The U.S. position to the emergence of azerbaijani energy resources to world markets

Energy security and military power components are the factors of modern geopolitics of the USA. The influence of Azerbaijani energy carriers on world markets. U.S. policy in the Caucasus, aimed at strengthening the new sovereign states in the region.

Рубрика Международные отношения и мировая экономика
Вид статья
Язык английский
Дата добавления 04.03.2019
Размер файла 20,3 K

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THE U.S. POSITION TO THE EMERGENCE OF AZERBAIJANI ENERGY RESOURCES TO WORLD MARKETS

Nasiboba A.Sh.

Institute of History of NAS of Azerbaijan

The construction of the BTC MEOP and the launch of Azerbaijani oil to the world markets have strengthened the geopolitical supports of the United States, first of all, in the Caucasus, the Caspian coastal region and in the Middle East. Since the early 2000s, the issue of energy security of the United States has been an integral part of the military-strategic factors. Energy security together with the military power components has become the need of modern geopolitics. The policy pursued by this superpower has focused on the line of strengthening of the newly independent states of the Caucasus, the development of these countries through market economy, the establishment of democracy in the region. As the construction of the BTC MEOP and the BTE gas pipeline and starting them to operate were in the early years of the new millennium, these projects has an important place in the foreign policy priorities of the United States. The strategy of the United States in the Caspian coastal region is the new construction of pipelines that forms the basis for the East -- West energy corridor, as we have already pointed out the main indication of which is diversification. Due to this strategy based on the firm foundation towards the end of the 2000s the United States has been able to gain leading positions in the South Caucasus and Central Asia.

Kewords: Azerbaijani oil, Caspian zone, Energy Security, United States, Caucasus.

Насибов А.Ш., Інститут історії НАН Азербайджану

Позиція США до появи азербайджанських енергоносіїв на світові ринки

Будівництво БТД, ОТНП і вивіз Азербайджанської нафти на світові ринки в першу чергу ґрунтовно зміцнив геополітичні підвалини США на Кавказі, Прикаспійській зоні та Близькому Сході. З початку 2000рр. проблеми енергобезпеки США були частиною військово-стратегічних чинників. Енергобезпека разом з військово-силовими компонентами перетворилася на необхідність сучасної геополітики. Політика яка проведена цією наддержавою на Кавказі була спрямована на зміцнення нових суверенних держав, їх розвитку на шляху ринкової економіки, формуванню політичної демократії в регіоні. Оскільки будівництво БТД, ОТНП та нафтопроводу БТЕ і їх спуск також відбулося в перші роки двадцять першого тисячоліття, то ці проекти зайняли важливе місце в пріоритетах зовнішньої політики США. Стратегія Сполучених Штатів в Прикаспійської зоні полягає в будівництві нових трубопроводів, як складових основи енергокоридору Схід-Захід, основна прикмета якого, як це було нами відзначено, є диверсифікація. Завдяки потужній стратегії до кінця 2000 років США вдалося придбати лідируючу позицію на Південному Кавказі та Центральній Азії.

Ключові слова: Азербайджанська нафта, Прикаспійська зона, енергобезпека, США, Кавказ.

Насибов А.Ш., Институт истории Азербайджана

Позиция США к появлению азербайджанских энергоносителей на мировые рынки

Строительство БТД, ОТНП и вывоз Азербайджанской нефти на мировые рынки в первую очередь основательно укрепил геополитические устои США на Кавказе, Прикаспийской зоне и Ближнем Востоке. С начала 2000 гг. проблемы энергобезопасности США были частью военно-стратегических факторов. Энергобезопасность вместе с военно-силовыми компонентами превратилась в необходимость современной геополитики. Проводимая этой сверхдержавой политика на Кавказе была направлена на укрепление новых суверенных государств, их развитию на пути рыночной экономики, формированию политической демократии в регионе. Поскольку строительство БТД, ОТНП и нефтепровода БТЭ и их спуск также произошло в первые годы двадцать первого тысячелетия, то эти проекты заняли важное место в приоритетах внешней политики США. Стратегия Соединенных Штатов в Прикаспийской зоне заключается в строительстве новых трубопроводов, составляющих основу энергокоридора Восток-Запад, основная примета которого, как это было нами отмечено, является диверсификация. Благодаря мощной стратегии до конца 2000 годов США удалось приобрести лидирующую позицию на Южном Кавказе и Центральной Азии.

Ключевые слова: Азербайджанская нефть, Прикаспийская зона, энергобезопасность, США, Кавказ.

Soon after the realization of the BTC MEOP the issue of launching of Azerbaijan's energy resources to world markets has become more geopolitical than economic and paved way to geopolitical discussions. This issue, been in the focus of attention of the world's powers as early as in the beginning of the 1990s, now started to get the specific contours. The Russia - U.S, Russia - Turkey, Iran - Turkey and the USA - Iranian vie for oil transportation, in fact, was not connected with only desire to control over the oil, but also to maintain the position of afore-mentioned states in the regional and global politics.

The construction of the BTC MEOP and the transportation of Azerbaijani oil to the world markets, first of all, have strongly consolidated the geopolitical supports of the United States, in the Caucasus, the Caspian shoreline region and the Middle East and, of course, was only the benefit. It should be noted that the events occurred around the BTC MEOP has not been chaotic for the United States from the first moment, and developed on the considered line. This is related with an aspect that is, first of all and mainly, Washington's strategy in the Caspian region has been directed to the construction of new oil pipelines that form a part of the East - West energy passage. According to the U.S. government's estimations this new construction of communications, should not be centralized, on the contrary, have to be consisted of the multiply links based on different directions. In fact, here is spoken about the change of the existing directions of the energy resources of new pipelines that will be constructed, also about their impact on the foreign trade and co-operation relations. In other words, from the very beginning when Baku-Ceyhan project was proposed the U.S. government has drawn plans to diversify export routes of the Caspian oil from the region. What benefit does the considered strategy promise to the United States? First of all, due to such construction in different directions will be reduced the dependence of the United States on its competitors in the field of transit transportation of the energy resources. On the other hand, though the official circles do not confess directly the oil reserves in the Middle East are always under the danger of a sharp change depending on the region's political, military state. This means that if the energy transportation of the Caspian Sea is different from the transportation centers of other resources it will be more reliable. This view is in absolute accordance with the national strategy adopted in the energy sector by Clinton administration, and later by Bush administration. It should be noted that the realization of the BTC MEOP was not the only means for the implementation of this strategy. More precisely, the Baku - Ceyhan has become military and political issue rather than the source for supply of energy resources. One of the main means in the “influence” policy of the United States in the Caucasus region can be considered the support to free economy and organization of democratic institutions in the region's countries. The most obvious example of this policy implemented in this area can be considered the adoption of the Act - the “Silk Road Strategy” at Congress in March 1999, (The Silk Road Strategy of 1999) [see: 1,p.36]. One more means used by the United States in order to implement its geopolitical plans in Eurasia can be considered its multilateral cooperation with the states of the region and joint participation in international organizations. In this regard, a special interest of the United States to the project TRACECA implemented by the European Union, joint activity as a part of United Nations and NATO may be an example. The third direction is, of course, the field of military cooperation met with a great concern of Russia and Iran. As early as in the mid of the 1990s, besides its diplomatic relations the US has begun to implement military cooperation plans with the states of the region as well. The US military policy in the South Caucasus has been directed to the development of bilateral relations with region countries. This mainly envisaged the participation of South-Caucasian republics in the Program “Cooperation for Peace”, and then their individual cooperation with the Alliance (IPAP - Individual Partnership Action Plan). Creation of the position for Special Representative of NATO General Secretary in the Caucasus and Central Asia shows that the United States gives great importance to these relations [9,p.1]. Georgia is especially distinguished among the South Caucasian republics in the field of military cooperation with the United States. Since 2002, was launched the “Train and Equip” Program (GTEP - Georgia Train and EQUIP Program) in the republic. And since 2005, one more NATO program - “Stability Operation Program” [2, p. 111-112] was launched in Georgia. Almost on the same scheme, the US implements its military cooperation with the Republic of Azerbaijan. Since the summer of 2003, Azerbaijan has been included to the zone of responsibility of the American command in Europe. Since then, the Pentagon has been implementing military cooperation with Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan's cooperation with the Alliance (IPAP), on an individual basis took place in full since 2006. After the realization of the BTC MEOP the program has become more topical. As the protection of the pipeline is a strategic need, the “Caspian Guard” operating unit (the center of the team is considered to be placed in Baku), in fact, may be the most advanced post of the US European Command (headquarters is in Stuttgart city). The US government is currently in the wider arena in talks with Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan. In order to enhance the perspective of the BTC MEOP the US geopolitical agenda raised the issue to attract the Central Asian republic to the construction of the Trans-Caspian oil pipeline this year. It should be noted that could achieved to attract Kazakhstan to the well-known project at the beginning of the 2000 year. Talks between SOCAR and the “Qazmunayqaz” company of Kazakhstan about joining to the BTC MEOP started in November 2002. On June 16, 2006 President of Kazakhstan N. Nazarbayev signed the contract on joining of Kazakhstan to the project BTC MEOP. In the contract was planned the transportation of Kazakhstan oil by tankers from Aktau to Baku, then with the Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline to Europe. Following this, on 24 January 2007, the “Qazmunayqaz” company signed a memorandum on the establishment of Kazakhstan Caspian Sea system. The Memorandum considered the transportation of oil from Kashagan and Tengiz oilfields via the Caspian Sea on Yeskene - Kurik - Baku - Tbilisi - Ceyhan route to Europe. On November 3, 2008 Kazakhstan oil began to be transported by BTC MEOP pipeline [7,p.60;11]. Negotiations of the U.S. government and the European Union together with Turkmenistan's new President Q. Berdimuhammedov can be considered successful. It should be noted that the US- backed Trans-Caspian oil pipeline and “Nabucco” gas projects seriously threatens the agreement of Turkmenistan on gas supply signed in 2007 with Russia and China [7, p. 62]).

There is one more significant moment in relation to the US policy in South Caucasus, including the oil strategy: during the period past, despite the victory of the different parties and platforms in the presidential election that some political circles in Russia and Iran hoped, the principles of this strategy mainly remained unchanged, i.e. has not reduced its geopolitical interest to the region at all. The first steps of G.Bush (son) administration, the 43rd President of the United States elected in 2000, showed that the United States did not give up the intention to become a leading force in Caspian coastal region [8, p. 136-150]. Especially this adherence to principles showed after the events of September 11, 2001, that the United States did not give up its geopolitical objectives in the Caspian shoreline region; moreover, it attached more importance to it. The known events determined the main tendencies for the US foreign policy in the Caspian shoreline region, including the South Caucasus in the next decades. These trends include the following: if until the events of September 11, the US had close ties in the Caspian region with Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, after the events of September 11 it had bilateral relations with Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan which were considered the second degree republics of the region; after the events of September 11, a part of the USA strategy in the Caspian shoreline region was military cooperation; growing interest of private companies, as well as the United States' government bodies to the region's economic structures after the events of September 11. Indeed, against the background of these events the USA administration extending to the maximum range its geopolitical interests in the South Caucasus and Central Asia began to pursue a multi-aspect policy. It should be noted that the policy of the United States was not met unambiguously in the world. In particular, in July, 2006, the US-Russia confrontation in the energy sector has been manifested sharply in St. Petersburg, at the meeting of state and government heads of the “Eights”. In November of the same year, at Riga conference of the NATO was even used the expression of “energy war” [6, p. 90].

Signing of Russia-Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan treaty on the construction of Caspian coastal gas pipeline in May 2007 was an answer to the United States' activity in the region [3,p.13]. And the US did not make Russia to wait for response: in the same year, State Department employees made visits to the region's oil capitals (S. Mann - Ashgabat, R.Vaucher - Astana, Matthew Bryza- made a visit to Baku) [6, p. 90-91]. During the presidential elections in the US in 2008, the energy problem occurred with all the curtness. Becoming of this issue a major one, first of all, was connected with that in the presidential campaign in the foundation of the US policy from Venezuela to the Middle East stood the energy issues. Naming of the presidential candidate B.Obama's election program as “New Energy for America” was also significant [see: 10]. During the last decade, that passed after the events of September 11, both the military- political situation in the region and the elements in energy and military areas of the US foreign policy give reason to come to the following conclusions: Since the early 2000s, the issue of energy security of the United States has been an integral part of the military-strategic factors. Energy security together with the military power components has become the need of modern geopolitics. The policy pursued by this superpower has focused on the line of strengthening of the newly independent states of the Caucasus, the development of these countries through market economy, the establishment of democracy in the region.

As the construction of the BTC MEOP and the BTE gas pipeline and starting them to operate were in the early years of the new millennium, these projects has an important place in the foreign policy priorities of the United States. The strategy of the United States in the Caspian coastal region is the new construction of pipelines that forms the basis for the East - West energy corridor, as we have already pointed out the main indication of which is diversification. Due to this strategy based on the firm foundation towards the end of the 2000s the United States has been able to gain leading positions in the South Caucasus and Central Asia.

References

security azerbaijani energy carrier

1. Gegelashvili N. A. Politika Vashingtona V gosudarstvah Juzhnogo Kavkaza i Central'noj Azii // Zhurnal “SShA. Kanada”. - 2007. - № 5. - S.35-52.

2. Davitashvili Z. Gruzija: nejtralitet ili zapadnaja orientacija? // Zhurnal “Central'naja Azija i Kavkaz”. - 2002. - 3 5 (23). - S. 109116.

3. Zhil'cov S.S. Geopolitika Kaspijskogo regiona. - Moskva: “Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija”, 2003. - 280 s.

4. Zonn I.S. Kaspij: illjuzii i real'nost'. - Moskva, 1999.

5. Kodzhaman O. Juzhnyj Kavkaz v politike Turcii i Rossii v postsovetskij period. - Moskva, 2004.

6. Magomedov A.K. Jenergeticheskaja i tranzitnaja geopolitika “Bol'shogo Kaspija” // Zhurnal “Svobodnaja mysl'”. - 2009. - № 2 (1597). - C.83-98.

7. Nodari S. Neft' v politike SShA // Zhurnal “Mezhdunarodnaja zhizn'”. - 2008. - № 3. - S.55-77.

8. Jaffe A. US Policy towards the Caspian Region: Can the West- list Be Realized? // The Security of the Caspian Sea Region. - SIPRI, 2001. - P.136-150.

9. U.S. favors divisions of Caspian into national sectors. Interfax News Agency, Moscow, as provided by BBC Worldwide Monitoring. 1998. - July 3. - P.1-11.

10. http://obama.senate.gov/press/071031-obama_time_to_e

11. http://www.itar-tass.com/eng/level2.html?NewsID=13236773&PageNum=0

Список використаних джерел

1. Гегелашвили Н. А. Политика Вашингтона В государствах Южного Кавказа и Центральной Азии // Журнал “США. Канада”. - 2007. - № 5. - С. 35-52.

2. Давиташвили З. Грузия: нейтралитет или западная ориентация? // Журнал “Центральная Азия и Кавказ”. - 2002. - 35 (23). - С. 109-116.

3. Жильцов С. С. Геополитика Каспийского региона. - Москва: “Международные отношения”, 2003. - 280 с.

4. Зонн И. С. Каспий: иллюзии и реальность. - Москва, 1999.

5. Коджаман О. Южный Кавказ в политике Турции и России в постсоветский период. - Москва, 2004.

6. Магомедов А. К. Энергетическая и транзитная геополитика “Большого Каспия” // Журнал “Свободная мысль”. - 2009. - № 2 (1597). - C. 83-98.

7. Нодари С. Нефть в политике США // Журнал “Международная жизнь”. - 2008. - № 3. - С. 55-77.

8. Jaffe A. US Policy towards the Caspian Region: Can the West- list Be Realized? // The Security of the Caspian Sea Region. - SIPRI, 2001. - P. 136-150.

9. U.S. favors divisions of Caspian into national sectors. Interfax News Agency, Moscow, as provided by BBC Worldwide Monitoring. 1998 - July 3. - P. 1-11.

10. Режим доступа: http://obama.senate.gov/press/071031- obama_time_to_e

11. Режим доступа: http://www.itar-tass.com/eng/level2.html? NewsID=13236773&PageNum=0

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