The Soviet approach to the Lithuanian partisan movement (1944-1990)

In conclusion, it can be stated that Soviet propaganda saw the partisan movement as a non-autonomous phenomenon, which had been inspired by fascist Germany, and which was later supported and directed by the special services of western countries which allegedly promoted terror within the country. Real and alleged connections for the partisans with the west were presented by Soviet propaganda as 'anti-people activities', in other words, as treason.

General image of the partisans

The view was constantly being reinforced that these 'bandits' carried out senseless killings, thereby pouring out their bitterness on the new Soviet way of life. Their actions were seen as being desperate, and they were pictured as being powerless against socialist transformation. The authors often added scenes of torture into their descriptions of events, thereby attempting to illustrate the brutality of the 'bourgeois nationalists', which was often only evident in the imaginations of the writers themselves. Very often, the same stories would be rewritten from one body of text to another, often confusing details in the process.

Most often such literature mentioned dead civilians as examples - whether peasants, settlers, collective farmers, 'working peasants', or others - with all of them being described as 'innocent people', while sometimes the term 'people loyal to the Soviet government' is used. As the propaganda put it, such terror was directed against 'the best sons and daughters of men' Jermalavicius J. Liaudies gynejai - liaudies didvyriai. Laikas ir jvykiai. 1983. No 10. P. 21.. Also mentioned are low-level Soviet officials (in rural areas), along with activists, militiamen who had been killed, and members of destruction squads In 1944, the paramilitary units of the Soviet government, which were mostly made up of local residents, operated until 1954. In 1945, such units were propagandistically called 'people's defenders' and were aimed at fighting against anti-Soviet partisans, but mainly participated in Soviet mass repressions., with such people being called `stribai' (this label comes from the Russian word 'istrebitel'), although Soviets as such are rarely mentioned. Soviet Security officers and soldiers of the internal army (Russian-speaking of course) would also be included Burzuaziniq nacionalistq gaujq siautejimas Dzukijoje... P. 79..

Which general figures were available in propaganda literature to play the role of victims of the 'bandits'? These were often illustrated with examples, but not with general statistics. Even the encyclopaedia provides such data as 'a lot', 'thousands', but not precise statistics Burzuaziniai nacionalistai. Mazoji lietuviskoji tarybine enciklopedija. Vol. 1. Vilnius, 1966. P. 291.. Several books in the 'Facts Accuse' series printed lists of 'people who had been killed by bourgeois nationalists' (according to the organisers, some were incomplete), with such details being supplied by district, although only information from eight districts was published in total Burzuaziniq nacionalistq gaujq siautejimas Dzukijoje. P. 171-230; Kruvinos zudikq pedos... P. 235-330., and when these lists were compiled there were more than forty districts in Lithuania. Further work was halted.

The circumstances behind the deaths which were included in the aforementioned lists can now be verified. However, it is worth noting that the lists did not include dead Russian-speaking Soviet security personnel, or military personnel from the Soviet internal army, or other such individuals. Only in some cases were members of the destruction squads recorded. The deaths of individuals were included in the 'Small Lithuanian Soviet Encyclopaedia' (1966-1971) which covered several deputies, teachers, and kolkhoz managers, but such biographies were reduced in numbers in the 'Lithuanian Soviet Encyclopaedia' (1985-1988). However, it was not possible to form a common opinion from information in one or another such encyclopaedia.

It is noteworthy to point out that such encyclopaedias refer to the period between 1945-1946 where the number of Soviet henchmen who were killed in the fighting reaches nine hundred Liaudies gynejai. Mazoji lietuviskoji tarybine enciklopedija. Vol. 2. Vilnius, 1968. P. 340.. This figure was constantly repeated by Soviet authors.

According to the calculations of the state security committee, more than thirteen thousand people died at the hands of partisans. This figure appeared in Soviet literature in the 1970s Laurinaitis S., Rakunas A. Kovoje uz socialistic Lietuv^... P. 128.. Then it started to grow, towards the end of the Soviet era, to about twenty-five thousand Jarmalavicius J. Istorine tiesa bus isaiskinta. Tarybq Lietuva. 1990-12-20. P. 2.. In 1988, the state security committee initiated a process in which it worked with the Institute of History to compile a list of the dead KGB slaptieji archyvai / Compiled by Kristina Burinskaite ir Lina Okuliciute. Vilnius, 2011. P. 107-108.. The figure grew again, but the committee did not have time to publish any specific information because the onset of the Soviet transformation period at the end of the decade made such publications unfavourable. Circumstances surrounding deaths of individual civilians in the partisan fighting remain a problematic issue, one which is examined in current Lithuanian materials which, however, attempts to distance itself from the cliches of Soviet propaganda.

How did propaganda depict the effects of partisan fighting? Here is the encyclopaedia entry: 'the republic have suffered much loss and damage' Burzuaziniai nacionalistai... P. 291.. According to historians of that time, the partisans 'hoped to weaken the social base of the Soviet government and, even if they could not paralyse it, then they could at least weaken the activities of the general population in rebuilding the national economy and in embracing socialism' Laurinaitis S., Rakunas A. Kovoje uz socialistic Lietuv^... P. 83.. Other takes on this theme involved statements along the lines of 'the nationalist underground created great difficulties in building socialism in the countryside'⁵⁵AugusA. Burzuazinio-nacionalistinio pogrindzio sutriuskinimas Tarybq Lietuvoje (1944-1951). LKP istorijos klausimai. Vol. 10. Vilnius, 1971. P. 72., or 'causing painful losses to the Lithuanian nation... and preventing the restoration and socialist transformation of the national economy, improving the wellbeing of people in general, and developing the culture of the Lithuanian nation' Laurinaitis S., Rakunas A. Kovoje uz socialistic Lietuv^... P. 109.. On the other hand, the Soviet authorities could not explain the concept that the partisan fighting threatened the destruction of the Soviet government, as this would indicate its weakness. 'It would be wrong to overestimate the scope of the armed struggle within the Soviet territories, the abundance of the bourgeois nationalist underground, or its threat, without harming the country's economy and culture. the underground did not shake Soviet power, and also did not stop the people of Lithuania from taking their chosen socialist path, and did not stop the development of the national economy and culture,' Rakunas A. Liaudies gynejai socializmo kurimo sargyboje. Laikas ir jvykiai. 1986. No. 15, P. 23. said the Soviet historian. Therefore the words 'weaken' and 'preventing' were used, and the state security committee chairman used the combination of words 'the situation has worsened' PetkeviciusJ. Drauge su liaudimi. Tiesa. 1984-06-22. P. 2..

What picture was painted when it came to personal partisan qualities? Such individuals were painted as being cruel individuals who came from a social environment which was alien to the authorities. They hid in the woods, and were constantly drunk.

These were propaganda's stereotypes. If necessary, biographies could be entirely invented which would be suitable to discredit specific individuals. When explaining everything through the prism of class struggle theory, emphasis was placed on the origins of the partisans, with such an origin usually being amongst a group known colloquially as the 'bourgeoisie'. According to Soviet publications, such a group was liquidated in its entirety in 1949-1950 Olekas P. LKP kova uz socialistic zemes ukio pertvarkym^ Tarybq Lietuvoje. Vilnius, 1966. P. 108..

It has been stated in propaganda materials that partisan commanders had previously held important positions in independent Lithuania or during the Nazi occupation, or were the children of such officials. This, however, did not correspond to the real-world situation, which was something that the Soviet side also fully understood. Therefore such people sometimes were categorised as being misled individuals of a suitable social origin who had ended up in partisan units. This was discussed at the very beginning. 'Lies and nationalist demagoguery have turned the heads of a certain part of the population', said at the plenum of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist Party Lietuvos KP(b) IV plenumas. Tiesa. 1945-01-04. P. 1.. Statements have also been made regarding those who were fraudulently involved into partisan fighting in the appeals for legitimation either { lietuviq taut^! Tiesa. 1945-02-10. P. 2; Brangus broliai ir sesers!, Tarybq Lietuvos pilieciai! Tiesa. 1945-06-03. P. 1.. In emphasising the humanity of the Soviet government, propaganda provided an opportunity to return to the correct path. Later, Soviet authors wrote about people, especially young people, who had been misled by 'bourgeois' propaganda, but the Soviet authorities allowed them to return 'to the right path' RakunasA. Klasiq kova Lietuvoje 1940-1951 metais. Vilnius, 1976. P. 171-192; Laurinaitis S. Rakunas A. Kovoje uz socialistic Lietuv^. Vilnius, 1983. P. 76, 83.. Ostensibly, this was done by promoting the achievements of socialism, carrying out mass explanatory and educational work, and so on, without mentioning repressive Soviet policies. Apparently, misguided people were talked about until the end of the Soviet era, showing that 'brother stood against brother' Jermalavicius J. Vienpusiskai be atsakomybes. Tiesa. 1988-04-30. P. 2.. It has also been stated that the partisans forced people to join their ranks by threatening them Burzuaziniq nacionalistq gaujq siautejimas Dzukijoje... P. 8.. This last statement sounds completely unconvincing, as it is widely known that the partisan fighting was essentially based on the principle of voluntary participation.

When writing about specific partisans (usually commanders), it was customary to draw attention to their previous privileged position in society. Those who served in military structures which were subordinate to Germany are especially mentioned, because such service itself was considered a crime Laurinaitis S., Rakunas A. Kovoje uz socialistic Lietuv^... P. 77-78.. Both commanders and ordinary fighters were called 'traitors of the motherland' to the expression 'fighting against the people of Lithuania' or its variants.

Specific partisan commanders are mentioned relatively rarely and briefly, without going into too much biographical detail, unless an alternative biography was created from real facts and inventions. It can be assumed that they did not want to name all of those individuals who led the partisans, so that people would not be able to make them heroes and so that the public would not be able to understand the real extent of the resistance. Top partisan commanders came under the spotlight of propaganda. For example, in the ninth volume of the 'Facts Accuse', interrogation protocols were published where they concerned the chief Lithuanian partisan leader, Jonas Zemaitis- Vytautas, following his arrest, which describe the circumstances which surrounded the founding of the Lithuanian Freedom Fighters Movement, an organisation which united various partisan groups Kruvinos zudikq pedos... P. 226-228.. This corresponds to historical fact.

At that time, such propaganda made it possible only to understand that these 'bandits' were not random individuals as such, but that they had their own organisational structure. Another case involved Zemaitis' partisan deputy, Adolfas Ramanauskas-Vanagas. There was even a book which was dedicated to him, along with articles in the press Vabalas A. Kruvinojo apsisaukelio pedsakai. Valstieciq laikrastis. 1960-06-29. P. 2.. He is accused of ordering the deaths of five hundred people (these accusations come from a criminal case, from which it appears that the author was familiar with fragments of the case which had been compiled by the state security committee) Vabalas A. Krauj^ sugere Dzukijos smelis. Vilnius, 1960. P. 71.. He was even given an unusual, atypical title for Lithuania, that of an 'ataman', with this title being created by basing it on names which originated from Russia.

The names of other partisan commanders can still be found in the local press, but a positive description of them would be much harder to find. Various biographical inconsistencies also abound. The publications even created dialogues between partisan commanders and ordinary people, and invented quotes (allegedly, the programme which was being initiated by one district commander was to: 'Immediately shoot the communist beggars') GumbaragisA. Rasyk laiskus Marytei. Svyturys. 1966. No 23. P. 17.. The real-world image was of course being distorted, and the contents of authentic documents were being copied.

In the following years efforts were made through the press to compromise those resistance participants who had returned to civilian life from their time in the gulags, if they continued their anti-Soviet activities and did not contact the Soviet authorities. Allegations were brought up from the past. The initiative often came from the KGB, so it was not by chance that tendentious articles appeared in the pressJurasA. Su ginklu pries savo taut^. Raudonoji veliava. 1981-03-06. P. 2; Cepulyte D. Atpildas uz klasting^ smeizt^. Tiesa. 1983-05-22.. The Soviet side especially viewed in a dim light anyone who failed to change their views after returning to civilian life from the gulags, but instead continued their disobedience.

At least two additions often appeared at the end of propaganda pieces. Firstly, curses were added for each specific partisan or for all Straksys A. Suviai klaseje. Kas ir kaip „vadavo" Lietuv^. Moksleivis. 1986. No 10. P. 13.. Secondly, descriptions of the promised bright future were also added. One of the many examples states: 'In the fierce struggle, the shots by the bandits became rarer and rarer after they had been directed against the people, against life, because the people themselves initially stood for it. Finally, the shots stopped completely. Life remained shot-free. The collective village spread its wings in preparation for a great flight - a flight to happiness' Zobakas A. Gyvenimas lieka nesusaudytas. Naujasgyvenimas. 1966-02-26. P. 3.. What the Soviet reality really was, and how it differed from vision which was plastered across the propaganda one, is another question entirely.

It can clearly be seen that, when writing about the partisans, a negative social and personal image of them was formed, with accusations of killings being emphasised, and it being claimed that they were powerless to prevent further socialist progress. Various forgeries or biased facts were used in such publications to prove the charges.

The role of the Catholic Church

The Soviet Union promoted aggressive atheism, brutally destroying everything which was related to religion. Propaganda portrays religion as an opponent of progress, as the embodiment of darkness. An image of the enemy was also provided. In Lithuania the Soviet authorities confronted the Catholic Church, which was influential at the time, and tried to destroy its independence, to distract believers from the faith. In the postwar years efforts were made to establish an autocephalous church in Lithuania, i.e. one which was independent of the Vatican's authority. Following the collapse of this Soviet project Laukaityte R. Soviet^ valdzios kova su Vatikanu pirmuoju okupacijos desimtmeciu. Lietuviq katalikq mokslo akademijos metrastis. Vol. 23. Vilnius, 2003. P. 381-389., the Soviets were unable to fully subjugate the church organisation to their interests and it remained a force of opposition. Terrorising the clergy, or carrying out acts of repression or economic pressure, did not help. Propaganda publications tried to compromise the church and its representatives in various ways. Amongst all other accusations, the church was accused of aiding 'fascist' Germany, and later of supporting the partisan movement. After the war, people felt strong religious attachment which was nursed in the family environment. In addition, church attendance could be considered to be one form of resistance against the Soviet government Truska L. Lietuva 1938-1953 metais. Kaunas, 1995. P. 152.. This was incompatible with the process of introducing atheism, so it was another incentive to compromise the clergy, to eliminate them from public life. At the same time, propaganda emphasised that the rights of believers were not being violated, which in itself did not correspond to reality.

One book in the 'Facts Accuse' series was aimed at the Catholic clergy with the clearly incriminating title, 'Murderers in the Sanctuary of the Church' Zudikai Baznycios prieglobstyje / Compiled by B. Baranauskas, G. Erslavaite. Vilnius, 1960., which went to a second edition and was reprinted for several decades. No other book in the series has been printed so many times, which is also testament to the attention which was being given to the clergy.

Almost every major work has more or less written about helping 'bourgeois nationalists'. This view was constantly promoted, whilst also serving as an ingredient of atheism. The clergy were portrayed as a former privileged class which controlled considerable wealth and therefore supported the 'bourgeois' system while opposing Sovietisation. Everything was squeezed into the framework of the class struggle ideology. The Catholic Church was also portrayed as a non-autonomous reactionary force which was being inspired by 'international clericalism' (i.e. the Vatican) to fight against Soviet rule. The church is portrayed as the inspirer of partisan fighting. Some priests were simply portrayed as torturers or murderers, comparing them to inquisitors. A favourite propaganda ploy involved these 'inquisitors' apparently branding their victims with the shape of a star DagelisA. Dviveidziai. Vilnius, 1962. P. 155.. What gets lost in the propaganda is precisely who was carrying out such acts of alleged brutality, and places and times become extremely hazy. Some of his alleged 'crimes' are based on testimony which had been obtained from a former partisan Chienas M., Smigelskis K, Uldukis E. Vanagai is anapus.Vilnius, 1961. P. 257-259.. After 1990, said partisan admitted that 'those testimonies... were not worth the paper they were written on. They were the result of fasting in solitary confinement and, peculiarly, diving underwater with hands and feet tied' Lelesius J., Baliukevicius L. Dienorasciai. Kaunas, 1994. P. 16..

Of course, it must be said that Lithuania's Catholic Church was in a difficult situation. Due to the threat of destruction which was emanating from the Soviet authorities, the church's high leadership could not publicly support the resistance - even though, at the same time, it refused to publicly condemn it, despite Soviet pressure - while other clerics had their own doubts about the expediency of the partisan fighting. However, there were priests who supported the partisans in every way (such as hiding them in their own homes, or providing them with food and clothing), played the role of liaison officers, and performed religious rites. As time passed, so even more priests joined the unarmed anti-Soviet resistance.

Soviet propaganda did not deny repressions against the clergy, as evidenced by printed excerpts from their interrogation protocols Zudikai Baznycios prieglobstyje..., but did not clearly indicate the scope of any repression. According to the Ministry of State Security, a total of 362 members of the clergy suffered in this way Komunistinio rezimo nusikaltimai Lietuvoje 1944-1953 m. Vol. 3 / Compiled by Vytautas Tininis. Vilnius, 2003. P. 251., with most of them being imprisoned in gulags while others were shot. We will not find such information in any Soviet publication, but we will find some forgeries. For instance it is stated that Bishop Vincentas Borisevicius 'died' Baznycios prieglobstyje. Kalba faktai / Compiled by K. Strumskis. Vilnius, 1983. P. 29., but in fact he was shot in prison, something which the Soviets did not want to admit. This particular lie could have been invented by the state security committee and spread by propagandists.

The Soviet authorities found groups of 'advanced' priests who maintained one or another relationship with the authorities, being forced to participate in acts which were organised by the authorities in which they would have to speak out on one issue or another. Those who signed a petition which called for an end to the partisan fighting are to be commended Anicas J. Antiliaudiniu keliu. Vilnius, 1976. Pp. 123, 161-162., although they did not reveal any behind-the-scenes stories of quite how this was achieved.

Following the suppression of the partisan fight, representatives of the church continued their passive resistance, primarily by supporting the national spirit. Believers used to visit churches quite a lot. Constant propaganda publications and constantly-repeated phrases testified to what a dangerous force the Soviet side considered the Catholic Church, an organisation which they sought to compromise on the basis of trumped-up accusations which turned into expressions of contempt.

Conclusions

Soviet propaganda always referred negatively and contemptuously in regard to antiSoviet Lithuanian partisans. The terms 'bandits' and 'bourgeois nationalists' were introduced specifically to describe them. Writers of propaganda publications relied on the concept of class theory. The attitude which was expressed in written work was characterised by tendency and uniformity, both of which reflected the official position of the Soviet government.

During the most active periods of partisan fighting, the Soviet press published far less information about the partisans than it did in later periods. Broadcasting was restricted by means of censorship rules. Any published information (in the form of Soviet decrees or appeals) was often vague, but was certainly politically biased. The aforementioned publication had a direct practical side, which aimed to intimidate those who resisted, those who wanted to resist, their supporters, and also their family members. The very publication of news about the partisans testified to the fact that the anti-Soviet resistance was a major problem for the government, one which it sought to eliminate. But based only on this information, a more objective picture of the resistance itself could not be formed. There were also omissions because they did not want to publicise information which was not useful to the Soviet authorities. After 1956, publications appeared which covered the last of the active partisans. Reading any of the aforementioned work requires additional knowledge which would help to reveal the background behind the events being described, making it possible for the reader to understand the hints which are often contained in the articles.

Between 1950-1980, the production and publication of materials was a propaganda enterprise which was controlled and coordinated by the Soviet government, whose purpose was to depict the anti-Soviet resistance in the blackest possible colours. Materials could conditionally be divided into scientific (in the Soviet sense) and other. Their main ideas did not differ, with the same negative portrayal of partisans prevailing, along with constant similar accusations. It was not possible to build up a general picture of the resistance, its structures, organisational activities, and so on, from such publications. They were written with conscious or unconscious errors or omissions (ie. the authors didn't really know the true facts). The titles of publications were evocative and easy to remember, while the style was emotional but came from a basic set of standardised formats for such materials. Popular facts were cherry-picked, or were simply distorted or falsified. It was necessary to depict the partisan fighting as negatively and as suggestively as possible for the readers.

The image of the partisan movement as a non-autonomous phenomenon was shaped by propaganda. In general, it was claimed that the resistance in Lithuania was inspired by 'fascist' Germany, and, at the beginning of the Cold War, it was supported by the special services of western countries. Real and alleged connections for the partisans with the west were presented in Soviet propaganda as 'anti-people activities'.

Writing about the partisans tended to create a negative social and personal image of them, emphasising accusations of killings and claiming that despite their attempts they were powerless to prevent further socialist progress. Various forgeries or biased facts were used in publications to prove any charges.

The Catholic Church was considered as being a promoter and supporter of partisan resistance. Constant propaganda publications and constantly-repeated standardised phrases testified to what a dangerous force the Soviet side considered the Catholic Church, which had to be compromised on the basis of trumped-up accusations which turned into contempt.

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