаїв, Україна

АМЕРИКАНСЬКА ДОПОМОГА УКРАЇНІ У СФЕРІ БЕЗПЕКИ: МЕХАНІЗМИ ТА ПРАКТИКА РЕАЛІЗАЦІЇ

Метою статті є дослідження основ, досвіду та практичних шляхів реалізації безпекової (оборонної) допомоги Сполучених Штатів Америки Україні. У статті розглянуто інституційно-правові основи надання оборонної допомоги США Україні; вивчено передумови для посилення військової підтримки на сучасному етапі; проаналізовано можливі наслідки оборонно-військової допомоги Україні для Сполучених Штатів; надано загальну оцінку підтримки України з боку США у галузі безпеки з 2014 року.

Методологічна основа дослідження включає комплекс загальних та спеціальних методів дослідження. Системний метод дозволив розглянути процес надання США військової допомоги Україні як багаторівневу систему. По-перше, військова підтримка Україні розглядається у форматі інституційних та правових механізмів, які регулюють надання такої допомоги. По-друге, як елемент зовнішньополітичних стратегій адміністрацій США з 2014 року. По-третє, загальний вплив допомоги США Україні досліджується у форматі середовища безпеки на регіональному та глобальному рівнях міжнародних відносин. Компаративний метод дозволив порівняти обсяги та ефективність безпекової допомоги за адміністрацій Б. Обами, Д. Трампа та Дж. Байдена. Базисом для проведення об 'єктивного дослідження стали статистичні методи, що дозволили розглянути особливості та обсяги наданої допомоги у період з 2014 по 2022 роки.

З огляду на те, що вітчизняні вчені лише починають комплексно досліджувати іноземну військово-оборону допомогу, враховуючи сучасну ситуацію в Україні, - активну фазу російської військової агресії проти нашої держави, - наукова новизна статті полягає саме в одній із перших спроб українських авторів зробити узагальнюючий аналіз оборонної підтримки з боку США. У зв'язку з цим особливу увагу приділено огляду американських та британських джерел, а також поточних новин та аналітичних звітів. Підбиваючи підсумки, автори підтверджують важливість американської безпекової допомоги для ефективної військової протидії Росії та відновлення територіальної цілісності України.

Ключові слова: оборона; безпекова допомога; Сполучені Штати; Україна; Департамент оборони; Ініціатива сприяння безпеці в Україні (USAI); російська агресія.

Problem statement. Ukraine's favorable geopolitical position makes it a promising ally for the European and transatlantic community. Given the current Russian aggression against Ukraine, financial and technical support from the United States remains a factor that can help not only to prevent further advance of Russian troops into our country, but also to win back the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine with further preservation of our initiative in the negotiation process, which is an integral part of the settlement of military conflicts. At the present stage, close cooperation with the United States, which has a strong documentary and institutional basis, significantly increases Ukraine's chances to stop Russian aggression against Ukraine on the most favorable terms for our country. At the same time, the United States has a number of benefits from providing defense support to Ukraine that will be also discussed in this study.

Analysis of Research and Publications. Preparing this article, the authors studied the works of the following researchers and analysts: Arabia, Bowen, and Welt from Congressional Research Service [6; 7; 8], Herbych [1], Chernysh [5], Yousif [15] (analytical reports on the U.S.-Ukrainian cooperation in recent years); Chollet [10] (examines the origins of modern defense cooperation between the United States and Ukraine, focusing on the Obama presidency); Hathaway and Shapiro [11] (assess U.S. defense assistance to Ukraine in terms of law); Mills [12] (examines the evolution of U.S. military assistance policy since the very beginning of Russia's aggression against Ukraine in 2014). News publications discussing current information on the research issue were also considered.

Novelty of Research. Given the current situation in Ukraine (active phase of Russian aggression against our state), domestic researchers are just beginning to study comprehensively foreign military and defense assistance that Ukraine receives from international partners, including the United States. In this regard, the authors primarily focus on reviewing American and British sources as well as current news and analytical reports for introducing them into domestic scientific circulation and preparing this comprehensive study.

Primary purpose is to examine mechanisms and specifics of the implementation of U.S. security assistance to Ukraine. Research tasks include the following: considering the institutional and legal framework for providing U.S. defense assistance to Ukraine; exploring the preconditions for strengthening U.S. military support at the modern stage; analyzing the possible consequences of such assistance for the United States; giving an overall assessment of U.S. security and military assistance to Ukraine since 2014.

The main text of the article. The United States has a rather strict mechanism of checks and balances in the functioning of the executive and legislative branches of government - in particular, the President and the U.S. Congress. It also applied to mechanisms and tools in the field of security and defense policy, providing security assistance to other states. Given the strong American support for our people today, it is worth paying attention to the listed below mechanisms and tools that contribute to the provision of security support to Ukraine from the United States [9]:

Financial support is being regulated by the two primary accounts under the State Department's Foreign Military Financing (22 U.S.C. §2763) and Department of Defense's (DOD's) Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative (USAi) (P.L. 114-92, §1250)

Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative (USAI) provides for training, equipment, and consultative efforts to increase defense capabilities of our country.

Presidential Drawdown Authority (PDA) that authorizes the immediate transfer of articles and services from the U.S. stocks by the U.S. President in response to an unforeseen emergency without approval in the Congress.

The Department of Defense (DoD)'s security cooperation authorities, notably Building Partner Capacity and Defense Institution Building, International Military Education and Training (IMET), have provided professional military education at U.S. defense institutions for Ukrainian military officers. DOD implements the term security cooperation (SC) to mark the broad interaction between DOD and foreign security agencies. SC includes such types of activities as transferring defense goods and services; military education, training and counseling; and the further building of partner security forces. SC programs aim to promote cooperation in the frame of the Partner Nations (PNs) program to work with the United States for achieving strategic goals [6].

Joint Multinational Training Group - Ukraine, established in 2015, provides for the cooperation of the U.S. Army and National Guard, together with military trainers from the U.S. allied states; assists the Ukrainian Armed Forces with training, mentoring, and elaborating of doctrinal basis.

The Global Security Contingency Fund, a joint program of the U.S. Departments of State and Defense, has provided more than $42 million in training, advisory services, and equipment to assist the Government of Ukraine for developing the operational, institutional, and tactical abilities of its National Guard, Special Operations Forces, conventional forces, non-commissioned officer corps, and combat medical care since 2014.

Foreign Military Sales (FMS) system allows the United States to keep $595.9 million in active government-to-government sale cases with Ukraine.

Direct Commercial Sales (DCS) enabled the United States to authorize the permanent export of over $274 million in defense articles and services to Ukraine from 2015 through 2020.

Export Control and Border Security (EXBS) Program has legalized since 2017 the provision over $34.8 million in Nonproliferation, Anti-terrorism, Demining, and Related Programs (NADR) assistance to Ukraine by the Department of State's Bureau of International Security and Nonproliferation.

During 2014-2021, Ukraine was receiving financial assistance from the U.S. government to defend its borders by almost $2 billion [1]. Actually, the provision of financial assistance to Ukraine and its amounts should be considered in accordance with a particular fiscal year, as reflected in the report of the U.S. Conservation Research Service for June 6, 2022.

Selected U.S. Security Assistance to Ukraine, FY2016-FY2022 (Selected account allocations, in millions of dollars) [7, p. 2; 8, p. 2]

Notes: Public Laws (P.L.) 117-103 include $650 million in FMF for Ukraine and other countries, including about $322 million obligated for Ukraine.

*P.L. 117-128 include additional $6 billion for USAI and $4 billion in FMF for Ukraine and other countries.

In 2022, the United States provided security support to Ukraine under the Ukraine Supplemental Appropriations Act. In that way the U.S. assistance gained a new impetus that brought for Ukraine 13.6 billion in emergency funding to support its people and to defend global democracy that was endangered because of Russia's unprovoked military attack on Ukraine [1].

Ukraine occupies a special place among the partner countries of the United States. It is confirmed by the Defending Ukraine Sovereignty Act (DUSA). This document gives Ukraine priority over other countries for the transfer of defense articles through Excess Defense Articles (EDA). Given the diversity of forecasts for the current situation in Ukraine, the United States considers enhanced support for our country during the 2022-2023 and 2022-2026 fiscal years. Under the Never Yielding Europe's Territory (NYET) Act of 2022 and the Guaranteeing Ukrainian Autonomy by Reinforcing its Defense (GUARD) Act, Ukraine would be added to the list of priority countries for EDA [8].

U.S. security assistance to Ukraine also has many practical components. It is worth noting that due to the Russia's aggression against Ukraine in early 2014 and the military invasion in 2022, the defense package that became urgent was elaborated. On the agenda of bilateral relations, the issue of providing Ukraine with military assistance, primarily lethal weapons, became more active.

The Congress authorized the sale of lethal weapons to Ukraine in 2014 by signing the Ukraine Freedom Support Act, but the administration of Barack Obama did not make a final decision, which was seen as a de-facto decision not to provide lethal weapons to the Ukrainian military forces [4]. At the time, the Obama administration, with the support of the Congress, indicated that it was considering to provide Ukraine with lethal weapons if diplomacy failed to end the crisis in the East of Ukraine. security defense military support

President Obama's caution had its background. Since 2010, at the official level, the Ukrainian direction of American foreign policy was increasingly considered through the prism of restarting relations between the United States and the Russian Federation. As was reflected in a report by Daniel Russell President and CEO of the U.S. - Russia Business Council. In 2010, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe.: «As we reset relations with Russia, we have reaffirmed our commitment to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine and its neighbors. We do not believe that a partnership with one country must come at the expense of another. ... A strong and independent Ukraine is good for Russia, good for the region and good for the world» [13, p. 3-4]. As it turned out, Russia has never needed strong Ukraine. However, President Obama opposed supporting Ukraine with lethal weapons, trying to prevent the military conflict escalation in the East of our country [7]. After the Malaysia Airlines Boeing 777 was shot down in the Donetsk region, in 2014, Obama clearly outlined his position: the provision of lethal weapons was associated with too high risks, as they could fall into the hands of those representing an uncontrolled force [10].

Under the administration of Donald Trump, there were changes in the supply of weapons to Ukraine, and lethal weapons were added to the defense assistance package. In 2018 and 2019, the United States sent Javelin anti-tank missiles to Ukraine. Moreover, Ukraine received sniper rifles, rocket propelled grenade launchers, and two retired U.S. coastguard patrol boats to the Ukrainian Navy. The Trump administration also continued to provide non-lethal assistance to Ukraine, including night vision devices, medical, communication, and military mobility equipment. Certain disruptions in the supply of lethal weapons under the Trump administration were linked to the President Impeachment process. Nevertheless, in June 2020, the Congress approved a $250 million package. In addition, the sale of 150 Javelin anti-tank missiles to Ukraine was authorized by the U.S. State Department.

The administration of Joseph Biden continued the course of defense support for Ukraine that was updated under President Trump. In that regard, on March 1, 2021, U.S. DoD announced a further $125 million military assistance package for Ukraine. DoD stated that such intentions confirmed the U.S. commitment to Ukraine and were aimed at improving the effectiveness of Ukraine's defense in the face of Russian military aggression. Later, in June 2021, there was announced another $150 million for USAI. In September 2021, it was followed by an additional $60 million package for lethal and non- lethal equipment, including Javelin anti-armor missiles.

Further enhancement of bilateral relations between the states was connected with the Strategic Defense Framework, which the United States and Ukraine signed in August 2021 to create an improved legal basis for strengthening defense cooperation. The framework's priorities include reforming the defense industry, strengthening security cooperation in the Black Sea, cybersecurity and intelligence sharing, and countering Russian aggression [12, p. 7]. On February 11, 2022, U.S. National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan reported: «We have fulfilled our commitment to hand over these supplies to the Ukrainian armed forces. This is a defensive weapon designed to protect Ukraine from aggression. They are not intended for offensive purposes against any country» [12, p. 8]. However, the United States ruled out the deployment of U.S. ground forces in Ukraine. Thus, the United States reaffirmed its intention to assist Ukraine in the context of defense against external challenges.

The Biden administration has begun to actively use all mechanisms that can ensure the rapid delivery of weapons to Ukraine. In particular, PDA, allows the executive branch to take weapons, ammunition, and other materials from existing U.S. stockpiles and to provide them to other countries without Congressional approval. Since August 2021, the Biden administration has addressed this mechanism to Ukraine eleven times. In the current context, PDA offers certain benefits, including reducing lead times for materials from months or years to weeks and days.

Presidential Drawdowns for Ukraine, FY2021-FY2022 [7]

In March 2022, the U.S. President invoked an emergency authority under the Arms Export Control Act allowing the executive branch to circumvent the statutory process of conciliation with the Congress and immediately begin international arms sales or exports. The Congress also passed an updated version of the World War II Land Lease Act. Such a historic step on the part of American partners has become historically important for Ukraine, since it means that the Administration can provide military equipment to Ukraine and other countries in the region indefinitely and without having to return to the Congress for additional funding [15].

The signed Land Lease Act opens significant opportunities for Ukraine in supplying weapons needed to defeat Russia in the armed conflict it started. In particular, it is vital for Ukraine to upgrade and strengthen the air defense and air force system. The arrival of high-range air defense equipment, such as the MIM-104 Patriot, and training Ukrainian soldiers to work with such systems, could substantially strengthen the protection of airspace, infrastructure and civilian facilities from enemy aircraft and missiles.

The United States is also interested in the functioning of the Land Lease Act, as in exchange for military assistance to Ukraine, it will benefit from: 1) maintaining the reputation of a democracy champion, who protects liberal values; 2) greater consolidation of European allies around the United States within NATO; 3) the weakening of Russia (not only by sanctions, but also by the loss of military power on the battlefield) could also potentially strengthen the United States capabilities in the confrontation with China; 4) the export of U.S. weapons and equipment to Ukraine may give a new impetus to the development of America's military-industrial complex. Moreover, there is another important point. In fact, U.S. weapons are destroying the «second army of the world» that is a great advertisement in the military market. It is worth noting that in the future, the United States may receive samples of modern Russian weapons and equipment from Ukraine that can be seized as a result of hostilities. They can become a unique research material for U.S. defense industry experts as the basis for improving American weapons. Thus, the signing of such an Act is not only vital for Ukraine, but it is also promising for the United States.

According to DoD, U.S. security assistance committed to Ukraine as of June 1, 2022, has included the following [7]:

high Mobility Artillery Rocket Systems (HIMARS) and ammunition;

1,400+ Stinger anti-aircraft systems;

6,500+ Javelin anti-armor systems and 20,000+ other anti-armor systems;

121+ Phoenix Ghost Tactical UAS and 700+ Switchblade Tactical UAS;

108 155 mm Howitzers with 220,000 artillery rounds;

20 Mi-17 helicopters;

hundreds of Armored Humvee Vehicles;

200 M113 Armored Personnel Carriers;

7,000+ small arms and 50+ million rounds of ammunition;

laser-guided rocket systems;

essential nonlethal equipment, including communications and intelligence equipment.

It can be seen, in 2022, the United States intensified its support for our country in connection with the Russian invasion of Ukraine, however, there are some positive signals and those that concern the Ukrainian side. The supply of arms to Ukraine has sparked some debate between the United States and its NATO allies over the legality and real rationale for providing military assistance to Ukraine in the face of Russia. In particular, the issue of involvement of the United States in the escalation of events in Ukraine.

We are talking about the law of neutrality. In particular, in the classical sense, from a historical point of view, no belligerent state could force a neutral state to fight with it without the two states agreeing to an alliance in advance. The neutral side must be impartial towards the warring parties. However, new conditions were created for the interpretation of the principle of neutrality in the XXI century. The signing of the Kellogg-Briand Pact in 1928 and creation of the new world order after 1945 allow this principle to be implemented without aspects of impartiality and the right to support another state that has been unjustly attacked.

The Biden administration has discussed the legality of providing weapons to Ukraine, since such support can make the United States a co-combatant or a party to the military conflict (de-facto, the war). In particular, the Biden administration rejected Poland's offer to hand over MiG-29 fighters to Ukraine through the U.S. air base in Germany. The Russian ministry of defense has issued a statement warning that if countries allow their bases to be used as a safe heaven for Ukrainian aircraft, «subsequent use against the Russian armed forces can be regarded as the involvement of these states in an armed conflict» [11].

Another aspect of the supply of weapons from the United States included concerns about the use of these weapons by Ukraine to counterattack Russia. In June 2022, the Biden administration announced the provision to Ukraine of more advanced HIMARS systems, but without their longest-range rockets. President Biden stressed that the supply of American weapons should not encourage Ukraine to counter strike in Russian territory. The United States does not allow Ukraine to use its weapons for fighting outside Ukrainian territory. President Biden has also stressed that the United States does not want a war between NATO and Russia and will not participate in the Russian- Ukrainian military conflict directly, if the United States or their allies are not attacked [3].

Conclusions. Despite some uncertainties regarding the provision of military and defense assistance to Ukraine, President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelensky has repeatedly stressed the gratitude of the Ukrainian government and the Ukrainian people to the United States for their support and assistance. Today, American defense support is vital for Ukraine. It can significantly strengthen the position of our country in the armed aggression launched by Russia. The provided weapons can foster ending of active hostilities earlier, saving many lives of Ukrainians, and returning of the temporarily occupied territories to Ukraine in a shorter time. Moreover, the United States benefits from such cooperation with Ukraine (which is relevant after the withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan). It gives an opportunity to strengthen U.S. authority of the world leader and defender of democratic values.

List of sources and literature

1. Гербич Н. Безпекова підтримка України: скільки фінансової допомоги надійшло від США / Н. Гербич // Арміями™. - 2021. - 10 червня.

2. Лимар М. Військово-оборонна допомога США Україні за президентства Б. Обами: до дискурсу щодо надання летальної зброї /М. Лимар // Наукові праці: науково-методичний журнал. Серія: Політологія. - 2017. - Вип. 285. - Т. 297. - С. 93-98.

3. Нова зброя від США для України. Що дадуть і скільки // BBC. - 2022. - 1 червня.

4. Трамп схвалив продаж летальних озброєнь Україні, але без Javelin Українська правда. - 2017. - 21 грудня.

5. Черниш А. Роль США в російсько-українській війні: як і чому Вашингтон підтримує Україну? / А. Черниш // Аналітичний центр Adastra. - 2022. - 17 травня.

6. Arabia Ch. L. Defense primer: DOD «Title 10» security cooperation / Ch. L. Arabia // Congressional Research Service (CRS). - 2021. - May 17. - Mode to Access

7. Arabia Ch. L., Bowen A. S., Welt C. U.S. security assistance to Ukraine / Ch. L. Arabia, A. S. Bowen, C. Welt // Congressional Research Service (CRS). - 2022. - June 6. - Mode to Access

8. Arabia Ch. L., Bowen A. S., Welt C. U.S. security assistance to Ukraine / Ch. L. Arabia, A. S. Bowen, C. Welt // Congressional Research Service (CRS). - 2022. - March 14. - Mode to Access

9. Bureau of Political-Military Affairs. U.S. security cooperation with Ukraine. Fact sheet // U.S. Department of State. - 2022. - June 15. - Mode to Access

10. Chollet D. The long game: How Obama defied Washington and red efined America's role in the world / D. Chollet. - Hachette UK, 2016. - 288 p. - Mode to Access

11. Hathaway O., Shapiro S. Supplying arms to Ukraine is not an act of war / O. Hathaway, S. Shapiro // Just Security - 2022. - March 12. - Mode to Access

12. Mills C. Military assistance to Ukraine 2014-2021. Research Briefing Number 7135 / C. Mills // UK Parliament. House of Commons. - 2022. - March 4. - Mode to Access

13. Russell D. A. Ukraine and its relations with the United States / D. A. Russell // Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). - 2010. - March 16. - Mode to Access

14. Ukraine Supplemental Appropriations Act, 2022 // House Committee on Appropriations. - Mode to Access

15. Yousif E. Ukraine to set record for U.S. security assistance / E. Yousif // The Henry L. Stimson Center. - 2022. - May 23. - Mode to Access

References

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10. Chollet, D. (2016). The long game: How Obama defied Washington and redefined America's role in the world. UK: Hachette.

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