English and Russian Genitive Alternations: A Study in Construction Typology

Comparison of English, Russian genius turns. The validity of the cross-language comparison of these paired constructions in English and Russian. Analysis of the intralingual distribution of constructions from the standpoint of the hierarchy of animation.

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Язык английский
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English and Russian Genitive Alternations: A Study in Construction Typology

Sergei Monakhov

Friedrich Schiller University Jena Jena, Germany

Abstract

There is little doubt that one of the most important areas of future research within the framework of Construction Grammar will be the comparative study of constructions in different languages of the world. One significant gain that modern Construction Grammar can make thanks to the cross-linguistic perspective is finding a clue to some contradictory cases of construction alternation. The aim of the present paper is to communicate the results of a case study of two pairs of alternating constructions in English and Russian: s-genitive (SG) and of-genitive (OG) in English and noun + noun in genitive case (NNG) and relative adjective derived from noun + noun (ANG) in Russian. It is evident that the long years of elaborate scientific analysis have not yielded any universally accepted view on the problem of English genitive alternation. There are at least five different accounts of this problem: the hypotheses of the animacy hierarchy, given-new hierarchy, topic-focus hierarchy, end- weight principle, and two semantically distinct constructions. We hypothesised that in this case the comparison of the distribution of two English and two Russian genitives could be insightful. The analysis presupposed two consecutive steps. First, we established an inter-language comparability of two pairs of constructions in English and Russian. Second, we tested the similarity of intra-language distribution of each pair of constructions from the perspective of the animacy hierarchy. For these two purposes, two types of corpora were used: (1) a translation corpus consisting of original texts in one language and their translations into one or more languages; and (2) national corpora consisting of original texts in two respective languages. It was established that in both languages, the choice between members of an alternating pair is governed by the rules of animacyhierarchisa- tion. Additionally, it was possible to disprove the idea that the animacy hierarchy is necessarily based on the linearisation hierarchy. Two Russian constructions are typologically aligned with their English counterparts, not on the grounds of the linear order of head and modifier but on the grounds of structural similarity. The English SG and Russian NNG construction are diametrically opposed in terms of word order. However, they reveal the same underlying structure of the inflectional genitive as contrasted with the analytical genitive of the Russian ANG and the English OG. These findings speak strongly in favour of the animacy hierarchy account of English genitive alternation.

Keywords: construction grammar, genitive alternation, contrastive linguistics, s-genitive, of-geni- tive, construction typology, corpus linguistics

Аннотация

Генитивные обороты в английском и русском языках: опыт типологии конструкций

Сергей Монахов

Йенский университет имени Фридриха Шиллера Йена, Германия

Нет сомнений в том, что одним из важнейших направлений будущих исследований в рамках грамматики конструкций станет сравнительное изучение конструкций в разных языках мира. Существенным вкладом в лингвистику, который грамматика конструкций может сделать в рамках типологических исследований, является разрешение некоторых противоречивых случаев чередования конструкций. Цель настоящей работы заключается в представлении результатов исследования дистрибуции и функционирования двух пар конструкций в английском и русском языках: s-genitive (SG) и of-genitive (OG) в английском языке и существительное + существительное в родительном падеже(NNG) и относительное прилагательное, производное от существительного + существительное(ANG) в русском языке. К сожалению, долгие годы научных поисков не сформировали единого общепринятого взгляда на проблему чередования двух генитивных оборотов английского языка. Существует как минимум пять различных гипотез на этот счет, каждая из которых принимает в расчет один из следующих признаков: одушевленность, информационная структура, актуальное членение, синтаксическое устройство и семантические различия. Мы предположили, что в этом сложном случае сравнение двух английских и двух русских генитивных оборотов поможет найти решающие доводы в пользу одной из этих гипотез. Анализ предполагал два последовательных этапа. Во- первых, мы установили правомерность межъязыкового сравнения этих парных конструкций в английском и русском языках; во-вторых, проанализировали внутриязыковое распределение каждой пары конструкций с точки зрения иерархии одушевленности. Для этих двух целей были использованы два типа корпусов: (1) переводческий корпус, состоящий из оригинальных текстов на одном языке и их переводов на один или несколько языков; и (2) национальные корпусы, состоящие из оригинальных текстов на двух соответствующих языках. Мы установили, что в обоих языках выбор между членами чередующейся пары конструкций регулируется правилами иерархии одушевленности. Кроме того, нам удалось опровергнуть идею о том, что иерархия одушевленности обязательно основана на иерархии линеаризации. Две русские конструкции типологически подобны своим английским аналогам не на основании сходства линейного порядка определения и определяемого слова, а на основании структурного сходства. Английская конструкция SG и русская конструкция NNG диаметрально противоположны по порядку слов, однако они выявляют одну и ту же глубинную структуру флективного генитива, противоположного аналитическому генитиву русской ANG и английской OG. Эти данные убедительно свидетельствуют в пользу иерархии одушевленности как основного фактора чередования двух генитивных оборотов английского языка.

Ключевые слова: грамматика конструкций, генитивное чередование, s-genitive, of-genitive, типология конструкций, корпусная лингвистика

genitive turnover english russian

Introduction

Construction Grammar is the study of symbolic pairings of form and meaning that are characterised by structural or semantic and pragmatic idiosyncrasies as well as a high level of entrenchment in language [Croft 2001; Goldberg 2006; Langacker 2009]. Recently, Construction Grammar has become one of the most prominent frameworks in linguistics research. The theory's emergence was foreshadowed in the 1980s, when Pawley and Syder proposed `lexicalized sentence stems', an analogous term that has not become popular [Pawley and Syder 1983], and Filmore et al. described `minor constructions' or `familiar pieces unfamiliarly arranged' [Filmore et al. 1988]. Since 1995, when Goldberg's seminal book outlined the theoretical underpinnings of Construction Grammar, linguists have performed extensive research. They first compiled an inventory of the possible types of constructions and then charted an entire network of constructions that is arguably capable of embracing the entire language domain and explaining every phenomenon within it, from morpheme to discourse, i.e. from more substantive constructions to more schematic ones [see Hilpert 2014 and Diessel 2019 for review]. The so-called `dictionaries of constructions' or `constructions' are currently being developed for several languages, e.g. German, Swedish, Russian and English (cf. Lyngfelt et al. 2018).

There is little doubt that one of the most important areas of future research within the framework of Construction Grammar will be the comparative study of constructions in different languages of the world. By that we do not mean some kind of item-specific corpus-based contrastive analysis that is enjoying considerable popularity right now [Gast 2015], but rather a whole new area of study that can be called Construction Typology. Linguistic typology examines the worldwide variations of linguistic structures, classifies them into types, and tries to make generalisations about which types are universally preferred and why. Similarly, Construction Typology will explore global variations in types of constructions and associate them with certain construction universals. In other words, the language-specific constructions will be analysed and compared to gain insights into Universal Construction Grammar.

One significant gain that modern Construction Grammar can make thanks to the cross-linguistic perspective is finding a clue to some contradictory cases of construction alternation. In such cases, competing motivations sometimes make it impossible to explain which factors trigger the alternation or, even worse, determine whether it is an alternation or the coexistence of two largely independent constructions. A theory of alternation that can account for the distribution of a pair of competing constructions in one language and of a pair of related constructions that did not result from a loan translation in other language should be regarded as more insightful because it provides typological evidence.

To the best of our knowledge, little research has been conducted in this area. The aim of the present paper is to communicate the results of a case study of two pairs of alternating constructions in English and in Russian.

1. English genitive alternation

The English genitive alternation has been studied extensively. It is one of the most famous alternating pairs in English and is on par with dative alternation, active and passive alternation, verb-particle constructions alternation, will versus going to alternation, and some others.

Researchers have focused on the distribution or partial paraphrase relationship [Goldberg 2002] of the s-genitive (or Saxon genitive) and the of-genitive (or of- construction):

(1) [NP modifier s Nhead]

heart's heart

(2) [Nhead of NPmodifier] heart of heart

The investigation of the semantics and the distribution of two constructions has resulted in the five most prominent hypotheses [see Stefanowitsch 1998 for review]:

(a) The hypothesis of the animacy hierarchy predicts that the s-genitive is used where the referent of the modifier is higher up in the hierarchy than the head. In contrast, the of-genitive is used where the referent of the head is higher up in the hierarchy than the modifier [Jespersen 1949, Hawkins 1981, Deane 1992].

(b) The hypothesis of the given-new hierarchy predicts that the s-genitive is used where the referent of the modifier is given and the referent of the head is in focus. On the other hand, the of-genitive is used where the referent of the head is given and that of the modifier is new [Altenberg 1980, Standwell 1982].

(c) The hypothesis of the topic-focus hierarchy predicts that the s-genitive is used where the modifier is more topical and the head is in focus. In contrast, the of- genitive is used where the head is more topical and the modifier is in focus [Osselton 1988, J0rgensen 1984].

(d) The hypothesis of the end-weight principle predicts that s-genitive is used where the modifier is shorter than the head. On the other hand, the of-genitive is used where the head is shorter than the modifier [Altenberg 1980, Hawkins 1994].

The aforementioned approaches are all based on the notion of a linearisation hierarchy [Siewierska 1988] and presuppose that semantical relations encoded by both constructions can be treated as identical. Stefanowitsch [1998] provides the fifth semantic-based account of the problem:

e) The s-genitive and of-genitive are two semantically distinct constructions. The former encodes kinship and social relations as well as possession while the latter encodes taxonomic and meronymic relations [see also Gries and Stefanowitsch 2004, Stefanowitsch 2003].

It is evident that the long years of elaborate scientific analysis have not yielded any universally accepted view of the problem of English genitive alternation. Many competing motivations are at work at the same time, and this situation makes any predictions about the actual choice between the two constructions troublesome. As Swan explains, `[u]nfortunately the exact differences between the three structures [the third one is noun + noun--S.M.] are complicated and difficult to analyse--this is one of the most difficult areas of English grammar. <.. .> In order to be certain which structure is used to express a particular idea, it is necessary to consult a good dictionary' [Swan 1995: 379].

2. Russian genitive alternation

No mention of this topic was found in literature, but in the Russian language a pair of constructions exists that is very similar to English genitive alternation in terms of function, structure, and semantics. These constructions are noun + noun in genitive case and relative adjective derived from noun + noun:

(3) ruk-amam-y

hand-NOM mother-GEN `mother's hand' / `hand of mother'

(4) mam-in-aruk-a

mother-ADJ-NOM hand-NOM `mother's hand' / `hand of mother'

To the best of our knowledge, the distribution of this pair has not been studied previously. The present paper attempts to support two following hypotheses:

(a) The higher up the referent of the modifier is in the animacy hierarchy, the more likely it is that the noun + noun in genitive case construction will be used.

(b) The lower down the referent of the modifier is in the animacy hierarchy, the more likely it is that the relative adjective derived from noun + noun construction will be used.

In other words, the paper attempts to support the animacy hierarchy account for both the English and Russian languages.

3. Data and methodology

The present analysis presupposes two consecutive steps. First, we want to establish an inter-language comparability of two pairs of constructions in English and in Russian. Second, we will test the similarity of intra-language distribution of each pair of constructions from the perspective of the animacy hierarchy.

For these two purposes, two types of corpora are needed:

(a) A translation corpus consisting of original texts in one language and their translations into one or more languages [see Granger et al. 2003]; and

(b) A national corpora consisting of original texts in two respective languages.

Contrastive linguists generally deal with comparable corpora, that is, corpora consisting of original texts, matched by criteria such as the time of composition, text category, and intended audience [Johansson and Hasselgard 1999, Granger et al. 2003], but since we are in search of typological evidence, there is no need to use comparable corpora for our purposes.

For a translation corpus, the current study used the OpenSubtitles2016 containing 2.8 million subtitle files in 60 languages for a total of over 17 billion tokens in 2.6 billion sentences [Lison and Tiedemann 2016]. For two national corpora, British National Corpus and Russian National Corpus were used for English and Russian respectively.

4. Comparability of constructions

The oretically speaking, only three variants of association can exist between English and Russian genitive alternations (see Table 1):

Table 1Three variants of association between English and Russian genitive alternations

English

Russian

A

S-genitive

Noun + noun in genitive case

0/-genitive

Relative adjective derived from noun + noun

B

S-genitive

Relative adjective derived from noun + noun

0/-genitive

Noun + noun in genitive case

C

No association

(a) This variant predicts that English s-genitives will be translated into Russian mostly by means of the noun + noun in genitive case construction while of- genitives will be translated mostly with the relative adjective derived from noun + noun construction.

(b) This variant foreshadows the reverse situation, predicting that English s- genitives will be translated into Russian mostly by means of the relative adjective derived from noun + noun construction while of-genitives will be translated mostly with the noun + noun in genitive case construction.

(c) This variant predicts that no association will be found between the English s-genitives and of-genitives and the Russian noun + noun in genitive case and relative adjective derived from noun + noun constructions (null hypothesis).

To test these hypotheses, two English words were chosen that Gries and Stefanowitsch list among the most distinctive collexemes of two constructions (the present study is concerned only with modifiers, not heads): women for s-genitive (distinctiveness score = 0.0003) and life for of-genitive (distinctiveness score = 1.58E-21) [Gries and Stefanowitsch 2004: 116]. The first 100 unique s-genitive and of-genitive examples that included these words were then extracted from the Open- Subtitles2016 corpus, and their Russian translations were analysed. Each Russian sentence was coded as a noun + noun in genitive case construction, relative adjective derived from noun + noun construction, or paraphrase (that is, translated sentence in which neither of the aforementioned constructions is used). The summary is presented in Table 2.

Table 2 English genitive constructions and their Russian translations

Noun + noun in genitive case

Relative adjective derived from noun + noun

Paraphrase

Women's + noun

39

95

32

Noun + of + women

70

18

43

Life's + noun

72

33

97

Noun + of + life

125

5

83

Separate Pearson's Chi-squared tests were conducted for the constructions with women and life}These tests yielded the following results: x2 = 459.602, df = 2, p = 1.142e-13 and x2 = 35.713, df = 2, p = 1.758e-08 respectively. The p-value is highly significant in both cases; the null hypothesis of no association between the English ^-genitives and of-genitives on the one hand and the Russian noun + noun in genitive case and relative adjective derived from noun + noun constructions on the other hand can be rejected.

Although the effect size of the second test is weaker than that of the first one (Cramer's V of 0.293 compared to Cramer's V of 0.448 respectively), standardised Pearson's residuals obtained for each cell in the data frame indicate that the same individual deviations are statistically significant in both cases. S-genitives are commonly translated into Russian by means of the relative adjective derived from noun + noun construction, while of-genitives are associated with the noun + noun in genitive case construction.

To visualise the results, the assoc function from the vcd library in R Studio [R Core Team 2013] was used. In Figures 1 and 2, pink shading indicates that individual residuals are significantly underrepresented; blue shading indicates that individual residuals are significantly overrepresented; and grey shading indicates that individual residuals do not differ significantly from their expected values.

Figure 1. Associationplotfortheconstructionswithwomen

Figure 2. Association plot for the constructions with life

Considering these results, hypothesis (b) appears to be true. In a sense, this finding is counterintuitive. Instead, it would be expected that the English s-genitive would be more similar to the Russian true genitive (noun + noun in genitive case) because this construction is the authentic genitive from a historical perspective. However, the word order, namely the linear precedence of a modifier or head in respective constructions, appears to be a powerful factor. The alignment of English and Russian phrases that the present case study has revealed is likely explained by translators' desire to preserve the initial order of constituents (see Table 3).

Table 3. Alignment of English and Russian genitive constructions

Modifier + head

Head + modifier

English

S-genitive

Of-genitive

Russian

Relative adjective derived from

noun + noun

Noun + noun in genitive case

Overall, the most important finding is the comparability of English and Russian pairs of alternating constructions. This discovery made it possible to proceed with the comparative analysis of their intra-language distribution from the perspective of the animacy hierarchy.

5. Distribution of constructions

The animacy hierarchy [Comrie 1981] is `a scalar representation of types of referents or referring expressions that are ranked according to their deictic, semantic, and/or discourse-pragmatic properties' [Haude and Witzlack-Makarevich 2016: 433]. It is also referred to in the literature as the referential hierarchy [Haude and Witzlack-Makarevich 2016], empathy hierarchy [Kuno and Kaburaki 1977], nominal hierarchy [Dixon 1979], indexability hierarchy [Bickel and Nichols 2007], and `hierarchy of inherent lexical content' [Silverstein 1976].

This hierarchy can be presented in different ways, but the present paper adopted (with the exclusion of all pronouns) the following version provided in [Dixon 1979]:

(5) Proper nouns > human common nouns > animate common nouns > inanimate common nouns

The hypothesis is that both in English and Russian, the closer a modifier is to the left extremity of the scale (5), the more likely it is to be used with the s-genitive and relative adjective derivedfrom noun + noun constructions respectively. In contrast, the closer a modifier is to the right extremity of the scale (5), the more likely it is to be used with the of-genitive and noun + noun in genitive case constructions respectively.

To test this hypothesis, four groups of English words were chosen: proper nouns, human common nouns, animate common nouns, and inanimate common nouns. Each group comprised ten different lexemes that are most frequently used as modifiers in s-genitive construction, according to the British National Corpus. These lexemes had to satisfy certain criteria in addition to frequency of use:

(a) They had to be used at least once within the English of-genitive construction.

(b) For the group of inanimate common nouns, only concrete nouns were qualified.

(c) Their Russian counterparts had to be used at least once within both therelative adjective derivedfrom noun + noun and noun + noun in genitive case constructions. The only exception to this rule was proper nouns that were chosen for each language separately due to reasons of cultural specificity.

(d) The adjectives derived from their Russian counterparts had to retain their literal meaning as the main one. All English candidates leading to metaphorical Russian adjectives and adjectives that are part of terminologised lexical units were excluded.

After that, the raw frequencies of each word were calculated within four respective constructions in the British National Corpus and Russian National Corpus.Sincewearenotmakinganyintra-corpuscomparisons, thereisnoneedtousenormalisedfrequencies.The entire dataset is presented in appendices 1 and 2; the summary is provided in Table 4.

Separate Pearson's Chi-squared tests were conducted for all consecutive pairings of groups of nouns in English and Russian moving from the left extremity of the scale (5) to the right. The standardised Pearson's residuals for each cell are presented in Tables 5 to 7.

Table 4.Raw frequencies of English and Russian genitive constructions

English

Russian

5-genitive

0/-genitive

Noun + noun in genitive case

Relative adjective derived from noun + noun

Proper nouns

1,084

262

23,031

8,576

Human

common nouns

3,615

1,128

44,774

19,756

Animate

common nouns

1,369

1,056

25,674

12,870

Inanimate

common nouns

773

2,002

52,887

55,151

Table 5. Proper nouns and human common nouns in genitive alternation

English

Russian

5-genitive

0/-genitive

Noun + noun in genitive case

Relative adjective derived from noun + noun

Proper nouns

3.33064

-3.33064

11.12437

-11.12437

Human

common nouns

-3.33064

3.33064

-11.12437

11.12437

Pearson's Chi- squared test

X2 = 10.849, df = 1, p= < 0.001

X2 = 123.58, df = 1, p= < 2.2e-16

Table 6. Human common nouns and animate common nouns in genitive alternation

English

Russian

5-genitive

0/-genitive

Noun + noun in genitive case

Relative adjective derived from noun + noun

Human

common nouns

17.20047

-17.20047

9.268528

-9.268528

Animate

common nouns

-17.20047

17.20047

-9.268528

9.268528

Pearson's Chi- squared test

X2 = 294.92, df = 1, p= < 2.2e-16

X2 = 85.777, df = 1, p= < 2.2e-16

Table 7. Animate common nouns and inanimate common nouns in genitive alternation

English

Russian

5-genitive

0/-genitive

Noun + noun in genitive case

Relative adjective derived from noun + noun

Animate

common nouns

20.90222

-20.90222

59.67713

-59.67713

Inanimate common

nouns

-20.90222

20.90222

-59.67713

59.67713

Pearson's Chi- squared test

X2 = 435.72, df = 1, p= < 2.2e-16

X2 = 3560.7, df = 1, p= < 2.2e-16

The same picture is evident across Tables 5 to 7: the first lines indicate overrepresentation of s-genitives in English and noun + noun in genitive case constructions in Russian (positive values of standardised Pearson's residuals). These lines also indicate the underrepresentation of of-genitives in English and relative adjective derived from noun + noun constructions in Russian (negative values of standardised Pearson's residuals). In the second lines, the picture is reversed: s- genitives and noun + noun in genitive case constructions are underrepresented in English and Russian respectively. Of-genitives and relative adjective derived from noun + noun constructions are overrepresented in English and Russian respectively.

All results are highly significant, and the English part of the hypothesis can be considered true. The closer a modifier is to the left extremity of the scale (5), the more likely it is to be used with s-genitive. On the other hand, the closer a modifier is to the right extremity of the scale (5), the more likely it is to be used with of- genitive. This is not surprising; the present analysis has merely replicated the findings of other numerous studies.

It is interesting that in Russian, the same animacy hierarchy governs the distribution of a similar alternating pair of constructions. Surprisingly, the expectations about the alignment of English and Russian pairs were not met. The linear order of modifier and head that we considered a strong predictor was abandoned in favour of the notion of true, or inflectional, `genetiveness' on the one hand and periphrastic, or analytical, `genetiveness' on the other. For this reason, it was necessary to rearrange Table 8 as follows:

Table 8Rearranged alignment of English and Russian genitive constructions

Inflectional 'genetiveness'

Analytical 'genetiveness'

English

S-genitive

0/-genitive

Russian

Noun + noun in genitive case

Relative adjective derived from noun + noun

7. Animacy continuum

When the significance of the association between the English and Russian pairs of constructions is measured along the whole animacy continuum and not pairwise, it is clear that the two languages, though similar in their general adherence to the hierarchical principle, have different cut-off points on this scale.

The results are visualised in Figures 3 and 4: the pink shading indicates that individual residuals are significantly underrepresented; the blue shading indicates that individual residuals are significantly overrepresented; and the grey shading indicates that individual residuals do not differ significantly from their expected values.

In English (Figure 3), the differential attribute is `humanness'. The borderline is drawn between groups of proper nouns and human common nouns on the one hand (preferably used with s-genitives) and animate common nouns and inanimate common nouns on the other (preferably used with of-genitives). In Russian (Figure 4) the differential attribute is `animateness'. The borderline is drawn between groups of proper nouns, human common nouns, and animate common nouns on the one hand (preferably used with the noun + noun in genitive case construction), and inanimate common nouns, on the other (preferably used with the relative adjective derivedfrom noun + noun construction).

8. CoMostructional strength

Figure 3. English genitive alternation along the animacy continuum (Cramer's V = 0.41)

Since our analysis of English and Russian genitive alternations is essentially an examination of alternating pairs of constructions and relative preferences for words that can occur in them, a collostructional analysis of the data was also conducted. The constructional analysis, also referred to as distinctive-collexeme analysis, is a method proposed in [Gries and Stefanowitsch 2004] for identifying words that appear in particular slots of constructions rather than any words within a given span.

Figure 4. Russian genitive alternation along the animacy continuum (Cramer's V = 0.21)

The coll.analysis package for R Studio was used to calculate the constructional strengths of 40 English and 40 Russian words in the data [Gries 2007]; the log-likelihood ratio was chosen as an index of association strength (other measures accessible in the coll.analysis package yield comparable results). The output for the English data is presented in Figure 5 and the output for the Russian data is displayed in Figure 6. In both cases, the lines for each construction are sorted from the highest index of constructional strengths to the lowest. The higher index, the stronger preference a given lexeme reveals for a particular construction. The red lines in both figures divide the output into four equal parts consisting of 10 lines each.

Figure 5. Distinctive-collexeme analysis of the English data

words

obs.freq.l

obs.freq.2

exp.freq.l

exp.freq.2

pref.occur

delta.p.constr.to.word

delta.p.word.to.constr

coll, strength

fish

86

662

453.279121

294.720879

OF.GENITIVE

-0.13625%737

-0.52585778

839.7431043

36

gross

1

361

219.367703

142.632297

OF.GENITIVE

-0.0810138945

-0.62320993

678.0646337

36

computer

133

570

426.009655

276.990345

OF.GENITIVE

-0.1087058799

-0.44447792

547.2987481

31

stone

74

393

282.996457

184.003543

OF.GENITIVE

-0.0775371845

-0.46684207

414.9432904

cigorette

1

57

35.147312

22.852688

OF.GENITIVE

-0.0126685707

-0.59178720

97.5101351

35

opple

5

58

38.177252

24.822748

OF.GENITIVE

-0.0123086810

-0.52957844

78.5301760

39

tree

28

88

70.294623

45.705377

OF.GENITIVE

-0.0156912038

-0.36839425

64.4250906

33

cor

251

279

321.173709

208.826291

OF.GENITIVE

-0.0260342778

-0.13892555

39.8206666

12

president

570

531

667.192931

433.807069

OF.GENITIVE

-0.0360583445

-0.09781690

39.1058925

34

pin

6

21

16.361680

10.638320

OF.GENITIVE

-0.0038441583

-0.38468596

16.5642604

37

book

191

173

220.57% 79

143.420321

OF.GENITIVE

-0.0109739901

-0.08397038

10.2123513

11

driver

435

25

278.754540

181.245460

S.GENITIVE

0.0579666913

0.35409247

297.5167810

15

reoder

335

23

216.943751

141.056249

S.GENITIVE

0.0437985856

0.34056619

213.0048427

13

doctor

623

124

452.673133

294.326867

S.GENITIVE

0.0631908594

0.24417153

195.0423541

17

monager

428

65

298.752148

194.247852

S.GENITIVE

0.0479506433

0.27413786

171.8807539

14

former

238

11

150.891044

98.108956

S.GENITIVE

0.0323172138

0.35772547

171.6512286

9

Wordsworth

210

24

141.801222

92.198778

S.GENITIVE

0.0253015830

0.29761681

102.0821780

23

horse

385

107

298.146160

193.853840

S.GENITIVE

0.0322225665

0.18457645

72.6022002

32

doll

83

2

51.508991

33.491009

S.GENITIVE

0.0116830888

0.37329315

68.2938607

19

soldier

109

11

72.718576

47.281424

S.GENITIVE

0.0134603215

0.30559361

56.647%97

1

Shokespeore

374

121

299.964124

195.035876

S.GENITIVE

0.0274671324

0.15642641

51.5969760

21

cow

153

29

110.289840

71.710160

S.GENITIVE

0.0158453671

0.23851655

48.3393408

16

master

325

103

259.362920

168.637080

S.GENITIVE

0.0243511995

0.15940104

46.7342576

3

Tolkien

99

12

67.264682

43.735318

S.GENITIVE

0.0117737268

0.28874285

45.8629922

5

Kipling

51

2

32.117371

20.882629

S.GENITIVE

0.0070054101

0.35795657

37.9174739

28

cot

203

58

158.162902

102.837098

S.GENITIVE

0.0166344559

0.17585540

35.6586822

18

teacher

549

234

474.488706

308.511294

S. GENITIVE

0.0276435116

0.10225356

32.9910048

10

Spenser

S3

4

34.541323

22.458677

S.GENITIVE

0.0068481248

0.32547983

31.7062918

25

snail

52

5

34.541323

22.458677

S.GENITIVE

0.0064771272

0.30784694

27.6362952

26

goat

77

14

55.144920

35.855080

S.GENITIVE

0.0081081824

8.242U741

25.2589«28

8

Wilde

46

8

32.723359

21.276641

S.GENITIVE

0.0049256020

0.24704544

15.7457999

4

Chaucer

62

14

46.055098

29.944902

S.GENITIVE

0.0059155205

0.21122335

15.6711671

22

spider

67

17

50.903003

33.096997

S.GENITIVE

0.0059719473

0.19306751

14.2642908

29

pig

104

35

84.232350

54.767650

S.GENITIVE

0.0073337507

0.14398619

12.6529517

27

boar

40

8

29.087430

18.912570

S.GENITIVE

0.0040485372

0.22831S99

11.7640582

6

Tennyson

38

8

27.875454

18.124546

S.GENITIVE

0.0037561823

0.22099935

10.5007782

7

Byron

44

13

34.541323

22.458677

S.GENITIVE

0.0035091463

0.16678381

7.1173584

2

Milton

107

56

98.776065

64.223935

S.GENITIVE

0.0030S10601

0.05119275

1.7930679

24

bird

202

121

195.734166

127.265834

S.GENITIVE

0.0023246094

0.01997025

0.5271517

20

traitor

3

1

2.423953

1.576047

S.GENITIVE

0.0002137122

0.14406292

0.3695598

Though it is necessary to allow for the idiosyncratic behaviour of different words in the two languages, the results of the distinctive-collexeme analysis largely support our previous findings. Inanimate common nouns constitute the majority of words that display the strongest preference for analytical genitives (the of-genitive in English and the relative adjective derivedfrom noun + noun construction in Russian). Human common nouns constitute the majority of words that demonstrate the strongest preference for inflectional genitives (the s-genitive in English and the noun + noun in genitive case construction in Russian).

There are, however, discrepancies suggesting that at least some levels of the animacy hierarchy form a continuum. Words with referents that are conceived of as more prototypically animate demonstrate a stronger preference for inflectional genitives than words from the same group with referents that are less prototypically animate. This tendency is most observable with animate common nouns that occupy the intermediate position between undoubtedly animate human beings and undoubtedly inanimate physical objects.

wordsobs.freq.l obs.freq.2 exp.freq.l exp.freq.2 pref.occurdelta.p.constr.to.worddelta.p.word.to.constrcoll.strength

31

kanen.komennyj

3903

19431

14071.02140

9262.97860

AOJECTIVE

-0.1749986831

-0.482107738

2.077895e*04

39

derevo.de revonny j

9626

19641

17648.77790

11618.22210

AOJECTIVE

-0.1380775581

-0.311709549

1.022901e*04

38

kompjuter.kompjuternyj

1306

4033

3219.55872

2119.44128

ADJECTIVE

-0.0329336695

-0.366472611

2.897173e*03

29

svinja.svlnoj

1243

1624

1728.87710

1138.12290

AOJECTIVE

-0.0083622811

-0.171498044

3.385752e*02

20

predatel .predotelskij

445

750

720.61672

474.38328

AOJECTIVE

-0.0047435545

-0.231782765

2.593912e*02

32

kukla.kukolnyj

731

922

996.80288

656.19712

AOJECTIVE

-0.0045746514

-0.161902904

1.749155e*02

14

ferreer.ferwersklj

295

499

478.80308

315.19692

AOJECTIVE

-0.0031633781

-0.232249773

1.733279e*02

28

koshka_koshachij

1460

1440

1748.77698

1151.22302

AOJECTIVE

-0.0049700516

-0.100782415

1.190473e*02

34

Pulavka.bulavochnyj

172

177

210.45626

138.54374

AOJECTIVE

-0.0006618589

-0.110348536

1.73291Se«01

21

korovo.korovlj

1908

1312

1941.74548

1278.25452

AOJECTIVE

-0.0005807830

-0.010620862

1.492882e*00

33

moshinojnoshinnyj

14289

1840

9726.21515

6402.78485

GENITIVE

0.0785286841

0.303029971

6.785843e*03

23

loshod.loshodinyj

8631

2488

6705.05215

4413.94785

GENITIVE

0.0331468949

0.181528162

1.572695e*03

12

presldent.presldentsklj

11683

4016

9466.91373

6232.08627

GENITIVE

0.0381403779

0.150922617

1.475275e*03

18

uchitel.uchltelskij

5797

1419

4351.43955

2864.56045

GENITIVE

0.0248790955

0.206465296

1.36896Se«03

37

knlga.knlzhnyj

17458

7165

14848.32262

9774.67738

GENITIVE

0.0449143532

0.117951082

1.332588e+03

13

doktor.doktorsklj

5237

1402

4003.49323

2635.50677

GENITIVE

0.0212295049

0.191022025

1.070190e*03

IS

chitatel_chitatelskij

4298

1118

3265.99177

2150.00823

GENITIVE

0.0177615757

0.194896954

9.168812e*02

6

Lomonosov.lononosovsklj

1591

169

1061.32672

698.67328

GENITIVE

0.0091160436

0.303148916

8.133530e-»02

8

Chehov.chehovskij

4605

1550

3711.62839

2443.37161

GENITIVE

0.0153755436

0.148922120

5.895329e^02

7

Posternok_posteronkovskli

1275

162

866.54915

570.45085

GENITIVE

0.0070297218

0.285931427

5,797916e*02

36

trava.travanoj

2620

788

2055.11447

1352.88553

GENITIVE

0.0097220709

0.168113264

4.262393e*02

17

menedzherjaenedzherski j

70 3

72

467.34557

307.65443

GENITIVE

0.0040557757

0.305044233

3.658786e*02

40

slgareta.slgoretnyj

1475

357

1104.74463

727.25537

GENITIVE

0.0063723511

0.203641509

3.470145e*02

3

Bulgakov.bulgakovsklj

1119

220

807.45254

531.54746

GENITIVE

0.0053619473

0.233962430

3.438004e*02

2

Nekrasov.nekrasovsklj

1169

245

852.67953

561.32047

GENITIVE

0.0054440941

0.225017002

3.331911e*02

10

Gogol.gogolevsklj

3801

1520

3208.70425

2112.29575

GENITIVE

0.0101938197

0.113807813

2.935669e*02

9

Turgenev.turgenevsklj

1569

523

1261.53153

830.46847

GENITIVE

0.0052917450

0.1482S1235

2.023967e>02

30

ryba.ryblj

4035

1834

3539.16279

2329.83721

GENITIVE

0.0085337014

0.086577569

1.846917e*02

5

Derzhavln.derzhavlnsklj

577

121

420.91253

277.08747

GENITIVE

0.0026863734

0.224265953

1.639046e*02

26

kozel.kozllnyj

1361

483

1111.98095

732.01905

GENITIVE

0.0042857901

0.136076679

1.494747e*02

25

ulltka.ulltkln

157

1

95.27819

62.72181

GENITIVE

0.0010622750

0.390898800

1.486139e*02

24

ptlca_ptlchlj

6202

3363

5767.94890

3797.05110

GENITIVE

0.0074703197

0.047240750

8.687149e*01

4

Pelevin_pelevlnsklj

7...


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