European integration and a problem of separatism / case of Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia

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FEDERAL STATE AUTONOMOUS EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTION

FOR HIGHER PROFESSIONAL EDUCATION

NATIONAL RESEARCH UNIVERSITY HIGHER SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS

Faculty of World Economy and International Relations

BACHELOR'STHESIS

Field of study: International Relations

European integration and a problem of separatism / case of Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia

Natalia Ponomareva

Supervisor Candidate of Sciences (PhD)

in Political Science Kutyrev G.I.

Moscow, 2020



Abstract

This paper attempts to explain whether European integration affects an increase or decrease in the separatist and nationalist tendencies of Spanish regions. The reasons for separatism in such Spanish autonomies as the Basque Country, Catalonia and Galicia will be discussed. Presumably, it would be possible to define particular factors that lead to mitigation and alleviation of the desire to secede. What is more, this paper will try to prove that there may not be only one factor at play that influences willingness of independence. European integration alone does not directly lead to higher degrees of regional desire to form a separate nation-state. Let alone different languages or border location cannot lead to support for separatist movements in the regions. European cooperation processes together with historical outcomes, economic development, differences in cultures and languages - might be seen as building blocks and may form a part of the whole picture. Many scholars have been debating the aspects and circumstances that lead to separatist tendencies. And the question still remains unanswered. This paper will try to argue that there could have been a range of factors that resulted in support for separatism. Besides, European integration might have been an important constituent part of it.



Table of Contents

Introduction

1. Theoretical framework

1.1 Separatism and secessionism

1.2 Separatism and European regionalism

1.3 Nationalism and nation-states in the European Union

2. Reasons behind separatist movements

2.1 Identity - Catalonia and the Basque Country

2.2 History - The Basque Country

2.3 History - Catalonia

2.4 Background of Galician nationalism

2.5 Maintaining the Status Quo - Galicia

2.6 Economy - Galicia

3. Why Spanish regions have been in favour of separatism

3.1 Culture and nation

3.2 Economic environment

3.3 Political situation

3.4 Political deadlock that led to Spanish political crisis of 2019

4. European Union and its role in increasing separatist sentiments

4.1 European Institutions

4.2 Economic causes

4.3 International and European Law

4.4 European integration as a reason for an increased separatist movements in the EU

4.5 Legal framework behind self-determination of regions

4.6 Times of crisis

5. Current possible threat to Spanish integrity - COVID-19

Conclusion

Bibliography

Introduction

separatist european union nationalism

Cooperation can play an important role in management of the modern world system. Numerous international institutions, such as the European Union, unite different states, their various cultures and ethnic groups. Countries that are members of international organizations have transferred some of their rights and powers to an supranational authority. However, the example of the European Union might show that cooperation and globalization can have not only positive but also negative consequences and lead to serious problems. The creation of the European Union can be regarded as a factor that might have contributed to separatism. Regional separatism is a process that can lead to the formation of the nation states in Europe.

In the political sense, separatism could have developed with the emergence of nation-states. Existence of a large number of ethnic groups, regional economic and social inequality, as well as dissatisfaction with the policies of the central government can lead to the fact that the regions within the country seek political separation from the state or a change in their status and an expansion of their rights.

Separatism can be explained as a phenomenon which leads to the secession of a part of the territory of a state to create a new independent state or which aims to obtain the status of broad autonomy for a certain territory. Despite the fact that it can be based on the principle of national self-determination, there are different preconditions for the emergence of separatist sentiments in the minds of people.

The case of Spain, some of its autonomous communities in particular, can provide an example of separatism and various movements for independence. Cultural and ethnic diversity, historical background, different levels of economic development of Spanish regions might appear to be the reasons that encouraged separatist sentiments in the past and continue to foster them today. In addition to the fact that Spanish experience is quite representative, it can demonstrate ways to alleviate separatist issues.

Today as well as in the past, Spain has always included various linguistic and ethnic groups. They viewed themselves to be different from other groups and from the entire Spanish population. The only way that they could defend their culture, language, identity, rights and local authority is through action that sometimes could grow into conflict.

Spain appears to be an interesting state for this research due to the fact that Spanish people express themselves in a dual way - they are, principally, identify themselves as people of certain autonomous community and only, then, they regard themselves to be Spanish citizens. Self-identification is an important component of the social and political activities internally.

The most striking examples of regional separatism in Spain are the two autonomous regions of Basque Country and Catalonia. The history shows that these regions fight for full independence of their territories from the Spanish government.

However, separatism in Galicia has been successfully mitigated. In this region separatist movements have ceased due to economic reasons and high dependence on central government.

Research question

What are the causes of separatism in Spain? Can a problem of separatism in Spain be regarded as a consequence of European Integration? How the theory of New Institutionalism can explain the causes of separatist movements and the outcome?

Hypothesis

Although Spain has evidently experienced increased support for separatism in three of its regions, the origins, the regions' capabilities, the scale and objectives as well as ways to achieve independence could have been different in Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia. Despite the fact that there can be a number of factors that lead to separatism, European integration and cooperation processes may have contributed to the local will for independence in Spain.

Problem Setting

This research is going to focus on whether European integration affects an increase or decrease in the separatist and nationalist tendencies of Spanish regions. The reasons for separatism in such Spanish autonomies as the Basque Country, Catalonia and Galicia will be discussed.

Special attention will be paid to economic and social developments of Spain and Spanish regions that influence the place that the country occupies in the European Union.

Additionally, on the Galician example, it would be possible to define particular factors that lead to mitigation and alleviation of the desire to secede. This paper will try to prove that there may not be only one factor at play that influences strife towards establishing self-sufficient separate national state. European integration alone does not directly lead to higher degrees of regional desire to form a separate nation-state. Let alone different languages or border location cannot lead to support for separatist movements in the regions. Historical processes, economic development, differences in cultures and languages - might be seen as building blocks and may form a part of the whole picture.

Most of the scholarly articles, conceivably, have failed to create a wholesome picture, that is they have been criticized for being one-sided and not taking into account several factors that could have jointly created Spanish unique culture, peculiarities and conditions that led to three regions' desire to secede.

Scholars argue that although support for nationalism and regional separatism is strong and present in the Basque Country and Catalonia, in Galicia separatist conflicts have been mitigated. All three regions have distinct cultures, languages and complex and negative historical background, but these questions still remain unclear:

· What are the causes for the separatist tendencies in Spain?

· What are the determinants that mitigate separatist conflicts in Galicia and exacerbate those in the Basque Country and Catalonia?

· What are the factors that play a crucial role when it comes to wide support of local people for separatist sentiments and strong desire to become a separate nation state?

· Why other Spanish territories of a certain ethnic group do not strive for more rights and independence?

Literature Review

Spain has always been a country with diverse ethnic minority groups. These groups could have coexisted peacefully in the past within the Spanish borders due to the fact that they perceived the rights and powers granted to them as being sufficient. Three regions - Catalonia, the Basque country and Galicia have always possessed some level of self-rule. By virtue of beneficial geographical location, these territories have been able to establish maritime links and trade with the exterior world. They focused on foreign trade and developed their industries according to the needs not only of the country but also to their trading partners. In addition, modernisation and industrialisation led to high economic development (Gibernau, 2006).

In turn, according to Gibernau (2006), Europe was seen by them as a supportive and powerful actor. The establishment of such an international institution, as the EU, promoted democratic ideas, modernisation of economies, industrial development and growth even more. European Union became a platform for expressing desires and intentions for cultural minorities. A platform which provide support for minority nation policies, as well as promotes extension of their rights and powers. Because of that some regions might have become aware that more self-rule were necessary. Thus, regional separatist sentiments have been born and pro-European nationalist parties have become popular.

Although the separatist tendencies in the three regions mentioned above are significant, their objectives differ - some desire obtain more powers while preserving the integrity of Spain while others desire to secede and create a separate nation state. Their attitudes, strategies and methods that they apply and goals vary.

European integration has led to the transformation of the state and its authority. What is more, Keating (2001) claims that it could have generated new ways of expression for minority rights. Spain and its regions have been influenced by the environment that was created when it joined the EU. Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia perceive in the European Union new opportunities for reaching their goals and expressing their intentions. However, their methods of communicating with the central Spanish authorities and with the EU are different.

Although most European countries fear fragmentation and strive for unity and cohesion, some ethnic minorities feel neglected and oppressed, which causes them to express nationalist and separatist sentiments (Keating, 2000). In addition to the fact that ethnic minorities threaten the integrity of the states internally, international institutions may provide external opportunities that complicate the situation even more. The EU member states are interdependent and this puts constraints on their effective economic and political management of their territories. The European international regime includes numerous various cultures and identities and can give them voice over some issues. That is why, some non-state actors may act independently and autonomously. Within the EU, regions are given opportunities for action and self-expression. This new environment of the European regime may be perceived as being beneficial to the minority interests, but it also damages the political authority of the state and its sovereign rights (Lenivihina, 2017).

In the cooperative area of European Union there are several authority levels which coexist together. State and non-state actors are able to express themselves and take actions in this complex integrated environment. With the formation of the EU, minorities have become able to influence policies and have created challenges to the state authority. These problems seem severe in those states which experienced the times of centralised and monopolised rule in the past. Scholars as Medyanik (2012) and Gellner (1983) see in separatist and nationalist tendencies a historical burden that creates multiple domestic conflicts, aggression and unfavourable economic, social and political conditions.

From the beginning of the 21st century, separatist movements in Spain have evidently been ongoing. The desire of the regions to expand the area of influence and change their status could be explained not only by the fact that in these regions local people, their culture and language were oppressed during the reign of Franco, but also, according to Raisa (2018), by the development of the European integration processes and globalization. The fear of losing their language and culture and being dissolved in a globalized world are also associated with the emergence of separatism.

The European Union would not like Spain to be divided into many independent states. Researchers such as Keating (2000), Baranov (2013) and Raisa (2018) have identified various reasons of wide support for separatist parties and movements. The economic reason, to their regard, appeared to be one of the important ones.

To provide an economic implication of Catalan desire to secede, Raisa (2018) states that the Spanish central authorities do not support separatist movements, in particular, they would not like Catalonia to secede from Spain. In case of the secession, this results in a great loss not only in terms of territory, but also in economic terms (Gibernau, 2013).

Support for nationalism and regional separatism is strong in the Basque Country. The methods to fight for and achieve independence from Spain could have been extreme. Terrorist attacks and, an ETA organization in particular, can be the key characteristics of secessionist development and support for regional nationalism in the region (Henkin, 2009).

Separatism can also be peculiar to Galicia. Galicia can be seen as a region that also has its own language and culture, and which suffered during the dictatorship of Franco as well as other two regions. But despite these circumstances, this region overcame separatist movements fortunately and people are not nationalistic there (Buda, 2015).

Villadangos (1999) and Heusden (2012) have also studied the cultural, social, economic and historical changes that took place in Spain and in society. In particular, Spanish rulers often oppressed minority nations of these autonomies and took away power privileges that the territories used to have. As a consequence, central authority was perceived as harmful and destructive force to the local people.

Most of the research has been made on the cultural, economic, historical and social reasons for secessionism in Spanish regions (Kirchanov, 2010; Belova, 2004). But there is a lack of research on whether the European integration processes may also contribute to the separatist tendencies or whether it may be viewed as another factors that together with other cultural, historical and economic reasons result in desire to secede.

Methodology

Since the study addresses the issue of European integration, theoretical and methodological parts of it explain the theory of New Institutionalism as part of the research question. With the help of New Institutionalism, the EU governance system, the member states' role and functions, representation, participation of the governments of member states in decision-making can be analysed. Actor approach helps in the sense that all states are rational actors that are driven by their own interests and objectives. That is why, their behaviour and actions can be explained according to their rationality and the outcomes that they pursue.

From the point of view of the political analysis, the study of actors and their activities has a “procedural” dimension, which is necessary for understanding the changes in the EU, which are not limited only to the transformation of institutions.

The study is carried according to the integrated use of general scientific (analysis and synthesis, comparison and analogy, induction and deduction) and political methods (qualitative analysis of secondary sources, case method, content analysis, interviews).

It is also noteworthy, that that there are important works for understanding the European integration processes, scientific papers that address the various aspects of interstate and supranational relations on the European continent in the context of ongoing integration processes.

Furthermore, the statistical data might be of importance as it can show the economic performance and measures that could have influenced the increase or decrease of the regional desires to secede from Spain. Economic indicators may indicate the areas of regional success or failure to satisfy local needs (and thus, be independent of the production of other regions) and provide goods and services to the national and international markets.

Economic data can help to explain how formation of the European Union, European Common Market and Council of Europe affected Spanish regions and their political will to express the differences that exists between them and take action on the international arena. It might produce explanations to whether those regions that demand more autonomy or independence, have more opportunities to receive the desired outcome

Analysis of previously done researches on the topic will be made to gain understanding of various sides and opinions on the issue.

Presumably, methodological instruments for the research implementation are going to be comparative study based on finding similarities and differences between Catalonia, Galicia and the Basque Country. Three regions can be distinguished into positive (Catalonia and the Basque Country) and negative (Galicia) cases to determine various indicators that contribute to presence or absence of separatism in Spain, as Mahoney and Goertz (2004) suggest.

In addition, the paper attempts to present the theoretical framework. It will seek to examine the theory of separatism - various preconditions and stimuli that cause dissatisfaction of the regions and the threat they pose to the integrity of the state, why they become willing to establish an independent state. The question of how separatism and nationalism are linked will be addressed.

There has been an extensive research done to account for the European integration process. Many scholars have attempted to define how the EU works and what have contributed to its creation and necessity among countries in Europe. As a consequences, many theories and approaches have been developed according to which actors estimate and perceive European integration.

New Institutionalism

The foundation of the New Institutionalist theory is institutions. The theory underlines that for the European integration to take place, the institutions are important. The theory is divided into rational choice institutionalism, sociological institutionalism and historical institutionalism.

Rational choice institutionalism explains actors' behavior in pursuit of their goals, interests and preferences within the limits that institutions and rules create. The supporters of this approach believe that in the process of integration of actors, their behavior and preferences can change when the change in the rules and regulations of institutions appears (Rosamond, 2000). Rational choice institutionalism can explain why states decide to delegate power to institutions. Institutions may reduce transaction costs and create certain benefits for its members. States are rational, utility- and interest-maximizing actors. As long as the benefits from participation prevail the costs, states agree to join the organization, be constrained in certain actions, while pursue their own objectives. The preservation of the EU member status, thus, for secessionist regions seems appealing, since the EU provides a lot of opportunities for economic growth and development, by providing access to a single market and ensuring security of its members.

As for the second strand of the new institutionalist theory, sociological Institutionalism focuses on the norms and values that institutions promote and, according to which, shape policies.

The institution explains behaviors and constructs reality according to the norms which are considered to be rightful and just. (Rosamond, 2000). The ideas that are supported within the institution define what is acceptable and what is normal. Institutions limit actors' behavior and, according to acceptable behavior, they may determine the future decisions and behaviors of their members. According to this approach, the EU may not favour and support secessionism because it does not want to set a precedent for other regions to follow along. The EU cannot automatically accept newly independent regions without the official consent of all its members due to the fact that other regions may follow the example and will realize that they may still enjoy benefits as a member of the EU (due to the fact that EU has supported the secessionism of other regions before).

Historical strand of the new institutionalist theory looks at how certain institutions created in the past may influence actors' future behavior and future policy-making outcomes. The essential element of the integration processes is the dependency of actors upon one another. Pierson (1996) stated that the European Union can be characterized to have a dependency trajectory. Actors may not fully realize that their decisions made in the past can significantly influence their future opportunities. Their action and behavior may appear to be under the constraints of these decisions made in the past. What is more, their interests that they pursued in the past may appear to be different from the interests they will have in the future. Past institutional choice may persist, constrain actors in the future and may resist change.

With the reference to Pollack (2007), European integration has been studied and researched according to these three strands of the new institutionalism.

The works that are based on the rational choice approach account for the origins and functioning of the institutions of the European Union, such as Tsebelis and Garrett (2001). Those, who have sought to understand the impact of the European integration over time and the inherent path-dependency of organization and its institutions, have joined the historical institutionalist approach, for example, Pierson (1996). Advocates of the sociological institutionalism focus on the communication and persuasion among the members (or of EU member states with countries aspiring to become members) of the European Union in the negotiation processes. Communication and bargaining during the legislative processes or enlargement of the EU are important due to the fact that compromises can be reached and alter the outcome (Pollack, 2007).

All three divisions of the new institutionalist theory explain differently the importance of the institutions and the formation of the individual preferences (Rosamond, 2000). Thus, new institutionalist theory argues that the interests and preferences of actors member states may be influenced not only by the political factors but also by the actors' rationality, sociological aspects and historical processes. The regions willing to become members of the European Union can be driven by different sociological, cultural, economic reasons and by rational motives. Political reasons alone cannot account for every secessionist case. Regions that desire secessionism, membership in the EU or integration of Europe, may have different reasons, motives and explanations for their strive, which are often not connected to the politics of their parent states.

New institutionalism stresses that institutions matter, however, what constitutes as an institution can be discussed. Due to the fact that institutions take mediating character, it is possible to consider no only formal, but also informal institutions. Norms, values, ideas and traditions are also policy instruments that can be used in such organizations as European Union. Although the new institutionalist theory can be understand to base itself on the formal institutions and the 'hard' law which includes the traditional political control, legal and constitutional rules and regulations, it also encompasses the 'soft' law - cultural political institutions, informal decision-making practices, legal norms and political declarations.

The European Union institutions are not value free. They are embedded with beliefs, norms and values which can be subject to change and evolution over time (for instance, the incorporation of the subsidiarity principle). This change and gradual evolution of norms and values may represent the rational choice institutionalism. Moreover, the institutions may determine how the EU works and its allocation of functions work - for example, the rise of the liberal values adopted in the work of the EU. Norms and values can contribute to the explanation of the EU governance and how its mechanisms work.

A new institutionalist theory includes not only the formal state institutions, but much wider aspects of governance. By doing so, the theory develops the idea that there can exist the policy of the community that connects formal governmental institutions with the regional communities and creates local interest groups.

According to March and Olsen (1989), judgements, beliefs, institutional cultures and knowledge - all have an effect on the institutions. The operation of the European Union often goes beyond the formal institutional rules and grounds itself on the normative context. Some degree of the divergence from the formal treaties can often take place. That is why, informal institutions matter as much as formal ones.

It is fair to say that institutions alone cannot be the sole mechanisms that influence the direction of politics. But despite the fact that institutions are seen to have a mediating role, they do have a significant impact on political outcomes. For example, institutions provide access to the participation in the political process. As a result, members are subjected to the character, values and norms of these institutions and they shape their members' behavior.

Therefore, the focus on European formal and informal institutions are important for the study since it can be possible to find out whether they promote the desire of regions to secede. European integration processes forward beliefs, values and ideas that are common to all members of the European Union. But since the EU respects territorial integrity and sovereignty of its members, it is possible to assume, that the secessionist regions may not be welcomed and, what is more, cannot be automatically accepted into the EU just because they used to belong to organization when they were parts of the bigger state.

Rational Choice Institutionalism

The referendum on the Catalan independence and subsequent events in the region have attracted world-wide attention. People have become concerned of why such a prosperous region of the EU member state started to implement secessionist movements? However, after the Spanish central authorities pursued violent actions to crush the protests and demonstrations, the question arose - how can a democratic country resolve internal problems in such an aggressive manner? Moreover, why central and regional Catalan governments could not find a compromise and negotiate to find a peaceful resolution? Why did Catalonia pursue independence at all costs and why did Madrid prevent these movements at all costs? The prisoner's dilemma can be of a particular interests to the case of referendum on Catalan independence in 2017. The game theory will be applied to explain the behavior of actors and the strategies that they have taken.

Rational choice can explain reasons behind Catalan and central government's interests (Reus-Smith, 2005). Other scholars believe, that rational choice theory can be used to understand the actors' strategies and the final possible outcome which is the social and political unrest and movements (Mбiz, 2003).

The main aim is to apply New Institutionalism of rational choice to separatism and secessionist movements in Spain. The conflict between two actors (players) can be considered based on the game theoretical models such as prisoner's dilemma. The two actors are the central Spanish government in Madrid and the regional government in Catalonia. It can be supposed that both players have opposing interests and they have a set of 4 possible actions that they can use in a certain strategy. Their strategies are determined by the degree of influence of their actions on the acceptance/rejection of the referendum on the Catalan independence.

The 1978 Spanish Constitution proclaims Spain to be a decentralized state that constitutes 16 autonomous communities, which have some degree of authority over social welfare, education and healthcare system. However, these regions do not have rights to self-determination. There are some particular regions such as the Basque Country and Catalonia which have been granted the rights to draft regional Constitutions that regulate their self-government. This lawful acts have given them more power and autonomy. However, certain issues, such as tax collection and re-distribution, are still controlled by the central government. The conclusion, that can be derived from this fact, is that Catalan government as part of Spain is an institution that should be obedient and loyal to the central authorities. In certain occasions, such as educational or healthcare policies, the region is ruled by the regional government and can act independently by using local police force. That is why, in order to apply the game theory to this case, the Catalan region and its government will be regarded as a separate player or unitary actor.

Although Spanish Autonomous Communities have wide competencies, Madrid still has a final say and holds a substantial power over the policy-making and decision-making processes. The financial and tax control enables central government to influence and shape the regional policies and their legislative actions. What is more, the Spanish judiciary system has oftentimes appeared to be under central control. According to the Bengoetxe (2013), The Spanish executive and the legislative appoint certain figures on the judicial positions, that is why, judiciary is not completely autonomous. In many cases, judicial system has acted in the interests of the national Spanish interests and interests of the executive. Consequently, the central government can be regarded to include Spanish judiciary and constitute the second player in the game-theoretical model.

Therefore, the central Madrid government and the regional Catalan government are two actors in the game theoretical model that is going to be applied in this paper. These two players have different perspectives on secessionism and referendum on Catalan independence. Let's consider the perspective of the Spanish national government. During the long secessionist process, the center had two strategies.

The first one has been to cooperate by conducting negotiations with the supporters of the Catalan separatism to discuss the terms of arranging legitimate referendum. The central government could agree to hold the referendum because the chances of losing it have been regarded to be low, according to the Guibernau, Rocher and Adam (2014). Moreover, this legal referendum could mitigate and slow down the conflict for some time. This can be considered as a good strategy, however, there is still some chances left that central authorities can lose the support and lose referendum. The loss of the referendum is the worst case scenario for the Spanish government due to the disastrous consequences that losing the support of the people can lead to. It could be the worst possible outcome.

The second strategy has been that Madrid chooses not to cooperate with the Catalan government and not to negotiate the compromise and the conditions to mitigate the conflict. This option means that the secessionist process cannot be resolved by negotiation and leads to the fact, that the actions and demonstrations of the Catalan supporters are considered to be illegal and criminal. The non-cooperation could create certain advantages for central authorities. On the one hand, if the Catalan separatists would no longer pursue their objectives and decide to cooperate, the image of the national central government is improved and strengthened more. In this case, the Spanish state could be seen as a guarantor of such democratic principles, as the rule of law. What is more, the Catalan government would admit that its objectives could not be achieved which is of great significance and strength to the central government in this game theoretical model. On the other hand, the Catalan government could decide to continue its separatist agenda and push for its goals. The possible outcome of this strategy will be the clash of the regional and central institutions with both actors damaged. Due to the fact that the Spanish government has viewed central military and political forces to be powerful, it can consider this course of actions and this crash to be not the worst outcome. This option is still better than losing the legal Catalan referendum. Therefore, Madrid chose not to cooperate on the 2017 referendum on the Catalan independence and not to negotiate the terms. It has considered separatist claims and demonstrations to be criminal under the rule of law. Thus, this strategy has been chosen as the most reasonable and rational one for the preservation of state integrity of Spain.

Nonetheless, the regional government perspective has been a different one and cannot be explained by the model of the Prisoner's dilemma. Catalonia could choose the strategy of cooperation with the Spanish central government, which would lead to the abandonment of its regional separatist aims and acceptance of the existing political and territorial position. In a decision to cooperate, Catalan locality could not expect any concessions or benefits granted by the center due to the unstable political and economic situation of the country. It could not be guaranteed, but, at best, Catalan separatists could expect no more than the mercy and pardon of the central government, as well as the restoration of the status quo. However, the worst possible outcome will be if the Spanish state would not agree to cooperate, the Catalan separatist parties and politicians could be detained and imprisoned, and, what is more, the center could implement harsh centralization policies. On the contrary, the second option of the Catalan government is non-cooperation with Madrid and keeping forward its separatist interests and objectives. This strategy could be successful if Madrid agrees on going for concessions and allows for organizing legal referendum. However, in any other case, if Madrid chooses not to cooperate, the aggressive dispute resolution and dissolution of the regional government are inevitable.

The motives behind possible decision of Catalonia to pursue strategy 2 is that the region can perceive Spanish central government as weak and unable to prevent the secessionist movements. This perception of Madrid's potential and possibilities can be due to several factors. For instance, Catalonia believed that the European Union would have opposed the attempts of the state to crush the unaggressive protests and movements. Moreover, this repression and refusal to arrange referendum would have harmed the image of democratic Spain and forced the state to agree on cooperation with the Catalan government. However, as it turned out, the Catalan separatists might have misperceived and miscalculated the possible reaction of the EU. The harsh measures, that Madrid have taken to arrest several representatives of the Catalan government and to stop the secessionist movement, have received weak international response and reaction of the EU. Although, Catalonia took the dangerous second strategy to proclaim the regional independence and to uphold the referendum, the Spanish central government considered these actions to be illegal and made region bear the punishment. Madrid did not fear the possible international sanctions (which, in the end, never been imposed) and, as a consequence, did not accept the declaration of independence of the region.

According to the article of Pйrez and Sanjaume (2013), many scholars have applied rational approach to the issue of secession and successful dispute resolution and settlement. Political philosophers have turned to normative theories to understand the reasons and motivation behind behaviour of both sides in the secessionist processes. Nevertheless, regional desire to secede is the outcome constituted by the numerous factors and cannot be either approved or disapproved by the simple understanding of who has a right to secede.

With the reference to Pйrez and Sanjaume (2013), there are moral theories which are differentiated by approaches taken. The theories of Primary Right approach accept that the right to secede should be granted to any groups and individuals as if it is an inherent and natural right. Such scholars as Miller(1995) and Kymlicka and Tamir(1993), as a proponents of the nationalist theories, believe that this right cannot be questioned only in the case of cultural, identity or national groups. Nationalists theories support their argument with that preservation of the cultural heritage, values and tradition of these groups. Self-determination guides the right to secede.

To the contrary, associative theories correlate the right to secede with the democratic principles (Pйrez and Sanjaume, 2013). The adherence to the democratic values and human rights are of primary concern. Such rights as the right to free expression and opinion can explain demands and claims for separatism. As long as the political power is derived from the consent of the citizens, the legitimate right to secede can be possible. If the national government is not supported and has no consent of some of its minority groups, these groups has a legitimate right to secede and become independent.

However, theories with Remedial Right approaches creates requirement that are essential to justify the separatist movements. There are "just" causes that explain and give legitimate reasons to the desire of some regions to secede (Pйrez and Sanjaume, 2013). Such causes as violation of human rights, unfair territorial annexation and unjust policies can justify the regional movements to separate from the state.



1. Theoretical Framework

1.1 Separatism and secessionism

Today, the content and interpretation of separatism are highly discussed and debated in the scholarly literature. It is necessary to define the term `separatism' itself and find out whether there are the differences between separatism and secessionism.

In general, in the scholarly literature `separatism' is interpreted in the broadest sense as views or actions aimed at separating from the whole. In European culture, there is an association of the general concept with the religious sphere. In England of the 16th-17th centuries puritan communities that broke away from the Church were called separatists. However, with the emergence and spread of secularism, political affairs came to the forefront and pushed the religious concerns back. As a consequence, various political processes, that strengthened the institution of the state, developed the ideas of statehood, sovereignty and territorial integrity, recognizing political control of the state territory to be in the center of importance. What is more, as an outcome of the two world wars, international law gained prominence and together with the period of decolonization - all of these processes produced an increased concern of and the movement towards separatism. Thus, by separatism meaning the movement for separation from the state.

David Horowitz (1992) gives one of the variations of the scientific definition of the term `separatism': the separation of the group mainly on ethnic and religious basis, the withdrawal of this group and breakaway of its territory from the jurisdiction of a larger state of which it is a part, resulting in the formation of a new state. In addition, a number of researchers consider adding an essential point, which is usually implied - separatism only applies when the reason for it does not come from outside the state, but from within.

Despite the fact that, commonly, separatist groups are led by motives that are based on the cultural, ethnic, religious and governmental reasons which drive them towards separation from the larger entity, many dictionaries still associate separatism with either separation from the state or the movements towards achieving autonomy. Thus, what the term means in this work?

In this work I am going to operate and apply Horowitz's definition of separatism and refer to the full political and territorial secession. In cases when groups and localities want nothing more than higher degrees of autonomy, I will explicitly state that and distinguish these regions from the regions that desire the independence and creation of a new separate state.

Narochnitskaya (2015) argues that secession is associated not only with separation from the state, but also with obtaining autonomous status. As such, "separatism" is understood in political language in the meaning of leaving the larger `parent' state.

Popov (2012) designates the term `separatism' as any "desire to separate part of the territory of the state". Nevertheless, he divides the "strive for secession" into two main types - the one which implies the formation of a separate state, and another one which results in joining another state. This work focuses on the cases of Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia. The goal of the first two regions have not evidently been the unification with another state but the independence and establishment of a new state. In the case of Galicia, though currently the region does not seek independence and formation of Galician state, historically there have not been any records that the region perceived unification with another foreign state to be appealing, even though Galicia has many linguistic similarities with Portugal.

As a consequence, in this work I will use of term separatism along with the term secession, meaning that the region, locality or community seeks separation from the original larger state to form a new state that is granted full independence, autonomy and sovereignty from the existing parent state. There is no desire of these regions to join another state. Hence, I will imply that the terms separatism and secessionism are interchangeable.



1.2 Separatism and European regionalism

It is also necessary to provide theoretical explanation and distinguish between the terms separatism and regionalism.

The recognition and self-determination of the European regions can be seen to go beyond autonomy. The development and the increase of their role within the European Union, together with the subsidiarity principle that the EU legal framework established, is an important element of the European integration project.

Regionalism has been transforming the political organization in Europe. However, although as a driving force of rearrangement and change, regionalism can potentially lead to the abandonment of the traditional Westphalian political state architecture towards new European structure that, at the moment, still remains unclear.

The dynamics of local regional identities and the desire of such communities to strengthen their rights and freedoms creates two ways of development of such trend. One is rather a form of autonomy that favours decentralization and opposes centralism, but does not call into question the national borders and state integrity. The second is characterized as a way of rejection of national and state values. In Europe, however, these radical ideas of the second trend, with their strong political position, do not induce real political action on the regional or local levels. As a matter of fact, most of the programs of regional parties and organizations are moderate and do not go beyond slogans and verbal expressions addressed to the central authorities of their states.

However, radical European regionalism exists as a strong movement in some countries. Unlike mere desire for more autonomy, drastic European regionalism is oriented towards the fragmentation and disappearance of nation states and can be regarded as a kind of separatism, although formally it does not attempt to destroy the existing state borders (Narochnitskaya, 2015).

In this paper, regionalism will be seen as a phenomenon close to autonomy and different from separatism in that it does not seek to split the state into several independent sovereign states.

1.3 Nationalism and nation-states in the European Union

Regions pursuing actions directed at the establishing a new state, have been recognized to have separatist character. However, Galicia, for example, has not been viewed as a region who has any desire to secede, although the region seems to have some degree of nationalism. Due to the evidence that this work provides, Galician region has not implemented such vigorous actions towards independence as the Basque Country or Catalonia did. It is important to consider Galicia to have certain levels of nationalist sentiments rather than separatist. Thus, it is important to explain what is meant by the term `nationalism' and the idea of nation-states.

According to Keating (1999), nationalism and nation-state are two interconnected notions. Nationalism is an ideology or movement centered around the creation of the nation-state. Although the state is a rather long-standing phenomenon, the nation-states have appeared quite recently. The principles of the nation-states can be based on the collective identity, language, culture and common history.

The state provides security for its citizens both internal and external. The state exist within particular, well-defined borders. Its national economy, policies and political regime apply within these boundaries. When the majority of the citizens share the same culture and language, it is possible to perceive such a state as a nation-state. In some modern multinational European states, such as Spain, maintaining state integrity and cohesion among the regions and its people have required a lot of efforts (Keating, 1999).

The emergence of the international institutions and organizations, such as the European Union, might have led to institutional transformations and interdependence that limits the states' autonomies and powers. Keating (1999) believes that due to globalization and integration, the states' individual ability to manage their economies is restricted and may even be eliminated. Thus, he argues that `a new continental regime' has been constructed in Europe which provides new opportunities for identities, grants them voice and creates political and economic space for them. A significant amount of scholars consider the EU to have been developing the ability of non-state actors or regional actors to operate within Europe with a certain degree of autonomy, overriding the state and its interests.

Undoubtedly, European Union creates and exists in a rather complex political structure. Nevertheless, it provides new environment for various ethnic and cultural minorities that exists within European states. Minorities are able to influence policy-making process and can advance their claims through the EU without starting an internal conflict within the state.

The absolute sovereignty of the states might have been undermined to a particular degree. It might become possible for those who question the state sovereignty and territorial integrity to reinforce their capacities. Europe, beyond the EU, creates new and complex political environment, where state and non-state actors compete for power, seek self-expression and influence (Keating, 1999). As a matter of fact, the Council of Europe has created opportunities for national minorities to express their opinion and exert power, despite states remaining as dominant actors that form the Council of Europe. Thus, the final decision is taken according to the audience that is essentially comprised of states, as supreme players, but with the consideration of the non-state actors, who can influence the decision-making. Consequently, the gain by national minorities and nationalist parties cannot always be seen as a loss for the state and its authority due to the fact that states continue to dominate the European Union.

This new European political and economic environment creates multiple layers of influence and authority and provides various opportunities for action. Keating (1999) introduces the idea that these contemporary developments represent the historical past when there were multiple identity groups and multiple overlapping layers of authority. Such developments influence some states to a great degree. In countries where cultural differences exist and there is complex ethnic structure, perceptions of collective identity and nation have been challenged and revived issues of national integration. In such regions of Spain as Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia, it is possible to spot nationalism together with the attempt to use international institutions as the European Union to seek support, new forms of autonomy or even independence.

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