"Language, you holy": language reflections in the German seal of Bukovina

Historical and cultural role of the German language in Bukovina, where he between 1875 and 1918 had the status of official and spoken language. Appeal Chernivtsi German-Jewish poets to the language problems, which they often themed in a tragic manner.

Рубрика Иностранные языки и языкознание
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Язык английский
Дата добавления 19.07.2018
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УДК 821.112.2(477.85)-1.09

Чернівецький національний університет імені Юрія Федьковича

Кафедра зарубіжної літератури, теорії літератури та слов'янської філології

"LANGUAGE, YOU HOLY": LANGUAGE REFLECTIONS IN THE GERMAN SEAL OF BUKOWINA

Петро Васильович Рихло

Доктор філологічних наук, професор

м. Чернівці, Україна 2017

Language is a phenomenon that is geographically, ethnically, and historically conditioned by social coexistence. It is shaped by countless generations over thousands of years and then provides the greatest spiritual wealth of any nation. It is a unique and unmistakable phenomenon, a living organism. A language can only develop freely if its bearers continue to practice it, living day after day in the mouths of larger human communities. However, the language is not fixated on a territorial level, it can travel with its porters from one place to another, it can be transported, exported or imported. This mobility of language causes the fact that under certain historical and political circumstances one language can dominate, displace or replace the other. The reasons for this are political expediency, immigration and emigration of their bearers, assimilation or change of political affiliation of the country through its conquest, colonization, annexation, etc. As a result of these historical processes, a language can firmly root in the regions where it was formerly foreign and sometimes even become a lingua franca. So it happened with the German language in the Bukovina, which was able to establish by the annexation of the country to the Austrian crown gradually to the regionally represented Ukrainian, Romanian, Yiddish and Polish so far, that here from 1775 to 1918 as a national and colloquial language was.

Around the middle of the nineteenth century - written in the early 1920s by Alfred Margul-Sperber - is quietly, far from the large German language area and at the very end of West European civilization, one of the most curious experiments has come to an end, the brains ever absolutist and centralist State leaders who had been recruited were the grafting of a German illusory culture on a thoroughly undecorated and heterogeneous people's body, that of the Bukovina [15, p. 351].

This nearly 150-year period, with the unequivocal dominance of the German language, caused the emergence of German-language literature in Bukovina, and especially in its capital Chernivtsi. Since the middle of the 19th century, their creators have not only become German immigrants to the

Bukovina (Ernst Rudolf Neubauer, Johann Obrist) or native authors from the mixed families (such as Ludwig Adolf Simiginowicz-Staufer, who came from a German-Ukrainian marriage), but also recruited from the representatives of other nations of the country. For example, in the second half of the 19th century, German texts wrote Ukrainians Jurij Fedkowicz, Isidor Worobkiewicz and Olga Kobylanska, the Rumanians Mihai Eminescu, Janko and Theodor Lupul, the Jews Moritz Amster, Anton Norst and Karl Emil Franzos. "Happy Germany! Your Speech Sounds not only on the Danube, the Rhine and the Spree, but even on the Prut's shores it surges in a dignified rhythm! "[9, p. 46] - the young KE noted Franzos in his diary on 3 September 1868 ,

At this time falls the first blood of the German poetry of Bukovina, which was still "of more local significance" (Franz Lang) - the literature in the style of neoclassical or realistic portrayals with regional impact [17, p. 40-41]. A cross-section of this literary production is provided by the poetic almanac "Buchenblatter" by Wilhelm Cappilleri (1864) and Karl Emil Franzos (1870) or "Poetisches Gedenkbuch" by Moritz Amster and Ludwig Adolf Simiginowicz-Staufe (1875). The poetry in the German language was at that time as a matter of course, the texts from the crownland Bukovina then formed an indispensable part of the Austrian literature, which corresponded to the official status and the role of the German language in the Bukovina. Heinrich Mittelmann, the author of the "Illustrated Guide of the Bukovina" from 1907, describes this close relationship to the German language in various areas of the public and economic life of the country as follows:

Anything in the country which claims halfway to intelligence and education speaks and writes German; In every village you will find people who speak this language. The entire service correspondence of the authorities, the entire business of the merchant and the trade with the craftsmen take place in the German language, which finds everywhere the fullest recognition and appreciation [16, p. 41].

By the way, in Chernivtsi there was another German-speaking branch, formed by the immigrants from Southern Germany, who spoke their Swabian dialect in Bukovina. This milieu came in the inter-war period, the dialect author Heinrich Kipper, however, with his poetry book "Mei Ahrefeld" (1938) and his novel "Germany, We Come" (1941) before his "home-in-Reich" repopulation quite quickly "Blood and soil literature" mutated.

Of course, the German language in Chernivtsi had its peculiarities, because it worked very far away from Vienna and Berlin, among other national languages, in everyday contact with them, and this close neighborhood often led to mutual interference, so that in Czernowitz German traces were present in several other languages ??- in phonetics and lexicons, in syntax and intonation.

The various linguistic influences - remembered later the poet Rose Auslander - naturally depict the Bukovinian German, in some cases quite unfavorably. But it was also enriched by new words and phrases. It had a special physiognomy, its own color. Beneath the surface of the speech lay the deep, widely branched roots of the various cultures, which often intermeshed and yielded juice and strength to the word-foliage, the sound and image feeling [3, p. 106].

The most painful cut for German language and literature in Chernivtsi was the collapse of the Danube Monarchy and the annexation of the country to the Roman Empire. After 1918, the German-speaking population of the city came under the strong political pressure of the new rulers, who sought to romanize all the spheres of life. This change was particularly noticeable for the German-assimilated Jewish citizens, who had leading positions in the city under the Habsburgs and were now pushed out to the brink of public life. Given this fact, the Chernivtsi Jews were forced to radically change their priorities. Here something happened that the Romanian literary scholar Andrei Corbea-Hoisie called "conversion of the already scattered political and social" capital "of Chernivtsi German-speaking Jewish bourgeoisie into" cultural capital "[8, p. 69], which means that the Jewish population now had all its energies and resources directed mainly into the intellectual sphere - in the education, in the literary and artistic activity, in mental activities. This led to an astonishing poetic productivity, which would be seen above all as an unconscious protest against language discrimination. During this time, a loose group of young poets form here - "something like a Bukovinian poet school" [11, p. 30] -, to the lyricist Alfred Margul-Sperber, Rose Auslander, David Goldfeld, Alfred Kittner, Moses Rosenkranz, Immanuel WeiBglas, Paul Celan, Alfred Gong, Selma Meerbaum- Eisinger u. a. belong. At such times when language and even cultural identity deeply rooted in the human psyche are endangered, the creative powers of the under-pressurized mobilize themselves to a great extent, as evidenced by the example of neighboring Galicia, of which the Ukrainian writer Yuriy Andruchovich in another Publication speaks:

In the 1920s, during the inter-war years, says the Ukrainian writer, in Galicia and Bukovina, and especially in their centers, modern poetry is being written in the suppressed languages. The names of the poets are enough for a whole pleiad. I only mention the two most important. In Lviv Bohdan-Ihor Antonytsch, in Chernivtsi Paul Antschel, better known to the world as Paul Celan [1, p. 86].

Another negative factor for the survival of the German language in Bukovina was its isolation. She no longer had a life-giving connection with large German-speaking areas in which the language could develop naturally and organically. The so-called "Chernivtsi German", which sometimes quite oddly integrated various elements of other languages, often became the object of benevolent humor or bitter irony of the poets of Chernivtsi, thus creating their linguistic inferiority complex, especially after the disintegration of the monarchy and the painful separation from Vienna, tried to overcome. Thus, Alfred Gong, who described German as his mother tongue and Romanian as his "step mother tongue" [18, p. 18], describes the Czernowitz linguistic constellation in a rather sarcastic tone:

On the ring place trampled since 1918

the stone aurochs the k. and k. Double Eagle.

The Fiaker horses all around were horse-apples.

From the town hall hung now Romania's tricolor

and the tax officials took baksheesh

and spoke Romanian. Everything else spoke

Yiddish, Ruthenian, Polish and a German

such as: "I go to bathe to the Pruth." [10, p. 13].

Paradoxically, the Czernowitz poetry reached its second blood in the interwar period, when the Bukovina had already fallen to the Romanian kingdom, which was partly connected with the attempts to modernize it. Their representatives were mainly the offspring of assimilated Jewish families, for whom German had become their mother tongue. During the First World War, most of these families fled to Vienna before the Russian invasion, where their children had become acquainted with big-city life and new literary trends. After returning to Bukovina, a small group of dedicated young writers formed here, headed by Alfred Margul-Sperber. The short-lived appearance of the expressionist journal "Der Nerv", founded by Albert Mauruber in Chernivtsi in 1919, as well as early expressionist poems by A. Margul-Sperber, R. Auslander, A. Kittner testify to this avant-garde tendency. But the pressure of total Romanization and the danger of loss of language soon brought the Czernowitz poets back to the traditional positions of classical music with its strict forms, rhyme and bound strophic.

With the connection of Bukovina to Romania, - writes the American Germanist Amy D. Colin, - the German-speaking population felt even more clearly than minority ... German-language writers of Bukovina found themselves more and more isolated in an isolated literature. Such a linguistic isolation brought an even closer approach to the already established poetic values ??and means and an even deeper exploration of the language. Unlike the Bukovins, who used their German intermingled with Ukrainian, Romanian and Yiddish expressions, these poets and writers formed their High German in the style of the German classics Goethe and Schiller [7, p. 769].

It was, so to speak, a protective bastion against the complete disappearance of language. It was no coincidence that in the 1930s a real cult of the Viennese satirist Karl Kraus was formed in Chernivtsi, who was regarded as a great language master for the poets of Chernivtsi. Each new issue of Kraus's magazine "The Torch" was read and discussed by the intellectuals of Chernivtsi. The language becomes the only safe retreat where you feel at home, where you can hide. She is glorified and stigmatized. The more one is affected, even if this last refuge is taken away or lost. Very expressive is the feeling of painful neglect due to the loss of language of the Chernivtsi-born and already exiled in English in the late 1930s, Jonas Lesser, friend of Thomas Mann, in his poem "Language, you holy":

You backed away and can not help,

I'm dumb here and alone.

No one but you know what I suffered The years all. I'm not mine

Since your breath does not touch me,

Not consumed and born again And my soul understands nothing of what was, what is and will be.

Will I ever get your vase again?

Will you ever make my heart a bit wider,

The soul earthly and star-shaped,

Goddess in Godless time? [14, p. 109].

But even more painful than the gradual loss of language may be their abuse, their mutilation, and the fact that their bearers turned out to be murderers and criminals. "In the language of murderers" - was the title of an exhibition book on literature from Chernivtsi published by Literaturhaus Berlin in 1993 [12]. This is very harsh, for the language itself can not be responsible for the fact that its carriers, poisoned by a misanthropic ideology, become mediators of major crimes against humanity. The sound of the German mother tongue in the mouth of the persecutors was unbearable for their victims and brought them unheard of psychological torments, as recalled to Transnistrien Czernowitzer poet Immanuel WeiBglas in a letter to the Freiburg Germanist Gerhart Baumann:

I never suffered more profoundly than in those days when all of us were suffering, not exposed to Rilke's "mountains of the heart," but in the steppe dwellers of the Ukraine, in the war of wars, in the minions of the minions, the familiar German sounds of my mother , But the skulls, the bristly berserkers in the mind did not know that the roots rooted in the earth of language could never be liked [13, p. 11].

The fact that the killers speak the same language puts many poets in Bukovina in painful questions as to whether poetry is even possible in that language, or even brings them to the brink of silence.

And if you tolerate mother, as once, oh, at home,

the soft, the German, the painful rhyme? [6, p. 17] -

asks Paul Celan in his early poem, entitled "Near the Graber," dedicated to the memory of his mother murdered by the Nazis in a "labor camp" at the Bug. This is a rhetorical question, but it does articulate the painful doubts of the poet as to whether, after all that has happened (Celan's euphemism for the Holocaust), he has the moral right to use the "language of murderers" as a medium for his poetry use. As you know, in the first post-war years poet Rose Auslander, who had survived the war in the Chernivtsi ghetto, refused to write in her native German language, and for several years she only wrote English poetry.

Yet language was almost the only thing that could be saved and stored after all the horrors of the war and the Holocaust. She was not unchallenged, she was denounced and raped, she had to become a witness of all inhuman crimes, but she survived. Crushed and almost breathless, Paul Celan describes this poignant path in his speech in Bremen: cultural poet language spoken

In the midst of losses, one thing remained accessible, close and unspoiled: language. She, the language, remained unaffected, yes, despite everything. But now she had to go through her own unresponsiveness, go through terrible silence, go through the thousand eclipses of deadly speech. She went through and did not say anything for what happened; but she went through this happening. Walked through and was allowed to reappear, "enriched" by all this. In that language, in those years and years afterwards, I tried to write poetry: to speak, to orient myself, to explore where I was and where I wanted to go, to make reality happen to me [ 5, p. 38].

The tenacity of the language Paul Celan speaks of and the inability of the Czernowitz poets to write in a language other than their German mother tongue are the most painful focal points of their creative biographies. After the end of the Second World War, the language constellation in Chernivtsi had radically changed again - now here begins to dominate Russian - they felt forced to leave the city and the country. They went to Bucharest, Jerusalem, New York, Paris or Dusseldorf, and the language emigrated with them. After all the disasters experienced she became her only home, only she gave them still familiar security. Rose Auslander expressed this feeling as a final, irretrievable loss of the fatherland, in its place now "the motherland" - an immaterial, purely spiritual substance of the language comes:

My fatherland is dead they have buried it in the fire

I live in my motherland word [4, p. 94].

1. his deep rootedness in the German mother tongue would have been hardly possible without a decades-long developmental line, which gradually became established in Chernivtsi with the annexation of Bukovina to Austria. Only this fact is not only able to explain the emergence of an aesthetically high-carat German-language poetry far in the European East, but also to secure its independent development "in the time of Austria without Austria" [2, p. 102]. With good reason, the German linguist Bukowiner provenance Kurt Rein:

2. Because without the knowledge that a nearly 200-year-old German language and literature tradition in this formerly easternmost province of German-Austrian culture stands behind these poets, these must be considered as "exotics" fallen from the sky or - in Celan's words - as "lonely steppe wolves "Presented to an astonished inland German audience and their work accordingly misinterpreted [17, p. 28].

3. These lines were written more than a quarter century ago. Since then, the German poetry of Bukovina has profiled much sharper in Western literary research. Although its history has long since been completed, there have been no German poets or German readers in Chernivtsi for decades, but its effect is breathtaking, and so today we are experiencing a certain renaissance of this poetry in Ukrainian cultural space through numerous translations and publications. It is read a lot again at the place of its creation and receives intensive reception - and so closes the circle, although in a different language. However, this means that the message in the bottle with its poetic transmission was finally spooled ashore, "perhaps to Herzland" [5, p. 39] - as Paul Celan hoped - and thus able to reach the right addressee.

References

1. Andruchowytsch J. Czernowitz, Lemberg. Erganzende Betrachtungen. In: Isolde Ohlbaum, Juri Andruchowytsch. Czernowitz & Lemberg in Fotos und Text. Heidelberg, 2017, S. 71-95.

2. Auslander R. Das Erbe I. In: Wir wohnen in Babylon. Gedichte. Frankfurt a. M.,1992, S. 102.

3. Auslander R. Erinnerungen an eine Stadt. In: Die Nacht hat zahllose Augen. Prosa. Frankfurt/M., 1995, S. 106-110.

4. Auslander R. Mutterland. In: Sanduhrschritt. Gedichte. Frankfurt/M., 1994, S. 94.

5. Celan P. Ansprache anlasslich der Entgegennahme des Literaturpreises der Freien Hansestadt Bremen. In: Der Meridian und andere Prosa. Frankfurt/M., 1990, S. 37-39.

6. Celan P. Nahe der Graber. In: Die Gedichte. Kommentierte Gesamtausgabe in einem Band. Herausgegeben und kommentiert von Barbara Wiedemann. Frankfurt/M., 2003, S. 17.

7. Colin A. D. An den Schnittpunkten der Traditionen - Deutsch in der Bukowina u. a. Neue Deutsche Hefte, 177/30. Jg., Heft 4/1983, S. 739-769.

8. Corbea-Hoisie A. „Deutschsprachige Judendichtung“ aus Czernowitz. In: Unverloren. Trotz allem. Paul Celan-Symposion Wien 2000, hrsg. von Hubert Gaisbauer, Bernhard Hain, Erika Schuster. Wien, 2000, S. 62-81.

9. Corbea-Hoisie A. Kein „Bukowiner Poet“: Karl Emil Franzos. In: An der Zeiten Rander. Czernowitz und die Bukowina. Geschichte. Literatur. Verfolgung. Exil. Hrsg. von Cecile Cordon und Helmut Kusdat. Wien, 2002, S. 45-52.

10. Gong A. Topographie. In: Gnadenfrist. Gedichte. Baden bei Wien, 1980, S. 13-14.

11. GoBens P. (Hrsg.). ,,So etwas wie eine Bukowiner Dichterschule“. Ernst Schonwieses Briefwechsel mit Dichtern aus der Bukowina (1947/1948). Aachen, 2011, 58 S.

12. In der Sprache der Morder. Eine Literatur aus Czernowitz; Bukowina. Ausstellungsbuch. Erarbeitet und herausgegeben von Ernest Wichner und Herbert Wiesner. Berlin, 1993, 277 S. [Texte aus dem Literaturhaus Berlin. hrsg. von Herbert Wiesner, Bd. 9].

13. Jordan J. „Die Wiederbegegnung mit sich selbst“. Briefe von Immanuel Weifiglas an Gerhart Baumann samt Briefen von Beatrice Alexiu-Weifiglas und Dokumenten. Aachen, 2012, 40 S.

14. Lesser J. Sprache, du heilige. In: Versunkene Dichtung der Bukowina. Eine Anthologie deutschsprachiger Lyrik. Hrsg. von Amy Colin und Alfred Kittner. Munchen, 1994, S. 109.

15. Margul-Sperber A. Deutscher Brief aus der Bukowina. In: Die Buche. Eine Anthologie deutschsprachiger Judendichtung aus der Bukowina. Zusammengestellt von Alfred Margul-Sperber. Aus dem Nachlass herausgegeben von George Gu^u, Peter Motzan und Stefan Sienerth. Munchen, 2009, S. 351-357.

16. Mittelmann H. Illustrierter Ftihrer durch die Bukowina, Czernowitz 1907 / Neu herausgegeben von Kusdat H. Wien, 2001, 148 S.

17. Rein K. Politische und kulturgeschichtliche Grundlagen der „deutschsprachigen Literatur der Bukowina“. In: Die Bukowina. Studien zu einer versunkenen Literaturlandschaft. Hrsg. von Dietmar Goltschnigg, und Anton Schwob unter Mitarbeit von Gerhard Fuchs. Tubingen,1990, S. 27-47.

18. Shchyhlevska N. Alfred Gong. Leben und Werk. Bern u. a., 2009, 356 S. [New German-American Studies, Vol. 32].

Abstract

The article examines the historical and cultural role of the German language in Bukovyna, where it was official and spoken between 1875 and 1918, and even after the dissolution of the Habsburg monarchy, it still functioned in this region at various levels for some time. In Bukovyna and especially in its capital, Chernivtsi, this led to the emergence of the German literature, which dates back to the middle of the 19th century. Originally perceived as “regional literature”, it soon developed, primarily in the field of lyrical poetry, into a respectable literary phenomenon that in the interwar period reached its peak in the work of such poets as Alfred Margul-Sperber, Rose Auslander, David Goldfeld, Alfred Kittner, Moses Rosenkrantz, Immanuel Weissglas, Paul Celan, Alfred Gong, Selma Meerbaum- Eizinger and others. As a result of the progressive Romanization of the region and the threat of a complete loss of the mother-tongue, many German-Jewish poets in Chernivtsi turn to the linguistic perspective that they often themetize in their verses in the tragic key. After the Holocaust and emigration from Bukovyna, for the exiled poets the native language turns into a kind of a synonym for homeland (“motherland word”). The article analyzes linguistic reflections of the Chernivtsi German-speaking authors as a strategy of cultural and existential survival.

Key words: German language and origin of German literature in Bukovyna, Chernivtsi, regional literature, dissolution of the Habsburg monarchy, Romanization, reflections on language, Holocaust.

Розглядається історична та культурна роль німецької мови на Буковині, де вона між 1875 та 1918 рр. мала статус офіційної та розмовної і навіть після розпаду Габсбурзької монархії ще якийсь час функціонувала на різних рівнях. Це спричинило на Буковині й особливо в її столиці Чернівцях виникнення німецькомовної літератури, початки якої припадають на середину ХІХ століття. Спочатку усвідомлена як „регіональна література”, вона невдовзі розвинулась, насамперед на терені ліричної поезії, у поважний літературний феномен, який у міжвоєнний час досяг свого апогею у творчості таких поетів, як Альфред Марґул-Шпербер, Роза Ауслендер, Давід Ґольдфельд, Альфред Кіттнер, Мозес Розенкранц, Іммануель Вайсґлас, Пауль Целан, Альфред Ґонґ, Зельма Меербаум-Айзінґер та ін. Унаслідок прогресуючої румунізації краю і загрози повної втрати рідної мови багато чернівецьких німецько-єврейських поетів звертаються до мовної проблематики, яку вони часто тематизують у своїх віршах у трагічному ключі. Після Голокосту й еміграції з Буковини рідна мова перетворюється для поетів-вигнанців на своєрідний синонім вітчизни („материзна слова”). Стаття аналізує мовну рефлексію чернівецьких німецькомовних авторів як стратегію культурного й екзистенційного виживання.

Ключові слова: німецька мова й зародження німецької літератури на Буковині, Чернівці, регіональна література, розпад Габсбурзької монархії, румунізація, мовні рефлексії, Голокост.

Рассматривается историческая и культурная роль немецкого языка на Буковине, где он между 1875 и 1918 гг. имел статус официального и разговорного языка и даже после распада Габсбургской монархии еще некоторое время функционировал на различных уровнях. Это повлекло за собой возникновение на Буковине, и особенно в ее столице Черновцах, немецкоязычной литературы, начало которой приходится на середину ХІХ века. Вначале осознанная как „региональная литература”, вскоре она развилась, прежде всего в области лирической поэзии, в значительный литературный феномен, который достиг в период между двумя войнами своего апогея в творчестве таких поэтов, как как Альфред Маргул- Шпербер, Роза Ауслендер, Давид Гольдфельд, Альфред Киттнер, Мозес Розенкранц, Иммануель Вайсглас, Пауль Целан, Альфред Гонг, Зельма Меербаум-Айзингер и др. Вследствие прогрессирующей румынизации края и угрозы потери родного языка, многие черновицкие немецко-еврейские поэты обращаются к языковой проблематике, которую они часто тематизируют в трагическом ключе. После Холокоста и эмиграции из Буковины родной язык превращается для поэтов-изгнанников в своеобразный синоним отчизны („материнское слово”). Статья анализирует языковые рефлексии черновицких немецкоязычных авторов как стратегию культурного и экзистенциального выживания.

Ключевые слова: немецкий язык, зарождение немецкой литературы на Буковине, Черновцы, региональная литература, распад Габсбургской монархии, румынизация, языковые рефлексии, Холокост.

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