History and Memory in the Basilian School in Uman (1765-1834)

Researchers show how different was the impact of the park on the works of Zaleski, Goszczynski, and Grabowski, how it created their idyllic or infernal meditations See: Groza A. Mozaika kontraktowa. Wilno, 1857.. Yet, when describing the cultural identity of students, they point out the link between “the pogrom” and “the park”. The former created cultural categories marked with blood and death, which yet forced a reckoning with the difficult Polish-Ukrainian past. Whereas the latter built categories carrying the mood of nostalgia and melancholy, familiar but also Gothic, frenetic, producing macabre and beauty, magic and geometry, craft and violence, fashion and tradition, chaos and order, but also the pre-historic and the historical See: Rudas-Grodzka M. Ogrod na rozstajach rzeczywistosci i wyobrazni poetyckiej. Metamorfozy Zofiowki // Pami^tnik Literacki. 2005. № 4. S. 143-160.. According to the local legend, recorded by Alexander Groza in his 1860 poem Smiecinski, “there was a deep well full of superb water in the Basilian courtyard, yet when a single drop of innocent blood fell into it, the water vanished, and the slaughterers filled the empty source with students' bodies. Then this water was revealed in the ravine where Sofiyivka was founded” Groza A. Smiecinski. Powiesc szlachecko-ukrainska. Zytomierz: naki. ksi^g. Hussarowskiego, 1860. S. 192. In Polish: “Tu strac pami^c twych nieszcz^sc, a przyjmij wrozby wieszcze, A jeslis jest cnotliwym, b^dz cnotliwszym jeszcze”. - Duchinska S. Miode lata Franciszka Duchinskiego... S. 21.. It seems that the link between “the pogrom” and “the park” had a purpose. In one cave there was a couplet “whereunder a stream ran its splashing waters: Lose the memory of your misfortune here, accept an augury, And if you are virtueous, be virtuous even more"74. A reflection upon the forgetting, denial, and tabooisation of the past is visible in these words. Still, this forgetting - constructed in the Christian cultural tradition - had to follow a mutual forgiveness (along with repentance, confession, and penance for the sins). Among the trees and fountains of the park, and by that pink vase, students reckoned with the sins of the nobility against Ruthenian people, of Roman Catholics against Uniates, of corrupt magnates against the Commonwealth. They also linked the prospect of gaining forgiveness to accepting conscious penance. They probably followed the example of Aleksander Potocki, who inherited Uman and Sofiyivka after the death of his mother Zofia Potocka in 1822. He supported the school financially and accentuated his Polishness to clean his family name tainted by the Targowica treason. At his initiative the statues of Tadeusz Kosciuszko and Prince Jozef Poniatowski were erected in the garden. Alas, Aleksander's patriotic stance during the November Uprising (he allegedly raised a regiment of cavalry from his means) cost him the loss of his estates Kriwoszeja I. Ewolucja konstrukcji lokalnych „centrum-prowincja”. Transformacja magnackich minipanstw na Ukrainie Prawobrzeznej w latach 1793-1863 (na przykiadzie latyfundiow hrabiow Potockich herbu Pilawa) // Studia Europaea Gnesnensia. 2010. Nr 1-2. S. 354..

Conclusion

In the words of Marek Tamm, “The past is not simply 'received' by the present. The present is “haunted” by the past and the past is modelled, invented, reinvented, and reconstructed by the present. In the perspective of mnemohistory, then, the key question of historical research is not about the original significance of past events, but rather about how these events emerge in specific instances and are then translated over time, and about their everyday actualisation and propagation. More precisely, mnemohistory asks questions such as: What is known of the past in the present?” Tamm M. Beyond History and Memory: New Perspectives in Memory Studies // History Compass. 2013. № 11/6. S. 464.

In this paper we wanted to show how the Basilian “now” of the 19th century was “haunted” by the past, and how that past was constantly being reinvented, remodelled, rediscovered, and reconstructed by the present of the tutors and their pupils.

Browsing through the education programme of the Uman school, one can notice that the monks tried to integrate the knowledge and skills served to students, so that they might learn finding connections between history, literature, art, philosophy, and music, and thus to perceive and create the surrounding world in a certain axiology. The aim of the Basilian pedagogy was to raise a citizen - able to function in the multi-ethnic and multi-denominational Commonwealth - respectful of the social order and the strong role of the Church. Indubitably, the idea of unity as described above was a fundamental component of Basilians' thinking-acting.

Thus, Basilians educated students in the sense of a two-rite community, both national and Catholic (clearly maintaining their own, Ruthenian and Uniate, distinctness). Therefore, in the Uman school, not only Uniate and Roman Catholic, but also Orthodox youth took part in prayers and services in the Slavonic language and Uniate rite, being educated in the sense of Polish-Ruthenian brotherhoos, which only the Orthodox Muscovy could threaten. In the thinkin of the monks, it was the lack of that unity in the 17th and 18th centuries, which led to the fall of the Commonwealth. The intended remedy was not to recreate but rather to create a community around the idea of national and denominational unity, and to destroy anything which could negate that unity. The 1768 pogrom was the symbol of such negation. In the opinion of Basilians, it resulted not from the aversion of Ruthenians (Cossack - peasant rebels) to Uniates, but rather from the Russian policy aimed at expunging Catholicism. However, due to the meagre scope of historical knowledge in the school's didactic programme, and the fear of Russian censorship, that memory was built through extracurricular activities. We may even risk a hypothesis that, at the Basilian school, there was a sort of “educational trail” tracing the pogrom. It comprised the sites of memory linked to the massacre (the monastery, the well, the Orthodox church, Sofiyivka), while its descriptions in students' accounts attest to its existence. This trail built a complete iconosphere, with individual sites evoking visual sensations, triggering a whole system of associations, agitations, and emotions.

Nonetheless, the quality of Basilian education was not defined solely by the monks. The school had secular employees, filled with new ideas, not always compliant with the Basilian charism. They instilled in young people “secular” ideas and values, such as the adoration for the Emperor of the French and all movements which could tear down the rules established after the Congress of Vienna: restauration, legitimism, and the balance of power. This influence is noticeable in the views of the alumni, who, as poets and writers, were to become members of the Ukrainian school of Polish Romanticism (Zaleski, Goszczynski, Grabowski, Groza), develop the future of Polish science (Mianowski), as well as build the visions of its past (Krechowiecki), determined by the turannical Muscovites (Duchinski).

Thus, to conclude our discussion, let us look at them from a multi-, inter- or transcultural perspective. They were raised “at the boundary” of epochs, marked by the fall of the Commonwealth. The Tsarist policy made a false impression that the nobles could enjoy full autonomy within Russia, keep their Polish language, have their own schools and self-government, independent Catholic Church (of both rites), legal system (Statutes of Lithuania), and maintain power over the peasant (serfdom). This apparent independence led to a sense of security, encouraged cultivating the old lifestyles and traditions of nobility, but also generated a longing for the past, different - let us add - of the monks' longing. Therefore, however much Basilians praised the Potockis as their protectors and benefactors, students despised them for their magnate arrogance, blamed them for the fall of the homeland. They also saw Ruthenians-Ukrainians differently. Not in the context of mission work but instead - as landowners or their descendants - of serf economy.

The Basilian school injected elements of the idea of unity into their cultural memory. They perceived Ruthenians in the context of the national and denominational community, proclaimed the need to confess the historical guilt of the nobility against the “commons”, and the need to “enlighten”. On the other hand, they put different emphasis in their memoirs and accounts. They were written after the school was shut down, after Nicholas I abolished Polish “distinctnesses”, in the face of persecutions after the November Uprising and the Ukrainian national and denomiational (Greek Catholic) distinctness, more visible with each passing year. The alumni realised the possibility of losing Rus' and Ruthenians, both in the national and denominational sense (particularly after the 1839 act of “unification” of Uniates with the Orthodoxy) and economic (seizure of estates). They believed that only by negating the aspirations of Russia towards Rus', confessing their own sins, mutual forgiveness and reaching national and religious concord, it would be possible to restore the Commonwealth. Only “through Rus'” - as wrote Duchinski - Poland would regain independence. This very pursuit of that concord was owed to Basilian education (the idea of unity). Without any doubt, through their poetic, literary, and scholarly work, Uman alumni contributed to constructing the cultural memory of the next generation of Poles. However, due to the rise of the modern ideas of the Polish and Ukrainian states, and the associations between Polishness and Roman Catholicism, and between Ukrainianness and Greek Catholicism and Orthodoxy, their actions and thoughts were no longer understandable to the majority of the Polish and Ukrainian communities (still delighted by their poetic, literary, and scholarly excellence).

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