Political and socio-economic problems of the republic of Ingushetia

In 2001 the country was built 25.3 thousand square meters of housing in the first year of the presidency of Mr. Zyazikov, this figure dropped to

14.4 thousand square meters, and in 2007 increased to 32.8 thousand sq. m.

The number of crimes in the country for six years grew by 20.9% - with 1740 in 2001 to 2104 in 2007 (82 in Russian) [4, p. 3].

The incident in the board of Yunus-bek Yevkurov began in the first month of the third term of his presidency. The Ingush accused their leader of concluding a land deal with neighboring Chechnya. Therefore, it is not surprising that in a post on the Russian social network "In Contact", the head of Chechnya, Ramzan Kadyrov, described Yevkurov's decision to resign as the decision of a man with a strong character, who, according to him, helped Ingushetia recover in the most difficult times.

In 2012, Yunus-bek Yevkurov publicly rejected an offer to visit (again) the Ingush-Chechen border. He warned that this would "lead to a conflict." In the same year, Yevkurov reproached Kadyrov for violating the borders of Ingushetia by conducting an anti-terrorist sweep in the Ingush village of Galashki. In response, Kadyrov reproached Yevkurov for "sympathizing" with the militants.

Despite the disagreement, the two leaders agreed to conclude a land exchange deal in 2018. Having signed a deal with Chechen leader Ramzan Kadyrov, Yevkurov agreed to transfer 340 square kilometers (about 9% of the territory of Ingushetia) to Chechnya.

For a number of years, the Chechen authorities openly declared their rights to the territories in Eastern Ingushetia, despite the Chechen-Ingush agreement of 1993, as a result of which most of the Sunzhensky district remained part of Ingushetia. The statements of Chechnya, which relate to the Soviet maps of the 1930s, continued even after that, how the Ingush authorities agreed to transfer two villages to their neighbors in 2003.

Between 1936-1993 Chechnya and Ingushetia existed as the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, and the border between them was not drawn.

Yevkurov tried to sell the agreement with Chechnya, signed on September 26, 2018, as an "unprecedented" success story of a peaceful settlement of the conflict in the region. The population's distrust of Chechnya in Ingushetia grew in early September after the Chechen authorities began construction of a road connecting their southwestern Galanchozhsky district with Ingushetia. It is obvious that the people of Ingushetia learned about the deal postscript. On October 4, after the People's Assembly of Ingushetia adopted a bill on the official transfer of part of its territory in the Sunzhensky district of Chechnya, several deputies said that the vote was rigged and joined public protests against this deal in the capital of the country Magas. Here's how it happened: The exchange greatly favored Chechnya, which received 26 times more land than it gave away. The reactions of the Ingush were, of course, negative. In addition to the disproportionality of trade, Ingushetia will lose agricultural land and oil fields in the north, as well as mineral and forest resources in the south, while gaining two small areas of mainly mountainous territory. This will almost certainly have a negative impact on the already poor republic. In addition, the transaction was accepted in a very unclear and possibly invalid way. The public only found out about the deal after it had apparently already entered into force. The parliamentary vote that supposedly ratified it was ordered quickly and secretly. In addition, although the official result states that 17 deputies voted for the deal, 4 spoiled their ballots and 4 voted against, four deputies claim that these official results were falsified. They say that only 4 deputies voted for this deal, 4 spoiled their ballots, 15 voted against and 1 abstained, while the hidden nature of the vote contradicted the constitutional norms of Ingushetia. The deal was announced only after Chechen troops were discovered on Ingush territory. Information sources have published maps created by German cartographers. Then Russian news channels downplayed the scale of the protests. In addition, on October 30, 2018, the Constitutional Court of Ingushetia ruled that the exchange of land plots was unconstitutional, since it required a public referendum, and not just a parliamentary vote. On December 6, the Constitutional Court of Russia ruled that the Ingush Court does not have jurisdiction in this matter, because the agreement has already entered into force and, since the border was actually canceled for the first time, a referendum is not necessary. Referendums are needed only when the border is changed. The court also ignored one of the main arguments of the court and the case, however, and did not say anything about the fact that the vote count was not confirmed, as required by law, and may have been falsified. The Chechen and Ingush leaders declared the case closed on the basis of the decision of the Constitutional Court of Russia, although the European Court noted that its decision does not actually legally cancel the decision of the regional court in accordance with the federal structure of Russia.

The protests apparently stopped within two days of the court's decision. However, the possibility of holding additional protest actions cannot be ruled out, and some civil society bodies are still insisting on the revision of the agreement, including, interestingly, by the Sharia court. The regional authorities have made some attempt to both prevent and take part in the ongoing protest actions. These included negative actions, such as the introduction of a moratorium on protests (which observers protested) shortly after the start of the first major protests, as well as slowing down or stopping Internet access in the capital to try to hinder the organization (young protesters apparently found ways to set up local networks and largely circumvent this). Positive steps included holding open meetings with experts and reports of closed meetings with protest leaders and Yevkurov. Relations with the protesters largely corresponded to Yevkurov's calm attitude to the authorities: requests for permits to hold protests were met, and the police generally supported the protests. Several thousand protesting people who appeared in small Ingushetia are indicative of broad public support [20]. In general, the opacity of the land swap and its disproportionality in the amount and value of the awarded land were the main reasons for the public discontent of the Ingush. Chechnya probably used the exchange of land as a way to achieve its political goals, gain more power, wealth and regional influence. The Kremlin's motivation was vague, it seemed that Kadyrov was allowed to realize his political goals. Moscow's relations with Chechnya are closer than with Ingushetia, so the Ingush receive less federal subsidies, and their land, with the permission of the federal government, is being reduced. In October 2018, the Ingush successfully challenged the land agreement in the local constitutional court, which ruled that this process violates the law on referendums. However, in December, this decision was overturned by the Federal Constitutional Court of Russia.

The people of Ingushetia also lost confidence in their leadership and began to demand Yevkurov's resignation.

On June 26, 2019, Mahmud-Ali Kalimatov was appointed head of the Republic of Ingushetia. He immediately began to change the local government, replaced the mayors of cities and districts, he was compromise and loyal with Moscow. [18]. In January 2020, a number of teips (Mogushkovs, Aushevs, Bekovs, Gazdievs, etc.) presented open claims to Kalimatov. In their opinion, the head was inactive on a number of demands of the people: first of all, concerning the territorial division with Chechnya, as well as the release from prison of his elders who protested against the illegal seizure of their territory. The head of Ingushetia, Kalimatov, publicly raised the issue of the release of the elders only one time. It happened at a January press conference in Magas. He said that "everything will be settled, the arrested will return home safely and that the case is being considered at the level of the prosecutor's office and the Investigative Committee of Russia for the North Caucasus Federal District."

It should be noted that Kalimatov also had conflicting relations with the Muftiate of Ingushetia. The late Mufti Abdurakhman Martazanov and the imams were against the rejection of the Prigorodny district in favor of the Chechen Republic.

On February 23, 2020, on the occasion of the 76th anniversary of the deportation of the Ingush people, the Teip Council asked Kalimatov to give them the floor at a funeral rally in Nazran. The people who came to the rally hoped to hear the speech of the members of the Council of Teips of the Ingush people. But, the elders were not given the opportunity to speak.

The Republic of Ingushetia, that under Yevkurov and his predecessors, that under Kalimatov remains depressed, subsidized and one of the poorest in Russia. According to Rosstat, the average salary in Ingushetia is no more than 19 thousand rubles a month, about 80% of families can afford only low-quality food and cheap clothes, they have no savings, they are unable to buy durable goods (furniture, computer, electric and household appliances, car, etc.), they use water from the water supply that is not suitable for drinking. It is difficult to blame Kalimatov personally for the economic degradation of the Republic of Ingushetia, because he has already come to the ruins of the economy [18].

Interaction of civil society institutions. The peculiarities of building a civil society in Ingushetia are still undergoing a period of their formation, since the awareness of a certain importance, of their key role in the life of Ingushetia, as a republic and a subject in general, occurred literally in the XX century, and the events of 2018 indicate that this awareness has been firmly established in the Ingush society. Currently, we are witnessing a period when society is ready to make decisions independently for the implementation of any kind of policy in the region, whether it is a sociopolitical component, socio-economic or even ethnoconfessional [13].

The key point is the fact that in addition to the norm established by the state, which characterizes society as civil, citizens themselves begin to realize their rights. This indicates that society functions as a civil society, and it is aware of its unity and integrity. That is, this organization as a social structure already has ideas about the rights that it can "promote" for the implementation of a particular issue that is vital for its full-fledged activity. Therefore, we can say that the civil society in Ingushetia is at the stage of its active life and active expression of will. In this regard, it should be noted the teip structure of Ingushetia, which has conservative beginnings, limited to the social structure itself. Teips are a certain stratum in the Ingush society, and it, of course, has its own specific features. The example of the events of 2018-2019 shows that the Teip structure quite harmoniously coexists with the concept of civil society, and it can perform the function that civil society itself actually performs, but necessarily taking into account the traditional norms and orders that have developed in teips historically. The only contradictory point about the tapes is that, as a social structure, it is closely tied by blood ties, and therefore may have a difference from all other tape organizations. This is not an entirely civil position of society, but the position of a specific social group - a stratum. This is how it differs from the classical understanding of civil society. But when there is a problem from the outside or a threat to the fact of the existence of society as a whole, each of the tapes, in practice, shows a very similar position for each other. Therefore, at such moments, we can say that this contributes to the development of civil society. In Ingushetia, this looks most prominent, since here the forms of identity fluctuate between religious identity, which has its own structural characteristics, that is, it is not entirely confessional identity, but its certain subgroups, and ethno-cultural identity.

Some analysts have come to the conclusion that, despite the fact that all Ingush people characterize and identify themselves as Muslims, ethnic identity still prevails over all other types of it. In this regard, this is another confirmation that the Ingush are trying to preserve themselves, so it is not surprising that, for example, intra-ethnic marriages are still present as an attempt to preserve ethnicity. The attempt to preserve the ethnic language, although weakly, is still observed, and, of course, the number of an ethnic group, which is characterized by no more than 500 thousand people, as a small ethnic group, gives the very impetus when there is a need for self-preservation. Therefore, first of all, it is important for any representative of the Ingush people to emphasize their ethnic identity and only then will the other types of identity be voiced.

An important issue is the growth of the number of non-profit organizations in Ingushetia, including those of an ethno-cultural nature. This strongly reflects the current socio-political situation in the republic. The problem of the region is connected with the crisis caused by the economic downturn of development, high unemployment, high population density, low land. These indicators pose a serious problem in relation to social issues caused by the increase in poverty and people who cannot provide for their livelihoods. Therefore, mostly non-profit organizations are various kinds of charitable foundations, which, relying on such a traditional component as mutual assistance and mutual assistance, try to support such families, collectively, through fees. Just as it was in the past, when assistance consisted either of a teip initiative, or on a territorial basis, when neighbors, people living in the same village helped each other, etc.

This is an ethno-cultural component that is still observed today, but it functions in the new realities of life, through the activities of various forms of charity that focus on traditional ethnic and religious aspects. They are more successful, pragmatic and practical-such organizations are the most effective in the region. Now, in the conditions of the crisis, the role of such organizations is certainly beginning to increase, and this is quite a serious support for the general population. Since the Ingush are a conservative ethnic group, its public organization is closely connected with various collective principles, such as teips, virds, etc. But there is one very important specificity: it is that such traditional aspects as collectivism, mutual assistance, mutual assistance, various restrictions caused by the concept of taboo, ritual and ritual practices - all this makes up a huge layer, without which the Ingush cannot be identified as an ethnic group. This is an important aspect for the self-preservation of the identity that was already mentioned earlier. Therefore, it is necessary to note the following fact - in order to preserve the culture of an ethnic group, it is important to preserve those pillars of the ethnic component that would allow it to function in a dynamically developing world and society [17].

Since the Ingush will not be Ingush if they do not follow the basic characteristics of their culture, which is very specific and thus sharply differs from all other North Caucasian cultures. If we skillfully use the social structures that function among the Ingush society, we can say that they could fully contribute to the development of civil society, but on condition that people move away from their personal ambitions in favor of the interests of the national idea.

Ingush society during the coronavirus period. Ingushetia is the leader with the lowest number of coronavirus infections in terms of the incidence rate in the North Caucasus Federal District. There are 227.19 cases of infection for every 100 thousand of the population. North Ossetia is approaching this level, where there are 215.98 infections. Ingushetia is the leader with the lowest number of coronavirus infections in terms of the incidence rate in the North Caucasus Federal District. There are 227.19 cases of infection for every 100 thousand of the population. North Ossetia is approaching this level, where there are 215.98 infections. Ingushetia ranks fourth in the district in terms of the largest number of victims from the coronavirus. [15]

The head of Ingushetia, Mahmud-Ali Kalimatov, wrote on his Instagram account: "The work on identifying and checking for Covid-19 continues. He called on the residents of the republic to abandon skepticism about the spread of the virus" and "fully realize that we are facing an incredibly dangerous enemy." "Now is not the time for disbelief! Just one contact is enough for a series of fatal outcomes. We should not and cannot lose people because of carelessness, we cannot!" - Kalimatov stressed.

In Ingushetia, the percentage of those infected with coronavirus infection was low, as in other Muslim countries. This is due to the religious factor, before holding Namaz, Muslims perform ablution (dostamaz), and so six times a day, which reduces the spread of Covid many times. In 2020, for skeptics who did not believe in the coronavirus and ignored the protection measures and rules of self-isolation, the Minister of Health of the Republic of Ingushetia, Zarema Lyanova, officially offered an excursion to the infectious diseases building of the Nazran city Hospital, where patients with coronavirus are treated. Those who wished only had to purchase anti-plague suits [16].

To date, active vaccination is being carried out in Ingushetia. Those infected with Covid, if they are on self-isolation, have the consciousness not to go out and not spread the infection. People who have antibodies before vaccination are not allowed.

Conclusions

In the course of the conducted research, the features of the political and socioeconomic development of the Republic of Ingushetia ofthe Russian Federation were identified.An overview of the gradual formation of the Ingush statehood was presented. The article presents the characteristics of modern Ingushetia, which has been part of the Russian state for 250 years and, accordingly, in the process of Ingush integration into the sphere of Russian culture. The Ingush are the direct heirs of the world-famous Kobani culture, which, in the political aspect, "binds" them to the conservative vision of modern world trends. In accordance with dogmatic approaches, the Ingush developed a need for order, structure and completion. They have existential motives, such as self-esteem and loss prevention, as well as ideological motives, including the rationalization of personal interests, group dominance and systemic justification, when socio-political theories are used to focus on the social system.

All Russian foreign policy vicissitudes took place with the active participation of the Ingush. On the southern borders, being in the center of the intersection of the geopolitical interests of the countries of Europe and Asia, the Ingush performed important strategic tasks. The modern Republic of Ingushetia continues to generate public ideas and approaches. The most important milestone in the history of the formation of the Ingush statehood is the adoption of the Constitution. It is being amended and supplemented due to the process of improving the regional Ingush legislation in political, economic directions and in matters of territorial disputes with neighboring republics. The Republic of Ingushetia carries out its own legal regulation throughout its territory, including the adoption of laws and other regulatory legal acts. However, the federal government ignores the Basic Law, which is a violation of the rights of the nation.

The highest goal of the State is to ensure a decent life for every person, civil peace and harmony in society, the preservation and protection of the historical and cultural heritage of peoples, their national identity.

In terms of Russian politics, nothing has changed, it is traditional, "Divide and rule". However, in our opinion, in the near future, the global democratic process will still make its own adjustments.

The peculiarities of building a civil society in Ingushetia are still undergoing a period of their formation, since the realization of a certain importance, its key role in the life of Ingushetia, as a republic and a subject as a whole, occurred literally in the XX century. Currently, we are witnessing a period when society is ready to make decisions independently for the implementation of any kind of policy in the region, whether it is a socio-political component, socio-economic or even ethno-confessional. The problem of the region is connected with the crisis caused by the economic downturn of development, high unemployment, high population density, low land. These indicators pose a serious problem in relation to social issues caused by the increase in poverty and people who cannot provide for their livelihoods. It is impossible to throw the blame on the economic crisis in the republic in connection with the global pandemic, because the Ingush are the leader with the least number of coronavirus infections in terms of the incidence rate in the North Caucasus Federal District.

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