Parish clergy of the Khakass-Minusinsk territory in the 18th-19th centuries: origin, population and personnel

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Parish clergy of the Khakass-Minusinsk territory in the 18th-19th centuries: origin, population and personnel

Valentina N. Asochakova and Nadezhda Ya. Artamonova

Abstract

The Russian Orthodox Church in pre-revolutionary Russia played a crucial role in integrating the indigenous peoples of Siberia into the Russian state. In each region of Siberia the clergy had regional specifics and socio-demographic features. The analysis of church documentation revealed the main parameters of the parish clergy of the Khakass-Minusinsk territory in the XVIII-XIX centuries, its demographic parameters, population, education, personnel. Peculiarities of management practices, the course and results of the formation of the parish clergy in rather softened form reflected the all-Russian phenomena, which were identified in the Khakass-Minusinsk region. A comprehensive study showed that the abolition of the succession of priests and churchmen did not lead to a renewal of the clergy in the south of the Prienisei region. In fact, the clergy remained a closed class corporation until the revolution.

Keywords: Russian Orthodox Church, parish clergy, Khakass-Minusinsk territory, estate, Prienisei Siberia, clergy, Yenisei parish school.

Приходское духовенство Хакасско-Минусинского края в XVIII--XIX вв.: происхождение, численность, личный состав

В.Н. Асочакова, Н.Я. Артамонова

Аннотация

Русская православная церковь в дореволюционной России играла важнейшую роль в интеграции коренных народов Сибири в состав российского государства. В каждом регионе Сибири духовенство имело региональную специфику, социально-демографические особенности. На основе анализа церковной документации определены основные параметры приходского духовенства Хакасско-Минусинского края в XVIII-XIX вв., его демографические параметры, численность, образование, личный состав. Выявленные в Хакасско-Минусинском крае особенности управления, практика, ход и результаты формирования приходского духовенства в несколько смягченной форме отражали общероссийские явления. Комплексное изучение показало, что упразднение наследования должностей священно- и церковнослужителей не привело к обновлению духовенства на юге Приенисейского края, оно фактически до революции оставалось замкнутой сословной корпорацией.

Ключевые слова: Русская православная церковь, приходское духовенство, ХакасскоМинусинский край, сословие, Приенисейская Сибирь, клир, Енисейское приходское училище.

Introduction

The Russian Orthodox Church (hereinafter referred to as the ROC) is actively involved in modern social processes and cultural construction. Thus, it participates in the modernization of the state, developing in addition to the direct internal religious life and various activities focused on society as a whole. This is a dynamic, multidimensional, culture-creating process. The study of the sociocultural activities of the Russian Orthodox Church in Prienisei Siberia in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries makes it possible to determine its contribution to the social modernization of the Siberian region. The solution to this fundamental problem is achieved by studying the main directions of the socio-cultural activities of the church at different stages of economic and cultural transformations of Russian society.

The Russian Orthodox Church in prerevolutionary Russia played a crucial role, including in the process of integrating the peoples inhabiting the territory of Siberia into the Russian state. White clergy maintained a corporate community. Thus it had regional specificity and socio-demographic features. Factors determining regional specificity were natural and geographic conditions, the level of economic development, social and ethnic environment, church and administrative structure. The relationship between clergy and parishioners depended in turn on the personality of the priest and the degree to which he was involved in the daily life of the parish. Throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the clergy of the Khakass-Minusinsk clergy evolved. Its demographic parameters, structure, duties, and role were changing.

Theoretical framework

In modern historiography, the problems of studying the formation, evolution, legal status, appearance, functions of the Orthodox clergy have received an impetus to development in connection with the application of new approaches, the expansion of the source base, the development of methodology and methods of source analysis.

The works that have appeared in the last decade cover various aspects of the history of the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC). The problem of the role of the Russian Orthodox Church in the accession and incorporation of the indigenous peoples of Siberia into the Russian Empire in the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries remains relevant. The famous Irkutsk historian L. M. Dameshek notes the joint offensive of the Russian Orthodox Church and the state toward the indigenous peoples of Siberia and the role of missionary congresses in this process. In his view, the congresses were designed to develop unified political, ideological, and organizational measures aimed at consolidating the position of the “supreme and predominant” church in Siberia and planting “Russianness” among the indigenous population. I. I. Yurganova considers this problem using Yakutia as an example. She notes that Orthodoxy has become one of the main means of integrating the region's ethnic groups into the all-Russian socio-economic structure as part of the process of inter-civilizational interaction (Dameshek; Iurganova).

In connection with the development of the Russian Orthodox Church in modern Russia, the question of what clergy is. Historian N. A. Mitrokhin, author of a major study on the modern ROC, explains the concepts of “clergy”, “priest”, and “deacon” in his Dictionary of Terms. The works of L. I. Goremykina and S. V. Ivanov characterized the issues of registration of the legal status of the clergy and its evolution (Goremykina; Ivanov). The peculiarities of the social and legal status of the clergy of the Yenisei province are considered in the work of E. V. Bolonkina (Bolonkina). If we summarize the approaches of Russian scholars to the identification and characterization of characteristics that shape the Orthodox clergy as a social group, we can combine them into several factors. First, these are worship and other activities to meet the religious and spiritual and moral needs of the laity. Second, the special and well- subordinated organizational structure of the group, oriented toward relative isolation from the outside world and even - from parishioners. Second, the special and well-subordinated organizational structure of the group, oriented toward relative isolation from the outside world and even - from parishioners. Third, the presence of a specific culture with its inherent mentality, manners and way of life.

A significant part of the works is devoted to the functions and activities of the clergy in different spheres of science and public life, educational activities. A study by L. N. Kharchenko is devoted to identifying the role of the ROC in the cultural development of Siberia and the participation of Orthodox clergy in the activities of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society in the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries (Harchenko). I. S. Chernova analyzed the activities of clergy in the secular periodicals of Siberia. She noted that some representatives of the clergy (A. I. Smirnov, A. A. Sakharov, A. I. Makushin, P I. Makush- in, V. E. Pudovikov, M. Y. Pisarev, M. V. Zagoskin, S. S. Shashkov, A. V. Adrianov and others) became journalists, editors and publishers (Chernova). В. V. Khorina analyzed the role of the Orthodox clergy in the study of the Yenisei province. The topic of clergy activities in the development of parochial schools in Eastern Siberia was covered (Khorina; Lifanova; Lebedeva).

Undeniable are the conclusions of a number of researchers on general and local factors in the formation of the clergy. S. V. Smokotin rightly believes that the formation of the clergy in general, and in Tomsk province in particular, was influenced by various factors. First, the absence of celibate for the parish clergy, which led to the formation of a fairly large spiritual estate. Secondly, the state regulation of staff in parishes, and thirdly, the requirement of education as a prerequisite for ordination (Smokotin). Socio-demographic, worldview characteristics, and everyday life of the clergy in Russia and in individual regions have been analyzed (Mironov; Semenchuk; Kruglikov). The attention of historians is attracted by ethos as an intermediate level between “real” and “proper,” as the correlation of normative values with their practical activity and worldly behavior. A number of works are devoted to the concept of Christian culture, the normative and holistic orientation of clergy at the Russian and local levels (Oglezneva; Prakht; Rozov; Shustrova; Belova; Dribas).

As a development of research tools is of interest the methodology of glocalization, which reflects modern theoretical and practical trends of restoration, preservation, enrichment of traditional general cultural, spiritual and moral values, rooted in the history and culture of the country. Appeal to the theory of glocalization will help to identify, minimize the risks associated with a tough response to the pressure exerted on the spiritual foundations of society by the processes of globalization, leading to the extremes of new archaic and destructive socioreligious practices (Bek; Mitrokhin; Mched- lov).

Problem Statement

Church parishes are the key, primary link in the official and ideological sphere of state activity. The clergy, and especially the clergymen, are state employees of the clergy department. Parish clergy of the Khakass-Minusinsk territory was part of the white clergy of the Russian Empire. At the same time it differed in a number of socio-demographic parameters. Over the course of the 18th and 19th centuries it gradually evolved and became more professional while separating itself from the parish community. The multifarious tasks of the parish clergy led to considerable difficulties in forming its personnel. On the whole, this had an impact on the tasks facing the parish clergy.

Let us consider how the parish clergy was formed in the Khakass-Minusinsk region, its personal composition, social dynamics, genealogical relationships of priests and clergy, and demographic characteristics.

Methods

The source base of the study is mainly represented by clerical documentation of Orthodox parishes. It was a significant amount of documentation: confessional lists, clerical records. They can be attributed to mass sources, transitional from clerical to statistical. The clerical (formularial) sheets contained ordinal information on the parish, education, service record, awards, family status, biographical information on the parish, family composition, the behavior of the clergy, fines, punishments, the amount of land (homestead, arable, hayfield). Quantitative methods of information extraction and analysis allow clerical vouchers to be considered a representative source for the study of parish clergy. In addition, the vestiges contain information on the composition of the parishioners.

Published sources (legislative) in combination with clerical vestiges, confession lists and other forms of clerical sources allow us to characterize the parish clergy of the Khakass- Minusinsk region in the XVIII-XIX centuries: the formation of its personnel, social dynamics, genealogical relationships priests and clergy, demographic parameters.

The application of the methodology of biographical analysis, combined with the methodology of glocalization, as a process combining differently directed, contradictory trends, characterized by different degrees of interpenetration, complementarity and confrontation of the “global” and “local” allows us to solve research problems.

parish clergy orthodox church

Discussion

The policy of the Russian government toward the clergy is characterized in three directions. The first direction is an increase in the educational level of clergy and churchmen. The second is the control of their moral condition and behavior. The third is the limitation of the number in accordance with the staff and, as a consequence, the formation of a closed estate. Consider the example of the clergy of the Khakass-Minusinsk Territory, how these tasks were solved in reality.

The stages of formation and evolution of the estate in the Russian Empire in the XVIIIXIX centuries determined the dynamics and nature of the process.

In the 18th century the clergy remained a semi-privileged class: under Peter I they were not subject to the per capita tax and recruitment duty, in 1724 they were exempted from military service.

In 1767 the Synod forbade the clergy to use corporal punishment against priests. In 1771 this order was extended to deacons as well. But under the sentence of the secular authorities, the clergy were not exempt from punishment. Unlike the nobility (and after the Letter of Compliments of 1885 for towns) the merchants and the prominent citizens, the clergy were also exempt from punishment. Paul I approved the proposal of the Synod to relieve priests and deacons of all physical punishment, but it was not implemented. Only under Alexander I, in 1801, were priests and deacons exempted from corporal punishment, and in 1808 members of their families. Church clergy, on the other hand, did not receive this privilege until 1862.

The 1722 decree sanctioned the hereditary succession of church seats, since “the children of the clergy were to be educated in schools and trained for priestly and deaconal posts”¹. The staff schedule and the first revision forbade “perekhozhiye charters” and assigned the clergy to the churches. It also facilitated the hereditary transfer of church seats. One of the reasons for the further development of hereditary law was the requirement of professional education for appointees. It was verified by tests by the bishops. Hereditary posts became hereditary in the first place. In the second half of the 18th century priestly posts were filled by children of clergymen. The community's right to hire them was abolished completely. Now a parishioner could receive a post only after his priestly ordination.

After the revision of the taxpayers in 1744, access to the clergy from other estates was severely restricted. In 1823 the Russian clergy obtained official approval of the right of kinship for appointment to church office. The rules “On the filling of clerical vacancies” boiled down to the following points. First, to admit orphans from among the clergy serving in churches at public expense in colleges. The second was to appoint graduates to fill the places of the aged, the sick, and the dead. Third, to grant to male orphans in schools a share of the revenues of deacon's and vicar's offices, which are left idle for a certain period of time. Fourth, to assign widows and female orphans of advanced years “to the maidens in churches for half the income of the vicar, or for a special voluntary handout from the parishioners PSZ-1. T. VI. № 4022. P. 27. Irkutskiye yeparkhial'nyye vedomosti.1867. № 46. 18 noy- abrya. S. 333.. The rules had been in force for 43 years. As the diocesan authorities noted, they showed “their disadvantages: the difficulties of the bishops, who were forced to prefer kinship to dignity”; vacant places in parishes, enrolled for the daughters of clergymen, remained idle until their majority; the salary of clergy, already meager, was shared with those admitted for maintenance; on the whole, the clergy were convinced of their right to transfer parishes by inheritance and kinship. In 1866 they were officially abolished, but the practice of transferring places by inheritance and kinship persisted throughout the pre-revolutionary period of the history of the Russian Orthodox Church.

In the formation and evolution of the clergy an important role was played by decrees of 1832 and 1860-1870. The first formalized its position as a special estates in the state. A complex of subsequent measures abolished class isolation, eliminated hereditary priestly positions in parishes (1867), and changed the material situation of the clergy. The sons of clergymen were allowed to enter gymnasiums (1864), secular schools (1867), and any civil service (1869). In 1871 the rights of the children of clergy became equal to those of the children of personal nobility, by adding them to hereditary honorary citizens. Eliminating the insularity and heredity of the clerical estate, the state allowed the clerical service to secular people, including the tax categories. Thus the general trend in the evolution of the clergy was to expand privileges. We will not write about the reform to reduce the staff and the number of parishes (1869), as it was abolished at the end of the 1870s.

The demographic characteristics of the clergy in Russia in the late 19th century are based on data from the All-Russian census of 1897 Pervaya vseobshchaya perepis' naseleniya Rossiyskoy imperii 1897 goda / Pod red. N. A. Troynitskogo. SPb: Izd. Tsentr. stat. komitetom M-va vn. del, 1905. Vyp. 6. 247 s. 23, c. 6-70.. In 1860 there were 37,800 priests, in the 1890s there were 38,000, by the end of the 19th century - 44,000, in 1904 there were 47,700 priests, in 1913-50,400. - By the middle of 19th century there were one priest for 1,365 people, and one person of clergy - for 85 people (Mironov). In the Yenisei province the clergy constituted a very insignificant part of the population, 0.5 % (Khorina).

In the territory of the Khakass-Minusinsk territory the first parishes were formed at the beginning of the 18th century. At first priests were transferred from various parishes of the Tobolsk diocese, mainly from Achinsk uyezd and Krasnoyarsk. In contrast to the European part of Russia, they came from local Cossacks, posadkii and peasants. Since Krasnoyarsk uyezd with its rapidly growing population lacked ministers, parishioners, just as in the 17th century, often chose them from their own milieu, paying for them until the next census, or “forever” (Bykonia). For example, Ivan Mnoghreshny, a Krasnoyarsk orderer, was a descendant of the Chernigov colonel Vasily Mnoghreshny, and the Krasnoyarsk priest was his son. A Krasnoyarsk priest Nikita Tobolkin and others served in the Balakhta church.

In 1826-1828, a revision of the Tobolsk diocese and western Siberia revealed a low level of qualifications among the parish clergy. As a solution to the staffing problem, a large group of clergymen was sent to Siberia from the western regions of Siberia, and in January 1843, from the dioceses of the European part of Russia. In the parishes of the Khakass-Minusinsk territory served Voskresensky, from the Mariinsky District; Ponomarev, from the Penza Province; and Nigritzky, Lyubutsky, Levitsky, Iakimen- sky, and Serebrennikov, from the Kaluga and Voronezh provinces GAKK. F. 592. Op. 1. D. 70, 119, 301, 513, 142 (1,2), 44. 104; F. 674. Op. 1. D. 9. L. 1-25; D. 14-15; D. 373. 7)6 l.; D. 84. 43 l.; D. 237. 65 l.; D. 240. 72 l.; Op. 2. D. 274. L. 1-10ob.; GBUTO «Gosudarstvennyy arkhiv v g. Tobol'ske. F. 156. T. VI. 1824. D. 639..

In general, their share was small, discouraged by harsh climatic conditions, long distances and the complexity of service compared to European Russia.

By the end of the 18 th century, the hereditary parish clergy was mostly formed: about 94 %. By the end of the first quarter of the 19th century, 96.4 % came from the families of priests and churchmen. In the parishes of the Khakass-Minusinsk Territory church seats were transferred by inheritance and kinship throughout the entire period under study. From the second half of the 18th century parish clergy clusters appeared in the Khakass-Minusinsk territory: Konovalovs - 25 people including 47 children; Kovrigins - 20 (42); Tokarevs - 8 (24); Evstyugins - 7 (18); Evtihievs - 6 (12); total 66 people (143 people including children). The Tobolkines served in Balakhtinsky - the priest Mark Tobolkin was succeeded by his son Peter. The Konovalovs family established themselves in the Karaulno-Ostrozhsky parish, the Tokarevs in the Minusinsky, the Konovalovs in the Uzhursky. The Popovs, Pushkarevs, Inozemtsevs, Kovrigins, Yartsevs, Tyushnyakovs, Suslovs, Evtikhievs, their children and grandchildren served in different parishes throughout the pre-revolutionary period. Thus, about 48 % of the parish clergy consisted of several surnames.

In the second half of the 18 th century the preconditions for the transformation of the clergy into a closed estate were formed. The clergy of the Khakass-Minusinsk territory had a sufficient intrasocial reserve. In 1775, there were 30 male children for 13 clergymen and 12 clergymen, of whom only one was unsuitable for service in the parish. - In 1812, 16 clergymen and 14 clergy had 26 children, without orphans (6) and children of retired priests (1) - a total of 33. In 1824, there were 52 children of 36 clergymen and 25 clergy. In 1775 in families of the clergy 7 children were born and 5 died GAKK. F. F. 592. Op. 1. D.104. L.10-11.. So the Tyumentsev dynasty disappeared: Ivan Petrovich in 1790, having married the daughter of priest Ivan Vasilievich Vorotnikov - Evdo- kiya, received a priestly post in the Askizsky parish. By 1795 four boys were born. In 1801 two children died, a year later another. In 1807 the priest Tyumentsev was declared banned, and since 1808 is not mentioned in the lists of the clergy GAKK. F. 592. Op. 1. D. 136. L. 197-485.. In 1815, a priest Zemlyanitsyn was appointed to the Askizsky parish, in 1822 he died childless Tam zhe. L. 425-506..

In spite of a significant natural increase, about 40 % of staff positions remained vacant during the 18th-19th centuries GBUTO «Gosudarstvennyy arkhiv v g. Tobol'ske. F. 156. Op. 1. 1772. D. 1. L. 36-37,39, 40; 1748. D. 297;1760, D. 111, 278; 1768. D. 73. 1773. D. 70. 1780. D. 53. 1789. D. 247, 77, 133. L. 1-14, 226, 228; GAKK. F. 592. Op. 1. D. 70, 119, 301, 513, 142 (1,2), 44. 104; F. 674. Op. 1. D. 9. L. 1-25; D. 14-15; D. 373. 76 l.; D. 84. 43 l.; D. 237. 65 l.; D. 240. 72 l.; Op. 2. D. 274. L. 1-10ob.; MKU «Arkhiv g. Minusinska». F. 17. Op. 1. D. 34, 25,. There was a particularly acute need for lower clergy. This was due to the fact that the clergy (deacons and sextons), did not undergo the rite of ordination. They were hired by the parish community, which was the basis for deprivation of their class privileges as a result of the showdown. According to a report of the Krasnoyarsk Spiritual Board for 1772, 31 churches lacked 47 people, i.e. 38.5 % GBUTO «Gosudarstvennyy arkhiv v g. Tobol'ske. F. 156. Op. 1. 1772. D. 1, l. 36-37,39, 40..

The actual development of the inheritance of the clergy places prepared the transformation of the clergy into a closed estate.

By 1861 the clergy in the Khakass- Minusinsk territory, including women, the elderly, and children of both sexes, numbered 561. Of these, 278 were children (up to 20 years old), i.e. 49.5 %, which suggests a steady natural growth of the clergy and the presence of an intrasocial reserve. Nevertheless, despite a significant natural increase, during the entire 18th century and up to 1861 there was a shortage of clergy, on average, of 30 to 40 % Tam zhe. L. 39, 40..

The remoteness from the center and kinship ties meant that many clergy and parishioners served in the same parish for several decades, until their old age or death. The influence of parish communities was also evident in this. Former parishioners of Ezagash Parish built a new church in the village of Te- sinskoe. They also asked Rodion Pushkarev, the deacon of the former church, the son of the now retired priest Dmitry Rodionov, to take the place of the priest. The closeness of the clergy and parishioners is illustrated by the refusal of the same Dmitry Pushkarev to go to his eldest son to maintain him in Krasnore- chenskoye. He remained in the parish on “his own maintenance” and later went to live with his son in Tesinskoe.

The problem of education in the parishes of the Khakass-Minusinsk territory. Since the beginning of XVIII century all applicants for clergy positions were ordered to be examined, clergy children were taught in schools, and illiterate people were taken as soldiers. Since 60s of XVIII century more stringent requirements to education, origin, behavior and moral character of clergy became.

The 1761 application file of Kozma Markov (the son of a sexton in the same parish) for a sexton in the Abakan Ostrog church contains a traditional set of documents. The society certified that the candidate “is of blameless behavior, kind, reads the literature, is not dishonest, has not been convicted of theft”. An obligatory clause in the “elections” was an agreement on the rug, oath and education: Kozma Markov took the oath in 1741-1742 (to Elizabeth Petrovna and Peter Fyodorovich). Judging by the records in 1756, he was literate, has no fines and penalties. In the file survived a certificate of a copyist, which says that in the register of students in the seminary is not present. Specifically, the explanation of Kozma Markov, that he “did not study at a seminary because of distance, but lived with his father, clerk Peter Markov, who taught him Russian literacy. The attached testimonies of the grammar teacher Peter Fyodorov, hieromonk James, and clerk Vasily that Kozma Markov “was diligently taught reading and the church regulations, and he studied the nine commandments”. Priest Alexei Ivanov Evstyugin, deacon Peter Markov, no sexton¹¹.

The educational level of the parish clergy gradually increased. A Russian school was created at the Tobolsk Seminary to prepare them for their studies. In 1818, the Tobolsk Seminary was transformed, and people with an academic education began to teach there GBUTO «Gosudarstvennyy arkhiv v g. Tobol'ske. F. 156. Op.1. 1761. D. 185. L. 1-4 ob. Tobol'skaya yeparkhiya. CH. II. S. 90-98.. Children of the clergy of the Krasnoyarsk order studied in the Yenisei and Tomsk schools and in the Irkutsk Theological Seminary.

The Tomsk three-class clerical gymnasium was opened instead of the Russian school at Tomsk Alexeevsky monastery in 1807. In order to attract students to the school the practice of securing priestly jobs for good students was introduced. The parishes were obliged to pay the pupils 30 roubles a year till graduation from the grammar school. Teachers had priestly jobs on the same terms. But this practice did not bring tangible results. Already by 1816 the school “again turned into a very bad Russian school” (Fast). On October 1, 1820, 15 boys were admitted to the first class, 10 to the second Yeniseyskoye prikhodskoye uchilishche // YeYEV. 1885. № 6. S. 98-106.. Only 1/3 of those listed on the register were able to start classes Tam zhe. № 10. S. 177-178..

In 1823-1824 only two boys from the Krasnoyarsk order entered the school. In 1824,

10 boys were admitted, but none began classes. According to the charter, the parish school had to educate children aged 7-8 years old, but children were accepted up to 12 and older. In the first class pupils studied reading in Russian, Slavonic penmanship, church singing. In the second class - abbreviated catechism, basics of Russian grammar and four rules of arithmetic. After the completion of the second class were transferred to the Tobolsk Spiritual School.

In 1821, three people from the Khakass- Minusinsk territory were in the second grade of the Yenisei Parish Theological School: Alexander Alexeev, Prokopy Konovalov, and Fyodor Kovrigin. In the first class were enrolled: Alexei Konovalov, Arseny Konovalov, Alexei Kovrigin, Philip Kovrigin, Vasily Yevtikhiev, Alexander and Egor Pushkarevs and Roman Dyagilev. In 1822-1823 five men were enrolled: Grigory Yevtikhiev, Pyotr Khramtsov, Mikhail Suslov, Alexander Konovalov, and Yegor Pryanishnikov.

In the second quarter of the 19th century, the number of clergymen and lower clergy in the Khakass-Minusinsk territory who studied in seminaries and colleges was 23.8 %. As a result of a persistent policy of diocesan authorities, the proportion of children studying gradually increased: in 1861 there were already 70.5 % of all clergy children GBUTO «Gosudarstvennyy arkhiv v g. Tobol'ske. F. 156. T.

VI. 1824. D. 639.. This was slightly lower than in the entire Yenisei province. Horina gives data on the literate among the local clergy - more than 71 % of its total number.

In the territory of the Khakass-Minusinsk territory in the first quarter of the 18th century clergy comprised 1 % of the total population, in the last third - 0.83 %, in the first quarter of the 19th century - 0.6 %, by the end of the 19th century - 0.5 %, i.e. the share of clergy in the population was decreasing despite the increase in the orthodox population GAKK. F. 592. Op. 1. D. 455. L. 1-56; D. 519. L. 1-6.. The change in the number of clergy was determined by the availability of churches and parishes and the staffing levels. Understaffing was chronic and amounted to more than a third of the staff.

Conclusion

Summing up the formation and evolution of the parish clergy, it should be noted that it becomes a specific bureaucratic estate, detached from the masses of the people and the higher strata of society. Nevertheless, unlike the nobility, it did not become an elite. Identified in the Khakass-Minusinsk region features of management, practice, course and results of the formation of the parish clergy in a somewhat mitigated form reflects the general Russian phenomena in this area. The abolition of the law of May 22, 1867, on succession to the priestly and church clergy positions should have led to a renewal of the clergy through an influx into its ranks of people of other estates. closed class corporation, which rarely included In fact, until 1917, the clergy continued to be a people from other social groups.

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List of abbreviations

GAKK - Gosudarstvennyy arkhiv Krasnoyarskogo kraya

YeYEV - Yeniseyskiye yeparkhial'nyye vedomosti

MKU «Arkhiv g. Minusinska» - Munitsipal'noye kazennoye uchrezhdeniye. Arkhiv goroda Minusinska

GBUTO «Gosudarstvennyy arkhiv v g. Tobol'ske» - Gosudarstvennoye byudzhetnoye uchrezhdeniye Tyumenskoy oblasti «Gosudarstvennyy arkhiv v g. Tobol'ske»

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