Hypotheses of interference between Greek and the languages of Ancient Anatolia: the case of patronymics

G-144: estatoi avun `Avun (the son) of Estatos' ???

Dd-101: pser?keyoy atas `Atas (the son) of Pser/ukeyos' ?

Dd-102: surgastoy inas `Inas (the son) of Surgastos' ?

Alternatively, Phrygian has “possessive” or “genitival” adjectives used as patronymics. The clearest are those with the suffix -(e)vais, -(e)vanos < *-wnt-s,

T-02b: [-?-] tumida . memeuis `[-?-]tumida (the son) of Meme(s)' The form memeuis instead of memevais (M-01b) is explained as influenced by the Anatolian shift wa > u. Note that the inscription was found in Tuwana (Greek Tuava), a relevant Luwian capital.

P-02: bugnos vasos kanutii?evanos? `Bugnos (the son) of Vasos (the son) of Kanutо'

P-03: vasous iman mekas kanutieivais `Vasos Iman the great (the son) of Kanutо'

M-01a: ates . arkiaevais `Attes (the son) of Archias'

M-01b: baba . memevais `Baba (the son) of Meme(s)'

M-02: bba . memevais `Baba (the son) of Meme(s)'

Other kinds of patronymic adjective are more problematic. As stated above, there is one possible example of a patronymic in -eyo-: G-183 tiveia imeneia `Tiveia (the daughter) of Iman'. Also problematic is the alleged example of a Phrygian patronymic in -idas: B-07 manes iyungi- das manitos. This is a proposal by Brixhe (2004: 77-78), followed by Avram 2019: 312. Is Manes the son of a man called Iyungi- and grandson of a man called Manes? In fact, iyungidas is a hapax and even its spelling is strange in Phrygian (there are no other attested examples of <iy> at the beginning of a word). We do not know the origin of this form, although theoretically it could be an ethnic in *-eh2-s like tias (G-249, said of a sekel `weight'), New Phrygian nouvxaз (said of the god Bas in 1.1 = 48), which can be equated to Greek novxavqvoз (KON 504 § 1085), and, before being a personal name, *Gordiyas > Горбіас;, equated to Greek rop6iav6з (literally `the one from Gordion'). On Phrygian ethnics in *-eh₂-s > -as, see Obrador-Cursach 2019b The most striking feature, however, is that -idas is incompatible with the homophonic Greek patronymic suffix if both are inherited. If iyungidas is a patronymic in -idas, it must be a feature borrowed from Greek. But can we be sure that it is not another kind of formation? We cannot, and unfortunately it is a hapax.

When considering the Phrygian variant of patronymic expression, one wonders if this - or indeed any of the attested variants - can be considered a contact-induced feature. In fact, the formulas attested in Phrygian have parallels in other languages from Anatolia, with the sole exclusion of the possible sequence father's name in genitive + personal name. As explained above (§2), however, the use of -(e)yo- (Obrador-Cursach 2020: 84-85) seems to be an inherited feature shared with Mycenean Greek and Aeolic.

The suffix -(e)van- is also inherited and used to create some patronymics (Obrador-Cursach 2020: 84-85). So, Phrygian, like Greek, shows no suffix transference in its patronymic formations. It is also plausible that the genitive use of son) of Kleumakhos'. According to him, the suffix oi, -oy/-oi goes back to *-osyo as Mycenean Greek -o-jo /-oyo/, Epic -oio and Thessalian -oi (after apocope). One can wonder whether it is a case of syncretism rather than apocope. Before his proposal, these forms were considered dative singular.

The patronymic could be an influence of the Anatolian languages with this strategy and/or Greek on Phrygian. At least the genitive followed by the personal name has no parallels in Anatolian, so an influence is not expected. A Greek influence can also be ruled out: early contacts are only detected in the case of Aeolic, a dialect whose patronymics are built with a derivative in *-iyo- (as seen above). Therefore, one must conclude that the genitive patronymics in Phrygian are an internal innovation, although an Anatolian influence (Luwian would be the most likely candidate) cannot be ruled out or traced back.

Conclusions

Having compared the available data with the suggested proposals, it seems prudent to assume that patronymics do not provide evidence of a strong influence between Greek and the languages spoken in Anatolia. Suffix transference, as suggested for -15вз/-15nз; and for Aeolic -loз, are accounted for as purely Greek features.

Only local calques can be accepted at most, as in the case of `son' or `daughter' used after the father's name in Greek-Lycian bilingual inscriptions. More controversial is the case of the father's name in genitive alone: this Greek feature is also found in Phrygian, Lycian, Carian and Sidetic, while Luwian always shows the presence of the noun for `son'.

Coastal areas are known to have been quickly Hellenized, so it is possible that Greek exerted an influence on these languages, if it is not an areal feature (despite the absence of Lydian from this list). However, the elision of the noun `son' in genealogies is so general that an internal feature cannot be ruled out.

Acknowledgements. This paper was produced in the framework of the project PALaC, which has received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme (Grant Agreement n° 757299). An earlier version was presented at the workshop “Contacts in Pre-Hellenistic Anatolia and Ancient Near East: From Languages to Texts” (Verona, 25-27 February 2021), organized by PALaC and the project Luwili.

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Аннотация

Патронимы и проблема интерференции между древнегреческим языком и древними языками Малой Азии

Бартомеу Обрадор-Курсак

В статье описываются стратегии выражения патронимов (отчеств) в различных языках, засвидетельствованных в Малой Азии железного века (I тыс. до н. э.), а также обсуждается возможность обоснования языковых контактов на данном материале. Особое внимание уделяется вопросу о возможной интерференции генитивных патронимов в сочетании со словом «сын/дочь» или без такового, обсуждавшемуся ранее в работах Merlin, Pisaniello 2019 и Rutherford 2002, а также гипотезе о лидийском влиянии на греческие патронимы и родовые имена с формантом -I5aз/-l5t|з (Dardano 2011). В последнем случае, сравнение с фригийским материалом говорит в пользу унаследованного характера данной модели в древнегреческом языке. В целом лишь в очень немногих случаях удается проследить ареальное происхождение патронимов и сходных образований.

Ключевые слова: патронимы; анатолийские языки; фригийский язык; древнегреческий язык; языковые контакты.

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