Syrian crisis and its impact on Turkish foreign policy

The civil war in Syria under the influence of the Arab spring. The crisis, which forced Turkey to shelter Syrian refugees. The activities of terrorist groups on the southern borders. The reasons for Turkey’s military intervention in the Syrian crisis.

Рубрика Международные отношения и мировая экономика
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Язык английский
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Syrian crisis and its impact on Turkish foreign policy

Сирійська криза та її вплив на зовнішню політику Туреччини

Akberova Arzu,

PhD student, Вaku state university (Baku, Azerbaijan)

Акберова Арзу,

Аспірант, Бакинський державний університет

(Баку, Азербайджан),

The civil war in Syria under the influence of the Arab spring led to a protracted political crisis in the Middle East. The civil war in Syria, the solution of which was rather complicated, has already become a global problem. Although international groups took many steps to solve this problem, the necessary results were not achieved. Of course, the instability in Syria for a long time had a profound effect on the countries of the region, especially on neighboring Turkey. The crisis, which forced Turkey to shelter numerous Syrian refugees, subjected the Turkish government to a serious test on the southern border. Due to the instability in the region, the activities of terrorist groups and the unrest on the southern borders, the Syrian crisis ultimately became a national defense issue for Turkey. This article will examine the direct impact of the Syrian crisis in Turkey, its political position and steps to resolve this problem. The reasons for Turkey's military intervention in the Syrian crisis will also be discussed.

Keywords: Turkey, Syria, the Middle East, the USA, Russia, the UN, chemical weapons, terrorist attacks, political crisis.

civil war syria

Гражданская война в Сирии под влиянием Арабской весны привела к затяжному политическому кризису на Ближнем Востоке. Решение сирийского кризиса было довольно сложным; это уже превратилось в глобальную проблем. Хотя международные группы предприняли множество мер для решения этой проблемы, необходимые результаты не были достигнуты, потому что возникли конфликты между различными политическими блоками в поисках решении проблемы. Конечно, нестабильность в Сирии в течение длительного времени оказала глубокое влияние на страны региона, особенно на соседнюю Турцию. Кризис, который вынудил Турцию укрыть многочисленных сирийских беженцев, подверг турецкое правительство серьезному испытанию на южной границе. Из-за нестабильности в регионе, деятельности террористических групп и беспорядков на южных границах, сирийский кризис в конечном итоге стал вопросом национальной обороны Турции. В этой статье будет рассмотрено прямое влияние сирийского кризиса на Турцию, его политическая позиция и меры по решению этой проблемы. Также будут обсуждены причины военного вмешательства Турции в сирийский кризис.

Ключевые слова: Турция, Сирия, Ближний Восток, США, Россия, ООН, химическое оружие, террористические акты, политический кризис.

Since the Justice and Development Party came to power in Turkey, its foreign policy has undergone substantial changes.Although the former Turkish governments saw the Middle East as a swamp, and prefered to stay far from the East in foreign policy, the AK party expanded its political and cultural ties with eastern countries. A traditional ally of the US, Turkey, has one of the healthiest democratic systems in the Muslim world. As a model country for the Muslim World, Turkey sought to deepen its ties with the Middle East. The Ak Party's “Zero Problems with Neighbours” policy was aimed at improving relations with border countries. A border state to Turkey Syria, is also one of the key countries in the region. Although there were political conflicts between the two countries before, political, economic and commercial cooperation between the two countries was achieved in the 2000s and warm relations were established. However, after the “Arab Spring”, the civil war and the change of power in the Middle East led to changes in relations between the Arab countries and Turkey. The protests that began in Tunisia in December 2010 were soon spread to North Africa, and then to the entire Arab world. However, the size, duration and consequences of the uprisings were different. They are united by the cause of the uprising and the death of civilians during the rebellion. The protests were mainly related to unemployment, food inflation, political corruption, violations of the law and poor living conditions. People expressed their discontent in the form of protests. The reason this events were called the «Arab Spring» was because of the geographical location of the uprisings and the assumption that these events would be a new stage for these people. Contrary to predictions, the “Arab Spring”, which was seen as a positive development towards democratization, created a dynamic that led to an unstable period in the Middle East [1, p. 289].

In March 2011, protests broke out in Syria. The reasons for protests there were the same as in other Arab countries. The riots that began in Damascus later spread to Deraa. In April 2011, the Syrian army took action to suppress riots and protests throughout the country and opened fire on protesters. After months of military siege, protests turned into armed rebellions. Opposition forces, consisting mainly of military partisans and volunteers, began an uprising without a central leadership. Conflicts erupted in almost every city and village in the country. The government of Bashar al-Assad received support from Russia and Iran, as well as the opposition from Qatar and Saudi Arabia.

Turkey did not make harsh statements against the Ba'ath regime, believing that this should be resolved through dialogue, taking into account the good relations achieved with the Syrian government [2, p. 489]. But the ineffectiveness of bilateral negotiations with the Syrian government and the opening of fire on unarmed people exacerbated relations between the two countries. Conflicts in Syria directly affected Turkey, creating new problems on its border. During these events, Turkey focused its support on the forces of the opposition and has begun to support the struggle of the Free Syrian Army against Assad [2, p. 489].

Incidents in Syria have not been well received internationally. However, at the same time, there were different opinions on solving the problem in different blocks. At a meeting of the UN Security Council in June 2011, the condemnation of Syria was vetoed by Russia and China.

Syria's membership in the League of Arab States was canceled due to the Syrian government's inability to reach an agreement with the League of Arab States on a ceasefire with the opposition. The mechanism of the High-level Cooperation Council between Turkey and Syria was postponed, as some Syrian officials and regime supporters were forbidden to travel to Turkey, it was decided to stop selling arms and ammunition to Syria.

The next critical moment in Turkish-Syrian relations was the shooting of the F-4 Fantom reconnaissance fleet by the Syrian army on June 22, 2012, flying out of Malatya Erhak airport. After the incident, different statements were received from both countries. At that time, Syrian side claimed that the military plane crossed its border while the Turkish government refuted the claim and stated that plan was in international air [6]. Turkey tried to resolve the crisis at the international level. It is unclear how the reconnaissance aircraft was precisely shot and where they dropped it, but it was certain that the aircraft was shot by Syria [2, p. 494]. The decision of the Syrian government to strike at a Turkish plane without any warning was considered a violation of international law and was discussed in NATO. This incident greatly escalated the tensions between the two countries.At the same time, Turkey began to use military methods and means against Syria.

The use of chemical weapons against civilians in Syria is one of the most important factors that reinforced the negative attitude towards the Syrian government in the international arena. On August 21, 2013, the use of chemical weapons in eastern Damascus, killing more than 1,400 civilians in Ghouta, further complicated the Syrian crisis. While no party took responsibility for the chemical attacks, the Syrian Ba'athist military was seen as the main suspect, due to a large arsenal of such weapons. A U.N. fact-finding mission and a UNHRC Commission of Inquiry have simultaneously investigated the attacks. The UN investigation team confirmed the use of sarin delivered by surface-to- surface rockets, and a report by the UN Human Rights Council found that “significant quantities of sarin” were used in a attack targeting civilian-inhabited areas, causing mass casualties [7]. The Syrian government accused foreign fighters and international supporters of the attacks[8]. Bashar al-Assad said that allegations of the use of chemical weapons by his government are not logical and that such accusations are purely political [9].

Eleven countries endorsed a joint statement circulated by the White House-to condemn the Syrian chemical weapons attack as a grave violation of the world's rules, to agree that the evidence pointed to Syrian government culpability, to call for a strong international response [10]. However, the United States led efforts to obtain a UN Security Council resolution authorising military strikes against the Assad government had failed due to Russian and Chinese opposition. To avoid a military intervention Russia proposed the destruction of chemical weapons in Syria. Given the positive attitude of the parties to this issue, on September 27, 2013, the UN Security Council adopted resolution 2118. Under this framework, it was decided to destroy the chemical weapons of Syria by mid-2014, and it was forbidden to transport weapons to another country. If the Syrian government did not comply, additional measures could be taken. The monitoring of the process was transferred to the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) [5]. Following this decision, international pressure on the Syrian government decreased.

The course of events exacerbated the struggle of Turkey against Syria. Since then, Turkey has fought with the Syrian government, as well as with the YPG and PYD, fortified near the Turkish border, which threatens its internal security. In addition, US support for YPG and PYD has increased. The main reason for the new US policy is to collaborate with Kurds in the region against the threat of ISIL. Turkey believes that the YPG and PYD are no different from the PKK terrorist group, and the strengthening of these groups on its border was unacceptable to them. This posed a threat to both its external and internal security. The creation of PYD cantons along the Turkish border was called a terrorist corridor by the Turkish government. The apparent differences between the United States and Turkey in Middle East politics have led Turkey to move towards the Russia-Iran bloc.

The launch of Turkey's Euphrates shield in August 2016 was a turning point in Syrian policy.The purpose of the operation was to remove the groups that Turkey regarded as a threat to its own existence and to secure and control the border and its people [11]. Operations were carried out in the region between the Euphrates river to the east and the rebel-held area around Azaz to the west. Turkish officials declared that the cross-border incursion was based on the self-defence rights codified under the United Nations Charter Article 51 on selfdefence [12]. The main objectives of the cross-border military campaign were to ensure border security, counter ISIL terrorists and the ousting of terrorist groups that threaten Turkey in northern Syria, as well as ensuring public security in the region and controlling immigration. After seven months of successful operation, Turkey overcame the threat of the southern border. At the same time, it was once again proved to the USA, Russia and Iran that it would be impossible to solve the Syrian crisis without Turkey [4, p. 88].

With the new political situation in the region, Turkey began negotiations with Russia and Iran. At a meeting in Astana in January 2017, the rapprochement of Turkey with the Russian and Iranian blocs was noted.As at the Geneva conferences, the main issue was a ceasefire in Syria. Before that, Turkey fought with the YPG / PYD and the Russian-Iranian blocs, but after the meeting in Astana, the main focus was on protecting the southern borders.

After defeating DEASH in the region, Turkey's next target was PYD. Operation Olive Branch was carried out in January 2018, despite US resistance.

And this military operation proved that Turkey would not agree to create a new state on its southern border.

Turkey captured a number of stations and prevented the strengthening of PYD in Syria.

In conclusion, it is clear that the Syrian crisis had a significant impact on Turkey's foreign policy and its international situation. Earlier, Turkey, which was negotiating conflicts in the region, planned to become a model country in the Middle East. However, the leap of the “Arab spring” to Syria and B. Assad's efforts to resolve the protests under pressure, as well as his ignoring international calls, led to Turkey's support for the Syrian opposition. On the other hand, the Turkish government could not remain indifferent to what was happening in Syria.Over time, the transfer of large numbers of refugees to Turkey, terrorist attacks on the Turkish border once again confirmed that the Syrian crisis has become an internal issue of Turkey. The Syrian crisis forced the AK Party to use the military in the face of danger by changing its policy of becoming an exemplary country in the region. Turkey, which collaborated with the United States in Middle East politics, after US support for PYD / YPG, was forced to act alone in the region.Recent differences in Turkish-American relations have brought Turkey closer to the Russian Iranian bloc.

References

1. Altundeger N.; Yilmaz M.E. If Savaytan Bцlgesel istikrarsizliga: Suriye Krizinin Tьrkiye'ye Faturasi. Sьleyman Demirel Ьniversitesi Iktisadi ve Idari Bilimler Fakьltesi dergisi. 2016, 301 s.

2. Ari T. Geymiyten gьnьmьze Orta Dogu Irak, Iran , ABD,Petrol, Filistin sorunu, ve Arap bahari. Cilt II, Istanbul, 2017, 615 s.

3. Ekyi M. Kamu Diplomasisi ve AK Parti Dцnemi Tьrk Diy Politikasi. Ankara, Siyasal kitapevi, 2018, 462 s.

4. Ekyi M. Tьrk Diy Politikasinin Ultimato Ratiosu: Yumuyak Gьyten Sert Gьye Tьrkiye'nin Suriye Politikasi. Karadeniz Araytirmalari. 2018. 71-99 s.

5. https://www. opcw. org/media-centre/news/2013/09/ opcw-executive-council-adopts-historic-decision- destruction-syria

6. https://web.archive.org/web/20120627032214/http:// www.aktifhaber.com/turk-jetinin-dakika-dakika-izledigi- rota-622812h.htm

7. https://www.webcitation.org/6Jjen7DOF?url=http:// www.un.org/disarmament/content/slideshow/Secretary_ General_Report_of_CW_Investigation.pdf

8. https://www.cbc.ca/news/world/syria-blames-rebels- for-alleged-chemical-attack-1.1310351

9. https://www.rt.com/news/syria-green-light-chemical- inspection-967/

10. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-23999009

11. http://www.aksam.com.tr/siyaset/firatin-batisina- milli-kalkan-operasyonu/haber-544243 https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2017/02/ operation-euphrates-shield-progress-scope-170201133525121.

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