A diachronic study of negative imperatives in mongolic languages

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Article

A diachronic study of negative imperatives in Mongolic languages

Suying Hsiao doctor of Philosophy, associate research fellow of Institute of Linguistics of Academia Sinica Academia Road, Nangang



Abstract

This paper investigates negative imperatives in Mongolic languages from a historical perspective. The distributions of negative imperative markers in Mongolic languages are compared, based on data drawn from corpora of texts from Middle to early Modern Mongolian, published field reports of Modern Mongolic languages, and our own field notes. Negative imperatives are mainly marked by a pre-verbal negator buu in Mongolian historical documents such as Secrete History of the Mongols, Altan Tobci, Erdeni- yin Tobciya and Mongolian Laokida. In Modern Mongol proper, buu rarely appears and bitegei is used instead. However, buu is used in Dagur and several Mongol vernaculars spoken in Eastern Inner Mongolia, Liaoning and Heilongjiang, where contacts and interactions among Mongolian and Sinic people are lively and the Mongolian spoken in that area contains abundant Chinese borrowings. Santa and Mongghul-Mangghuer, two Mon- golic language located far from Eastern Inner Mongolia also uses buu. It is argued that buu in modern Mongolic languages is not a Chinese loanword but a retention of Middle Mongol buu.

Keywords: negative imperative, prohibitive, Mongolic language, lexical borr



Introduction

Geographically, Mongolic languages are located in Mongolia, Republic of Buryatia, Republic of Kalmykia, Afghanistan, and Inner Mongolia, Laoning, Heilongjiang, Gansu, Qinghai, Xinjiang of China. Rybatzki [27, p. 388-389] tentatively classifies Mongolic languages into the following six subgroups according to their relevant phonological, morphosyntactic and lexical properties: (1) Northeastern Mongolic: Dagur; (2) Northern Mongolic: Khamnigan Mongol-Buryat; (3) Central Mongolic: Mongol proper-Ordos-Oirat;(4) South-Central Mongolic: Shira Yughur;

Southeastern Mongolic: Mongghul-Mangghuer-Bonan-Santa; and (6) SouthwesternMongolic: Moghol.

This paper investigates negative imperatives in Mongolic languages from a historical perspective. The distributions of negative imperative markers in Mongolic languages are compared, based on data drawn from corpora of texts from Middle to early Modern Mongolian, published field reports of Modern Mongolic languages, and our own field notes. Data of Modern Mongolic languages used in the paper include: (1) Dagur (1988); (2) Khamnigan Mongol, Buryat (Buryat, Bargut dialect);

Mongol proper (Dцrbet, Kharchin, Khalkha varieties), Oirat; (4) Shira Yughur; (5) Mongghul-Mangghuer, Bonan, Santa, Kanjia. Unless noted, examples are drawn from my field notes. All glosses are mine. Diachronic data are retrieved from corpora of the following historical texts: Mongyol-un niyuca tobciyan (1228) `Secret History of the Mongols'(SHM), Mongolian monuments in `Phags-pa script (1276-1368) (Tu- murtogoo 2010), and Pre-Classic Mongolian monuments in the Uighur-Mongolian script ( 13th-16th centuries) (Tumurtogoo 2006) for texts represented Middle Mongol (13th century to 16th century); Manju-i yargiyan kooli (1635) `Manchu Veritable Records'(MSL), Erdeni-yin Tobciya (1662) `Precious Summary'(ET), Beijing woodblock version of Mongolian Geser (1716), Mongolian Laoqida (1790) (LQD), and Kцke Sudur (1871) `The blue chronicle'(KS) for Late Mongol texts (17th century to 19th century); Manju monggo nikan ilan acangga su-i tacibure hacin-i bithe (1909, 1910) `Manchu-Mongolian-Chinese Readers' (MMC) for Early Modern Mongolian (early 20th century).

Negative Imperatives in modern Mongolic languages

Most of negative imperative markers in modern Mongolic languages correspond to Written Mongol buu and bitegei.

Dagur, Khamnigan Mongol, Buryat, Mongghul-Mangghuer, Santa, sGo.dmar subdialect of Qinghai Bonan and Dцrbet, Kharchin dialects of Mongol proper utilize the BU form. Besides, BU is also used in Written Oirat [4, p. 226].

Dagur: /bu:/ gaje:r bu: na:dtu, xal-yuita:. [14, p. 343] fire.INS NEG play.2PL hurn-DUB.2PL

"Don't play with fire! You may be burned."

Khamnigan Mongol: buu

a. buu kele. [19, p. 98]

NEG say.2IMP

"Do not mention [it]!"

buu martaarie.

NEG forget.2OPT

"[please] do not forget [it] ! "

Buryat: bь

bь yab-uuzha-b. [29, p.114]

NEG go-DUB-1SG

"I shall not go!"

Bargut (a dialect of Buryat): /bu:/

Ji: bu: x9nt9gla:re:. [3, p. 235]

you.NOM NEG be_angry.2OPT

“Please don't be angry!”

Dцrbet (a dialect of Mongol proper): /bu:/

bu: ty:t!

NEG be_naughty.2IMP

“Don't be naughty!”

Kharchin (a dialect of Mongol proper): /bu:/

bu: jaw!

NEG go.2IMP

“Don't go!”

Mongghul-Mangghuer: /bi:/

dau bi: Gare! [10, p. 223]

sound NEG come_out.2IMP

"Don't make any sound!"

bu bi: daulaja ba. [10, p. 224]

1SG.NOMNEG sing.1VOL PTCL

“Let me not sing!”

mahani bii ide [16, p. 303]

meat NEG eat.2IMP

“Do not eat [the] meat!”

It is noteworthy that irrealis negator /li:/ (<ьlь) sometimes plays the role of negative imperative marker. See (10). On the other hand, (11) exhibits that /bi:/, like /li:/, may occur in a conditional clause.

te li: jaulaxga budagGola jauja.

3SG.NOM NEG go.3OPT 1PL.NOM go.1VOL

[10, p.224]

“Don't let him go, we'll go.”

a. tea bi: jausa amaxgana? [10, p. 233]

2SG.NOM NEG go. CVB how.NPST "What if you don't go?"

b. tea li: ei&isa te raguna.

2SG.NOM NEG go.CVB 3SG.NOM come.NPST “If you don't go, he will come.”

Besides, preverbal negators may occur before a “converb-imperative verb” chunk if the converb doesn't take any argument, and are adjacent to the imperative verb if the converb takes arguments. Compare (12)a and (12)b,c.

a. tea bi: baGala ei&a. [10, p. 233]

2SG.NOM NEG hit.CVB go.2IMP

“You don't go to hit [someone/something]!”

maxana idela li: ei&im.

meat eat.CVB NEG go.NPST.1SG

“I'll not go to eat the meat.”

tea nara baudala: bi: sau.

2SG.NOM sun go_down.CVB NEG sit.2IMP [10, p.240]

“You don't sit until the sun sets!”

sGo.dmar subdialect of Qinghai Bonan: be

ce be er. [17, p. 343]

2SG.NOM NEG come.2IMP

"You, do not come!"

Santa: /bu/

bi xui feiara bu kialiaja,

1SG.NOM meeting on NEG say.1VOL

tara ja bu kialiagja. [8, p. 207]

3SG.NOM also NEG say.3OPT

"I'll not say [anything] at the meeting! Let him not say [anything], too!"

kieme-de bu kielie [24, p. 362]

who-DAT NEG say. 2IMP

"Do not tell anyone!"

BITEGEI forms are utilized in Khalkha dialect of Mongol proper, Spoken Oirat, Kanjia, Shira Yughur and Bonan.

Khalkha: /bitgi: /~/bitxi :/

enge bitxi: xel!

like_that NEG say.2IMP

"Don't say [things] like that!"

bitgii gar. [31, p. 165]

NEG come_out.2IMP

"Don't go out!"

Spoken Oirat: / bifgж:/ ~ /bifga:/~ /bifkai/

Bidni:ge: bifga: marta:.

1PL.ACC NEG forget.2IMP

“Don't forget us!”

finжmж:g bifgж: xarjli:f, [11, p. 253]

NEG disturb.2OPT

bi tog adGamtж: bж:nж:b.

1SG.NOM very busy be.NPST.1SG

“Please don't disturb me now, I'm very busy.”

Birtalan [4, p. 226] notes that Spoken Oirat negative imperatives are bitkд~bicke~bicge~bice'do not'.

Kalmuck, a dialect of Oirat, uses bicд.

Kalmuck: bicд

a. bicд ir [5, p. 246]

NEG come.2IMP "Don't come!"

bicд ir-tn.

NEG come-2OPT "[Please] don't come!"

bicд ir-iy.

NEG COME-1VOL

"I will not come!"

bicд ir-txд

NEG come-3OPT

"[Let him] not come!"

In Kangjia and Shira Yughur, the forms bьde~ pьti are used as negative imperative marker, while /toga/ occurs in Bonan negative imperatives.

Kangjia: bьde

a. fi kьni bьde sьgь!

2SG.NOM who.ACC NEG curse.2IMP

[28, p.203]

“Don't be noisy.”

c. komida la bьde medera!

who.DAT also NEG know.lVOL “Don't let anyone know (it)!”

Shira Yughur: /pnta/~ pьti

(22)a. bu pnto hanoja/hanosa:. [12, p. 247]

1SG.NOM NEG go.1VOL/go.1VOL “I will not go.”

b. fo pnto hano!

2SG.NOM NEG go.2IMP “Don't go!”

“Don't curse anyone!”

b. tasm bьde a%ara!

2PL.NOM NEG be_noisy.2IMP

c. muno kyken nagto pnto hanogane!

1SG.GEN son woods.DAT NEG go.3OPT

“I hope that my son will not go into the woods.”

ci pьti tamiki soro-soo. [26, p. 275]

2SG.NOM NEG tobacco smoke-2OPT "[Please ]do not smoke tobacco!"

Bonan (Bao'an): /togo/~tege

a. tei togo Guara! [9, p. 204]

2SG.NOM NEG be_angry.2IMP

“Don't be angry!” b. tei toga Guarase:.

2SG.NOM NEG be_angry.2OPT “Please don't be angry.”

tege d angla [17, p. 343]

NEG stop.2IMP "Do not stop [them]!"

Like the case in Mongghul-Mangghuer, conditional clauses may contain optative meaning (polite request, wish...), and negators for indicatives/interrogatives may occur. But unlike Mongghul-Mangghuer, negative imperative marker does not appear in Bonan conditional clauses. Compare (24)b and (26). It shows that the Mongghul-Mangghuer conditional clauses at issue are treated as imperatives themselves, while the imperative meaning of their counterparts in Bonan are derived from the context. Also note that in, realis negator ese, not irrealis negator ьlь,is used. It suggests that the construction involved is subjunctive.

tei ese Guarasa/Guaragisa. [9, p. 204]

2SG.NOM NEG be_angry.CVB/be_angry.FUT.CVB “Please don't be angry.” (Literally, if you [were] not angry,...)

To sum up, BU forms occur in Dagur, Khamnigan Mongol, Buryat, Written Oirat, Mongghul-Mangghuer, Santa, sGo.dmar subdialect of Qinghai Bonan and Dцrbet, Kharchin dialects of Mongol proper. BITEGEI forms appear in Khalkha dialect of Mongol proper, Spoken Oirat, Kanjia, Shira Yughur and Bonan. Besides, negators /li:/ (<ьlь) and ese occur in conditional clauses with imperative meaning in Mongghul-Mangghuer and Bonan respectively.

BU is used in several Mongolian vernaculars, Bargut and Dagur spoken in Eastern Inner Mongolian, Liaoning and Heilongjiang, where contacts and interactions among Mongolian and Sinic people are lively and the Mongolian spoken in that area contains abundant Chinese borrowings (Bao 2006, our field notes). While BU is phonetically identical to Chinese negator bщ(), is BU in these modern languages/dialects recently borrowed from Chinese? The answer is No. First, BU appeared as early as in the 13th century. Second, Mongolic languages located far from Eastern Inner Mongolia such as Buryat, Santa, Written Oirat, and Mongghul-Mangghuer also use BU. Even though Santa and Mongghul-Mangghuer have intensive contacts with Chinese and it's not unlikely to borrow BU from Chinese independently, Buryat, which is spoken in Siberia, is rather free from Chinee influences. Therefore, BU is a retention from Proto-Mongolic.

Although Chinese bщ() 'not' originally took a final stop, the final stop was lost in Guanhuа'Mandarin'. It was listed in Mengguziyun 'Rhyme Book of Phagspa-Chinese characters' under the categories “bu”, “fu” and “fuw”. That is, Chinese bщ() and Proto- Mongolic BU are phonetically identical. Is the Mongolian BU an ancient borrowing from Chinese bщ, then? The answer is No, either. Chinese bщwas barely used as an imperative negator when the Chinese version of Secret History of the Mongols was transcribed and translated in early Ming dynasty. The Chinese character was used to transcribe the sound “bu” (including the negative morpheme and the syllable /bu/), but in most of the cases xih (f) 'don't' was chosen as the gloss for Mongolian negative jussive bь.

Among 71 tokens of the negator bь,only two were glossed as . See (27).

ЯЗЫК. ЛИТЕРАТУРА. КУЛЬТУРА				2020/4
(27) su'u:ryatai tergen-i	ci'ь:	inь		bь
	rnrn	шт
lock.COM cart-ACC	linchpin	3SG.POSS	NEG
ci'ь:de'ь:lsь !			[SHM S 124_V 03_46a_2]

ттт

overturn.CAUS.1VOL

“I will not make its linchpin to overturn the cart with a lock.”

It is unlikely that Chinese bщ() was borrowed into Proto-Mongolic and played a role it rarely played at that time.

Negative Imperatives in Mongolian Historical Texts

Negative Imperatives in Middle Mongolian Texts

There appear 71 tokens of the negator bьin Secret History of the Mongols. Bь cooccurs with 1st, 2nd, 3th person imperatives/optatives/jussives. See (28)-(30). Bьappears before the verbs in imperative form or the verbal chunk. See (29)a, b.

a. bida bь bawu:ya ! [SHM S118_V03_31b_2]

1PL.NOM NEG stay.1VOL

“We will not stay!”

b. manayar-un unda:n bь mekьde'ь:lsьgei ! [SHM S124_V03_45a_4]

morning-GEN drinks NEG lack.CAUS.1VOL “I will not let morning drinks insufficient.”

a. quda kц'ь: minь noqai-yaca bь

Relative_by_marriage son 1SG.POSS dog-ABL NEG soci'u:l ! [SHM S66_V01_47a_2]

scared.CAUS.2IMP

“Quda, don't cause my son to be scared by the dog.” b. ta ber bь a(b)cu yabudqun !

2SG.NOM also NEG take.CVB go. 2OPT

[SHM S72_V02_03a_3]

“You don't take [us] away, too”

bidan-u beye cerig ese yaru'a:su bidan-aca

we-GEN body soldier NEG come_out.CVB we=ABL

angida ц'e:re kebte'ь:l cerig bь yartuyai !

separately other nightguardsoldier NEG come_out.3JUS [SHM S278_V 12_40a_2]

“If our personal soldiers do not go out, let other nightguards separately from us not go out!”

There are 5 tokens of the form bьtьgeiin Secret History of the Mongols. One of them is the 3rd imperative form of the verb “to be”. See (31).

`angida qolo buyu.' bьtьgei ! [SHM S189_V07_11b_5]

separately far be.NPST be.3JUS

“Let [them] be far away [from us] separately!”

The other 4 tokens of bьtьgeiare negative imperatives. Different from negative imperative marker bitegei in modern languages, bьtьgeiin SHM are main verbs. Its meaning is “abstain, refrain”.

aqa de'ь:-dьr sayi ijilidьlcen

elder_brother younger brother-DAT just become_friends.COOP bьkьi-dьr aqa bьtьgei ! [SHM S131_V04_09b_3]

be.IPFV-DAT elder_brother abstain.3JUS

“At the moment when brothers just get in harmony together, let elder brother abstain [from doing something breaking the peace]!”

...erte Alan eke-yin tabun kц'ь:d metь ya:kin

early Alan mother-GEN five son.PL like why

eye ьge'ь:n bьi ? ta bьtьgei !

harmony NEG be.NPST 2.PL abstain.3JUS

[SHM S76_V02_08b_1:2]

“.why are you not in harmony as the five sons of Mother Alan in early [history]? You abstrain [from doing something bad to your brothers]!”

qan ! qan ! bьtьgei ! [SHM S174_V06_16b_2]

king king abstain.3JUS

“Qan, Qan! Abstrain [from rush to fight against Temьjin]!”

ese uqaysan-dur bьtьgei ! [SHM S242 V10_24a_4:5]

NEG realize .PFV-DAT abstain.3JUS

“As [he did] not realize [what he was doing], abstrain [from killing him]!”

It is noteworthy the (32)-(35) are all cases of 2nd person imperatives. It is unclear why 2nd person imperatives take a 3rd person jussive suffix. One possibility is that bьtьgeiin these examples shall be interpreted as 'let it be'. When SHM was glossed in Chinese in Ming dynasty, bьtьgei'let it be' in these cases was reanalyzed as 'abstain from doing something so that the situation remains', and later grammaticalized into a prohibitive marker.

205 tokens and 86 tokens of bьoccur in Mongolian monuments in `Phags-pa script (1276-1368) and Pre-Classic Mongolian monuments in the Uighur-Mongolian script (13th-16th centuries) respectively.

a. йden-u gьen-dьr gиyid-dur 'anu

3PL-GEN temple-LOC house.PL-LOC 3PL.POSS

йlc'in bu ba-ut'uq'ayi ! [THE EDICT OF MANGAL (1276)]

messager NEG lodge.3JUS

"Let messagers not lodge at their temple and houses!"

q'ajar usu ya-u k'e 'anu buliju

land water what ever 3PL.POSS take_by_force.CVB

t'at'aju bu 'abt'uq'ayi !

pull.CVB NEG take.3JUS

"Let [them] not take their lands, water right and whatever by force! "

иde basa sйnshipud bic'igt'en geju yosu 'ьgemй

3PL also Taoist_monk.PL edict.COM say.CVB rule NEG

'ьиles bu 'ьйledt'ugeй !

behavior NEG do.3JUS

"Let them not, saying that they are Taoist monks with [the prince's] edict, do ruleless behabiors, either!"

Like the cases in Mongghul-Mangghuer, BU is adjacent to the imperative verb if the converb takes arguments. See (36)b above.

The frequency of negative imperative markers in some Middle Mongolian documents is summarized as Table 1.

Table 1 - Tokens of imperative negators in Middle Mongolian historical documents

'Ч Sources Negators \	Secret History of the Mongols (1228)	Mongolian monuments in `Phags-pa script (1276-1368)	Pre-Classic Mongolian monuments in the Ui- ghur-Mongolian script (13th-16th centuries)	Sum
Bь	71	205	86	362
Bьtьgei	4	0	0	4

mongolic language token negator

Negative Imperatives in Late Mongolian Texts

The frequency of negative imperative markers in some Late Mongolian documents is shown in Table 2. bьtьgeidisappeared in these Late Mongolian Texts, while bitegei emerged.

Table 2 - Tokens of imperative negators in Late Mongolian historical documents

\ Sources Negators \	Manju-i yargi- yan kooli (1635)	Erdeni-yin Tobciya (1662)	Beijing Geser (1716)	Mongolian Laoqida (1790)	Kцke Sudur (1871)	Sum
Buu	65	17	69	29	57	237
Bitegei	0	0	4	7	116	127

Neither Manju-i yargiyan kooli nor Erdeni-yin Tobciya contains bьtьgei/bitegei. Besides of 2nd person imperative, buu occurs with 3rd and 1st person imperatives.

`namayi buu alatuyai!' kemen ayuju es_e

1SG.ACC NEG kill.3OPT QUOT be_afraid.CVB NEG

ьgьlelьge . [MSL V2_91a_6:7]

say.PST

"[I was] scared of being killed and didn't say [who I am]."

cinь jarliy-aca buu dabay_a ! [ET V1_3r_26]

2SG.GEN edict-ABL NEG violate.lVOL

"Let's not violate your edict!"

The innovative form bitegei emerged in 18th century's Beijing Geser and Mongolian Laoqida, and occurs more frequent than buu in Late 19th century's novel Kцke Sudur.

a. j_a ci muu eyimь ьge kelekь bolusa

well 2SG.NOM bad such word say.IPFV become.CVB

namayi maryata bitegei gьicerei ci. [Geser V4_11a_11]

1SG.ACC tomorrow NEG catch_up.2OPT 2SG

“Well, if you say such bad words, don't catch up with me tomorrow!” b. ta balai bitegei sayirq_a [Geser V1_39b_11]

2PL.NOM stupid NEG boast.2IMP

"You don't boast stupid words!"

Note that bitegei can appear without taking an overt imperative verb in Beijing Geser, reminiscent of bьtьgeiin SHM. See (40).

abai bitegei ai . [Geser V4_6b_22:23]

baby NEG PTCL

"Baby, don't [do it]!"

It's surprising that bitegei may appear in an indicative clause. See (41).

ejei minu bitegei dьgьrcь [Geser V1_46b_13]

mother 1SG.POSS NEG become_stuffed.CVB

ьkьnem bayinam.

die.NPST be.NPST

"My mother, don't [eat too much and] become stuffed!"

buu in Geser also shows interesting behavior. It may appear before an object-verb chunk. See (42)b. In (42)c, the verbal phrase "am kьrge" was written as one word.

a. ejei minu buu qariy_a ! [Geser V1_10b_12]

mother 1SG.POSS NEG curse.2IMP

“My mother, don't curse!”

nigen nigen-d'egen buu amu kьrgelcey_e !

one one-DAT.REFL.POSS NEG mouth send.COOP.1VOL

[Geser V1_20a_8:9]

"Let's not send even one bite into [one's] mouth!"

miqan-i nada buu amkьrge ! [Geser V1_19b_6]

meat-ACC 1SG.DAT NEG mouth.send.2IMP

"Dont send meat to my mouth!"

buu and bitegei are competing forms, which occur in the same contexts. Compare

a, b.

(43)a. ci erte buu eci ! [LQD V2_10a_4]

2SG.NOM early NEG go.2IMP "You don't do early!"

b. ger-ьn ejen tьr

house-GEN master temperary NEG “Host, don't leave at this moment!”

Negative imperative markers can occur before a verbal chunk, such as "Converb- MainVerb", "Verbl_Noun-AuxVerb" and "Complement-AuxVerb". See (44)a, b, c. Note that (44)c contains a lengthy complement composed of two phrases, i.e. "ci mau bi sayin geju" and "nьr ьgei", and buu occurs between them.

a. ci sayitur idegьljь ongyuca-du buu

2SG.NOM nicely eat.CAUS.CVB receptacle-LOC NEG

dьgьrgejь цg ! [LQD V2_18a_4] fill.CVB give.2IMP

"You nicely feed [the horses] and don't fill the receptacle!"

цndьrken qarbuyad buu kьrgekьgei bolqu , boyoni

rather_high shoot.CVB NEG send.NEG become.IPFV low

qarbuqula jebe sajiju ecin_e . [LQD V7_02b_6: 03a_1]

shoot.CVB arrow shake.CVB go.NPST

"Shoot rather high and do not become undelivered. When shooting low the arrow goes shaky."

bida nцkьrleju yabuqula ci mau bi

1PL.NOM make_friend.CVB go.CVB 2SG.NOM bad 1SG.NOM sayin geju buu nьr ьgei boly_a sai.

good say.CVB NEG face NEG become.CAUS.2IMP PTCL

[LQD V7_14b_5:7]

"When we make friends, don't say "You're bad. I'm good." and make [your friend] faceless."

Negative Imperatives in Early Modern Mongolian Texts

There are 40 tokens of buu and one case of bitegei in Manju monggo nikan ilan acangga su-i tacibure hacin-i bithe (1909, 1910). buu appears before the verbal phrase.

a. baysi namayi suryayad , ” ene ьge-yi buu

teacher 1SG.ACC teach.CVB this word-ACC NEG

umartaytun !” kemebei . [MMC V1T_053_5] forget.2OPT say.PST "Teacher taught me and then said, "Don't forget this word!"

jarucalaqu bay_a kьbegьn-i cayajilaju buu

make_one_a_servant.IPFV small boy-ACC forbid.CVB NEG

quluyan_a-yi cokiytun ! [MMC 7T 031 10:11]

mouse-ACC hit.2OPT

"Forbiding small boy servant, 'don't hit mouses!' "

buu modun-u dour_a niyuytun ! [MMC 7T_228_5]

NEG tree-GEN under hide.2OPT

"Don't hide under a tree!"

The only case of bitegei in MMC is used as a main verb, too. See (46).

ketьrkei cangyaqui-yi bitegei ! [MMC 7T_045_17]

extreme thirsty.IPFV-ACC NEG

“Don't make (them) too thirsty!”



Discussion and Conclusion

The Development of buu and bitegei

The use of buu declines from Middle Mongolian to Modern Mongolian. See Figure 1.

Figure 1

buu was replaced by bitegei in some languages/dialects/varieties but resists in others. There are 4 tokens of negative bьtьgeiin SHM. The form bitegei appears in mid-17 century and is abundant in late 19 century. Nowadays, BU forms occur in Dagur, Khamnigan Mongol, Buryat, Written Oirat, Mongghul-Mangghuer, Santa, sGo.dmar subdialect of Qinghai Bonan and Dцrbet, Kharchin dialects of Mongol proper. BITEGEI forms appear in Khalkha dialect of Mongol proper, Spoken Oirat, Kanjia, Shira Yughur and Bonan. Besides, negators /li:/ (<ьlь) and ese occur in conditional clauses with imperative meaning in Mongghul-Mangghuer and Bonan respectively.

The Etymology of bitegei and bьtьgei bьtьgeiin SHM is used as a main verb composed of the verb stem bь-and a 3rd person jussive suffix -tьgei.For those which were glossed as xiь() a puzzle arises: How come a 3rd person jussive verb was used in 2nd person imperatives? One possibility is that bьtьgeiin these examples shall be analyzed as copula bь- taking the suffix -tьgei,and its meaning is 'let [it] be'. When SHM was glossed in Chinese in Ming dynasty, bьtьgeiwas reanalyzed as 'stop/abstain from doing something so that the situation remains'. The negative meaning comes from 'to stop/abstain', and bьtьgeiwas further grammaticalized into a preverbal negative imperative marker. An alternative hypothesis is that bьtьgeiis derived from the contraction of bьNEG' + atuyai 'be.3JUSu(bь atuyai >*bь дtьgei>bьtьgei).This analysis can account for the negative meaning easily, but the issue why a 3rd jussive form also occurs in 1st and 2nd person imperatives remains.

As for the etymology of bitegei, one possibility is that bitegei is a direct descendant of bьtьgei. bьtьgeibecomes bitegei through de-rounding of the vowel /ь/. De-rounding of /u/~/ь/ is an abundant process in Mongolian. For example, bui 'to be' is pronounced as /bi :/ in spoken language. Another possibility is that bitegei is not a descendant of bьtьgei,but a contraction of bь`NEG' + tege- `to do so, thus, or that way'+ -ye ` 1VOL' (bь tegeye>*bьtegei>bitegei).

We have traced the development of BU and BITEGEI from Middle Mongolian to Modern Mongolic languages/dialects. We find that realis and irrealis negator ese and ьlьmay be interpreted as negative imperative marker in some languages. Primary results show that it might be related to conditional/subjunctive. We also proposed tentative analyses for the etymology of bitegei and bьtьgei.However, there remains missing links of empirical data and problems unsolved. We'll leave them for further research.

Abbreviations first person; 2, second person; 3, third person; ABL, ablative; ACC, accusative; CAUS, causative; COM, comitative; COOP, cooperative; CVB, converb; DAT, dative; DUB, dubious; FUT, future; GEN, genitive; IMP, imperative; INS, instrumental; IPFV, imperfective; JUS, jussive; LOC, locative; NEG, negation, negative; NOM, nominative; NPST, non-past; PFV, perfective; PL, plural; POSS, possessive; PST, past; PTCL, particle; REFL, reflexive; SG, singular; QUOT, quotative.



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ДИАХРОНИЧЕСКОЕ ИЗУЧЕНИЕ ОТРИЦАТЕЛЬНЫХ ИМПЕРАТИВОВ НА МОНГОЛЬСКИХ ЯЗЫКАХ

Су-Ин Сяо доктор философских наук, младший научный сотрудник, Институт лингвистики Академии Синица

AcademiaRoad, Nangang

Аннотация. В статье исследуются отрицательные императивы в монгольских языках с исторической точки зрения. Распределение отрицательных императивных маркеров в монгольских языках сравнивается на основе данных, взятых из корпусов текстов от среднего до раннего современного монгольского языка, опубликованных полевых отчетов о современных монгольских языках и наших собственных полевых заметок. Отрицательные императивы в основном отмечены довербальным отрицателем буу в монгольских исторических документах, таких как «Тайная история монголов», «Алтан Тобчи», «Эрдениин Тобчия» и «Монгольская Лаокида». В собственно современном монгольском языке буу встречается редко, вместо него используется битэгей. Тем не менее буу используется в Дагуре и нескольких монгольских наречиях, на которых говорят в Восточной Внутренней Монголии, Ляонине и Хэйлунцзяне, где контакты и взаимодействие между монгольскими и китайскими народами очень оживленные, а монгольский язык, на котором говорят в этой области, содержит множество китайских заимствований. Санта и монгхуль-мангхуэр, два монгольских языка, расположенных далеко от востока Внутренней Монголии, также используют буу. Утверждается, что буу в современных монгольских языках -- это не китайское заимствованное слово, а продолжение среднемонгольского буу.

Ключевые слова: отрицательный императив; формы повелительного наклонения; конструкции; выражающие запрет; монгольский язык; лексическое заимствование; удержание; инновации; условная трансформация.

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