Education as an object of cultural analysis: the formation of the "Bolshevik world" in the Kherson region

The capture of Ukraine by the Russian Bolsheviks radically changed the cultural progress of Ukrainian society since the planting of Soviet power took place not only by methods of military aggression, Red Terror and physical extermination of those who held other views but also with the help of an educational and cultural environment -- the creation of a system of “proletarian” educational institutions, theatre productions, slogans, sculptures, drawings, songs and other works of art, which were aimed at forming a new cultural space, a new social mentality.

We emphasise that the Russian political elite of the Russian Communist Party (bolsheviks) has never recognised the right of Ukrainians to self-determination, as well as the existence of an independent Ukrainian state (despite demagogic statements), and considered the borders between states a fiction that can be changed in a revolutionary way (Frolov, 2007). The idea of Ukrainian statehood was also not acceptable to V. Lenin (Nechyporenko, 2007). That is why the Ukrainian population experienced several Russian interventions from 1917 to 1921. They were conducted by various methods, from supporting local collaborators and holding congresses on establishing Soviet power to aggression. At the same time, not all military attacks were declared or called war. Launching the war against Ukraine, the Bolsheviks could declare no Russian troops, but there was an “internal conflict”.

In the Kherson region, the first attempt to establish a Bolshevik regime was in February 1917, when the provincial Congress of peasant deputies and land committees opened in the theatre building, which proclaimed the transition of power to the Soviets and adopted all Bolshevik decrees (on Peace, Land), including the decree on public education. On 28 February 1917, Congress decided to open courses of lecturers for villages in Kherson. The seemingly noble cause of bringing enlightenment to the village was actually explained by the fact that the occupation authorities needed resources that they tried to seize with weapons and by influencing the population by popularising their own ideology. It was done by creating a system of Soviet education and culture. However, at that time, Bolshevik ideas were not inherently acceptable to the overwhelming majority of the Ukrainian population.

After the Bolshevik coup in October 1917 and the establishment of Soviet power in Russia, no longer hiding its aggressive intentions, the Red Army launched an attack on Ukraine on 21 December 1917. Having captured the Kherson region, which was considered the breadbasket of the former empire, the Russian Bolsheviks appealed to the delegates of the Congress through their protege S. Ordzhonikidze, appointed by the Council of people's commissars of Russia to the extraordinary Commissar of Ukraine. The main task of the commissioner was to establish the export of bread. By Order of S.Ordzhonikidze, the Congress ordered the peasants to take the “surplus” bread to the bulk points, and in case of non-fulfilment, it was required to take it away. So, from 18 February to 1 March 1918, about one million pounds of bread (Susorov, n.d.) were exported from the Kherson province to Soviet Russia. In addition to plundering the peasants, extortion of wealthy citizens for the needs of the Red Army began. It should be noted that the Bolshevik Party essentially opposed all those who had property, and not just against the “exploiters” and “oppressors” that it proclaimed. Lenin also considered freedom, equality, democracy, etc., nonsense.

However, the looting of the population and the outrages committed by the Bolsheviks and the Red Army caused mass resistance of the population. Members of the Soviets and socialist parties were arrested, and power passed to the Duma Commission to protect the city of Kherson. On 12 June 1918, Russia was forced to sign a preliminary peace treaty, according to which it was supposed to stop combat operations and establish diplomatic relations with Ukraine. However, V. Lenin gave a directive to S. Ordzhonikidze not to withdraw Russian troops but to proclaim them Ukrainian to continue exporting as many resources as possible.

The second Russian intervention began in December 1918, when the Red Army attacked Ukraine without declaring war. At the same time, the head of the Foreign Ministry of Bolshevik Russia, G. Chicherin, stated that there were not their troops and that it was a struggle between the Directorate and the Independent Soviet government of Ukraine (the temporary workers and peasants government of Soviet Ukraine was created by the Decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine in Kursk (Russia) on 28 November 1918, and then restored in Kharkiv -- auth.).

The Red Army entered Kherson on 31 January 1919 and by the end of March 1919, it had controlled the entire province. On 4 February 1919, the Bolsheviks created a revolutionary committee and elected a Council of workers and peasants' deputies to legitimise this aggression. In May of the same year, the illiteracy elimination commission was created in Kherson. An urban census revealed that 39% of men and 61% of women could not write or read. Therefore, on the commission's instructions, nine-day anti-illiteracy courses were opened for 150 people and then for 250. Until September, 15 schools for the illiterate were opened in the city (Tanchyk, n.d.). To ensure the implementation of the decree, teachers and the entire educated population were enrolled in the cultural Army, obliging them to comply with the orders of the people's Commissariat of Education (on the military principle). The importance of the press explained the attention of the Bolshevik leadership to increasing the level of literacy as a means of fighting for the masses. “Propaganda and terror are these two foundations that the Bolsheviks managed to form a 10-million-strong army” (Seheda, 2010, p. 90) (in Ukraine, 1.2 million people). -- auth.), thanks to which they captured new territories, and most importantly is they held them. The main Russian Chekist, Felix Dzerzhinsky, whose father worked as a math teacher at the Kherson men's Gymnasium from 1864 to 1868, did not leave this region without attention.

However, the Ukrainians did not want to build communism and give up their own property, and they did not want to work for free, content with the poor state. In the modern world, this has a name of terrorism, looting and turning the population into slaves, because communism meant Red Terror, expropriation of property and communes. It is obvious that the population of Ukraine resisted and took up arms, trying to expel the Russian invaders and their minions as soon as possible. And in the second half of 1919, the Soviet government was deposed in the Kherson region.

The third capture of the Kherson region took place in early 1920. Thus the “Soviet era” began. Bastions of the new government were cities where about 80% of the members of the Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of Ukraine lived, while the population composition was inversely proportional. And that is why, in cities, the manifestations of Ukrainephobia acquired the most severe forms (Idris, 2010). Ideologically directed Russian-language literature was distributed from the cities, the circulations of which amazed with their circulations. For example, the Red Cavalryman newspaper, which was published by the Political Department of the 1^st Cavalry army, was published in 300 thousand copies (Seheda, 2010). It is significant that in 1922 only 186 publications were printed in Ukrainian, while 491 were in Russian (Kraliuk, 2021) in the Ukrainian SSR.

Once again, the question of reforming Ukrainian Education arose. It started with the transfer of Russian “Regulations on the Unified Labour School of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic” and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks) programme adopted at the VIII Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks). According to this model, a network of nine-year general education schools was created in Ukraine, providing general education. A Higher School was built above the secondary school, which provided professional training and had two types -- institutes and universities (Nikolina, 2013). It should be noted that the main thing for all educational institutions was the promotion of communist ideals. And such a system does not need individuality; on the contrary, collectivism, commune and herd thinking developed in every possible way.

In March 1920, secondary education was reduced from nine to seven years of study. The only Labour school was a seven-year-old school, divided into four and three classes. On 30 August 1920, schools received the order on “Basics of School Work”, according to which “the basis of school life should be productive work as a method of teaching; work in school should be creative, joyful, free from violence; the educational process should be based on the free development of students; homework is cancelled; punishment in school is not applied; Latin is removed from the educational process, the law of God (at the request of students, religious conversations can be arranged privately outside the school); the system of assessing students' knowledge is eliminated, instead of it, periodic registration of students' academic performance is introduced” (Berezivs- ka, 2007, p. 16). The labour school was also based on social education of children aged 8 to 15 years because the ultimate goal of social education development, according to the people's commissar of Education G. Grinko, should be to create a collective life for the entire children's population (Shpychak, 2017). But the main thing remained the maximum involvement of citizens in work at construction sites, mines, and industrial facilities. Therefore, at the same time, professional schools were created, which gave professional education based on seven-year-olds. Persons between the ages of 18 and 40 who were previously unable to obtain an education were also subject to involvement in vocational training under the decree of 1920 “On Educational Vocational and Technical Service”. An example of such “service” was the Kherson training courses for construction workers, and the builders were mostly women. So, among the 138 students who were accepted for training, there were only 6 men (“Khersonski kursy pid- hotovky”, 1930) and 132 women. Therefore, the myth created by the Bolsheviks is that “the household is mostly the wildest and hardest work performed by a woman” (Ho- hokhiia, 2004, p. 377), in fact, covered only their exploitation, which was justified from Marxist positions by the need to use a “female labour force”.

The authorities did not need literate and thinking individuals, but a labour force that did not ask “inconvenient” questions but only followed the orders of the Party. The school was supposed to prepare only for further work on Soviet construction sites. According to the Bolsheviks, even the family negatively influenced the child's upbringing because it was unable to raise a citizen of the Soviet republic (Nikolina, 2013). Such a population should read “ideologically correct” literature only, had no other views than those considered “correct” by Bolshevik leaders, and work having nothing.

The Bolshevik leadership assigned that the most important was higher education in the political world. Back in 1919, new university admission rules were introduced, according to which the main feature was the proletarian origin. Workers and peasants were not required to pass either entrance exams or even have a certificate of secondary education. It was enough just to complete three-month preparatory courses (Sihaieva, 2012). Although the Higher School remained autonomous, however, during the policy of War communism, it was subject to labour mobilisations. Thus, in Kherson, by Order of the Education People's Commissar of the Ukrainian SSR Grinko on the general labour mobilisation of professors and teachers of higher educational institutions dd. 24 May 1920: “no one has the right to abandon the duties imposed on them by the people's Commissariat of education in the field of creative work to carry out Higher School Reform” and “no other departments, but the military, have the right to keep teaching staff at work without the consent of the Education People's Commissar” (State Archive of the Kherson oblast, n.d.a). In fact, all education was reduced to political education. “Resolutely reject capitalist elements in our cultural constructions and develop socialist elements” (Riappo, 1927, p. 31). It was exactly the task set for education by the Soviet teacher, one of the founders of the public education system Jan Riappo.

Thus, the created educational system, mass distribution of Bolshevik printed publications, theatrical productions, slogans, posters, sculptures, drawings, songs and other works of art had to meet the only goal. It was popularisation or even outright planting of communist ideology. It is obvious that in a totalitarian state, art and education were evaluated only on an ideological basis. At the same time, almost without exception, all representatives of Soviet culture passed a total check of the Army of functionaries, whose opinion fluctuated along with the party line (Yakubova & Prymachenko, 2016).

It should be noted that the attention of Bolshevik ideologists was attracted not only by teachers but also by cultural workers. After all, they significantly impacted public opinion due to their emotional, and artistic images, forming patterns in their works. Some of them, believing the proclaimed communist ideals of equality and freedom, immediately declared their commitment to the revolution. They created works of art that convey revolutionary romance and faith in its ideals, the self-sacrifice of heroes, the confrontation between good and evil, and so on. For example, there was “Red Winter” by Volodymyr Sosira in 1922, “I am a Romantic” by Mykola Khvylovy in 1924, a collection of poetry “The Seventeenth Patrol” by Mykola Bazhan in 1926, and others. Another part was forced to glorify the Party and its leaders under the influence of attacks of official criticism and threats of arrest, saving their own lives.

And so that there were no deviations from the “bright path of building communism”, artists were constantly under the close control of inspection and punitive bodies. Almost all representatives of Soviet culture were completely tested. Artworks had to correspond to the ideology created by the Bolsheviks, and their artistic value was measured by political and ideological content. Artists were turned into devoted slaves of the regime (Nikitenko, 2016) through various prohibitions, censorship, intimidation and forceful pressure, up to the physical destruction of those objectionable by punitive bodies. For example, at the first All-Ukrainian Congress of the Association of revolutionary art of Ukraine, held in Kharkiv in 1926 with the participation of representatives of all branches, government institutions, leading literary organisations, The Berezil Theatre Association, the propaganda teams, the ideological platform of the organisation was approved. Art was recognised as a form of social MarxistLeninist ideology in the interests of the proletariat's class struggle for communism; class neutrality of art was denied; a course was proclaimed to bring art closer to the life of society (Sheiko, 2012).

Therefore, Soviet education and cultural principles were formulated unambiguously: “our task is to bring the fighting power of art to the highest social tension, making art the most powerful means of political and educational work, that is, state propaganda of communism... General education -- school and after-school (including art: theatres, concerts, cinemas, exhibitions, paintings, etc.)... should be closely associated with communist propaganda” (Avtushenko, 2000, p. 118). The creative intelligentsia even formed a special group. Thus, in 1926, the population census recorded 6.1 thousand art workers in the Ukrainian SSR. They included only persons in the civil service, the rest -- numbering 32.3 thousand in the category of intellectuals, and representatives of liberal professions (Tarapon, 2012).

Ivan Bahriany expressed his attitude to the current situation in 1927 in the poem “Ave Maria”, published without any official permission: “... poets are not a category of criminals that I didn't belong to and don't want to belong to. Don't call me a poet. For the word p o e t meant that time chameleon, prostitute, speculator, adventurer, lazy one...” (Bahrianyi, n.d.). Mykola Khvylevy, in the pamphlet “Ukraine or Little Russia?”, wrote that “post-revolutionary and NEP-oriented Moscow has become a “centre of literary philistinism” based on “God-seeking”, Theosophy, pornography, and disillusionment” (Lychkovakh, 2021, p. 138).

Clubs, theatres, libraries, and folk houses became hotbeds of the “new” culture spread not in cities but in rural areas -- house-reading rooms. The “regulations on the house-reading room” were approved in July 1920 by the People's Commissariat of the Ukrainian SSR. They were entrusted with the work of spreading communist education, convincing the peasants to give up their property and join communes and state farms, and deliberately giving the state bread for extra development. An important role in the political education of adults was played by clubs, which, according to L. Trotsky, were supposed to become a tool for the re-education of employees. One of the most common means of propaganda was also the use of posters. They contained a short text, because most of the population was illiterate or semi-literate and were aimed at visual perception. Using clear symbols of the hero and enemy, they influenced the emotional perception of the viewer. “The effectiveness of visual propaganda was ensured, among other things, by using symbols borrowed from religious tradition and folk art, but in a new interpretation. The simpler and more unambiguous the image, the more effective it was” (Kuzina, 2019, p. 223).

An indicative representative of the creative intelligentsia of that period was Mykola Kulish. He headed the Oleshky Council of workers and peasants deputies, defended Kherson from the Army of the Russian General Denikin, and after the establishment of Soviet power, headed public education bodies in Oleshky. His literary career also began there. Since the mid-1920s, he had been moving to the then capital of Ukraine, Kharkiv, entering the cohort of prominent figures of Ukrainian literature (State Archive of Kherson oblast, n.d.b). M. Kulish, like most representatives of that time's Ukrainian culture, believed in the demagoguery of Bolshevik propaganda, at first actively supported the Soviet government, but quickly realised that the Bolshevik ideas of universal equality had a completely different meaning. After visiting the Kherson villages, after the artificially created famine of 1921-1923, he was shocked by the inhumane attitude of the Bolshevik leadership to human life. And under the influence of what he saw, he wrote the play “97”. And although the play became the decoration of the theatre season of 1924-1925 in Ukraine, in 1925, it was staged in New York and other cities in the United States. Two years later, on tour in Moscow, the performance of the Franko Theatre artists caused a standing ovation and the then people's commissar of education of the USSR Anatoly Lunacharsky called “97” a play, “about which the whole of Ukraine thundered because this is the first power play from peasant life” (Rudiachenko, 2019) However, the play “97” was significantly affected by censorship. Its first title was ''Famine” in the second edition, the writer was forced to postpone the events to 1923, and in the early 1930s, partially correct the text. However, this did not save M. Kulish's life. His work attracted criticism from representatives of the official authorities, and at the end of 1934, he was exiled to Solovki. On 3 November 1937, he was shot in Sandarmos along with other representatives of Ukrainian peasants, priests, scientists, teachers, and cultural figures, when the NKVD shot 1,111 prisoners in five nights from 27 October to 4 November 1937 (Aheieva, 2017).

Thus, the created system of censorship, in the future, would develop into the physical destruction of objectionable figures of culture, education, and science. In the early 1930s, the size of repression increased. Only during 1933, 100% of the leadership was replaced in regional public education departments for political reasons; in district departments, it was 90%. More than 2,000 “nationalist elements” were expelled from the system from the People's Commissariat of the education system, more than 300 scientific and editorial staff, about 4,000 teachers, 18 out of 29 directors of pedagogical universities were dismissed, and 210 teachers lost their jobs (Smolii, 2002) harassment of cultural figures is increasing. Writers also went through the appropriate “procedure” of criticism, harassment in the press, dismissal from work, prohibition of work, and then arrest, imprisonment and execution. For example, at the 1954 Congress of the Slovo Association of Ukrainian writers in New York, it was said that in 1930, 259 Ukrainian writers were published, and after 1938 only 36 of them were published. According to their “calculations, the number of 223 Ukrainian writers who disappeared in the USSR stands for: 17 were shot; 8 committed suicide; 175 were arrested, exiled to camps and removed from literature by other police measures (among them, those who may be shot and died in concentration camps); 16 were missing; 7 died of natural causes. These data are approximate because Moscow... continues to keep the secret of its massacre of Ukrainian Soviet writers of that time” (Lavrynenko, 2002, p. 13)

Conclusions

culture population kherson region bolshevik world

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ОСВІТА ЯК ОБ'ЄКТ КУЛЬТУРОЛОГІЧНОГО АНАЛІЗУ: ФОРМУВАННЯ «БІЛЬШОВИЦЬКОГО СВІТУ» НА ХЕРСОНЩИНІ