Where did one speak luwili? Geographic and linguistic diversity of Luwian cuneiform texts
Dialect geography of the Luvian area. The study of the increasing influence of Kitsuvadna on the Kuvattalla tradition, including the increase in the number of Hurrian borrowings in the relevant texts, reflects secondary existence at the court of Hattusa.
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The most serious revisions concern the distribution of the suffix /-ants-/ marking the plurality of the possessors in Luwian possessive adjectives. This grammatical feature was characterised as an innovation of Kizzuwadna Luwian in Yakubovich 2010: 50, with the stated implication that “forms in -assanz(-) never existed in central Anatolia”. The new dialectal classification offered in the present paper plainly falsifies this claim: the absolute majority of possessive constructions marking plural possessors are found in the incantations of the Kuwattalla / Silal- luhi tradition, while the remaining few cases stem from the Taurisa corpus. At the same time, one can affirm the absence of this category in Late Luwian (Iron Age Luwian). The three known cases of unmarked plural possessors in Luwian texts, occurring in the constructions where one would expect them to be marked, are GELB § 1 DEUS-ni-sa-ti-i LEP[US ...] `by the authority of the gods', TOP ADA § 21 FRONS-ti-ia-sas+ra/i FRONS-ti-ia+ra/i `with the first among the first', and KIRЗEHОR lead strip § 16 OMNIS-ma-sa-za-a \MAGNUS+ra/i-ia-a-la-za `to the grandees of all (the people)'.
There are two ways of interpreting this contrast. Either it reflects synchronic differences among Luwian dialects in the second millennium BCE (but with a different distribution than the one outlined in Yakubovich 2010) or the suffix /-ants-/ marking the plurality of the possessors was a common Luwian feature, which disappeared in the first millennium BCE. The use of the suffix under discussion in the idiomatic expression `patron of the ritual(s)' tips the scales in favour of the second alternative. The relevant forms are KUB 9.6+ iii 25' ma-al-ha-as-sa-as-sa- an-za-an EN-ya (dat.sg), KUB 35.78(+) iv 7' [ma-al]-ha-as-sa-as-sa-an-za-an-za EN-an-z[a] (dat.pl), KUB 35.45+ ii 7 SISKUR-as-sa-an-za<-an> EN-ya (dat.sg), and KUB 35.59+ ii 7' EN SISKUR-an- za<-an> (dat. sg). While all these forms are attested in the incantations of the Kuwattalla / Silal- luhi tradition, they were unlikely to appear in their oral performance, which was presumably personalised. The indication that the ritual patron was expected to be addressed by name comes from the common Hittite instruction laman tezzi/ halzai in the prescriptive part of the rituals (see a selection of examples in Gцrke 2010: 287-288). There is even one example of a similar instruction embedded in a Luwian incantation (KBo 13.260 iii 17' SuM-SU hal-za-a-i `she calls him by name').
Thus, it seems reasonable to assume that the generic reference to a ritual patron must have been introduced in the course of scribal adaptation of the Kuwattalla / Silalluhi tradition. As long as one accepts that it ultimately stems from the Lower Land and shows close ties to the Tunnawiya tradition, the adaptation presumably happened not in Kizzuwadna but in Hat- tusa. If so, the Hattusa scholar-scribes appear to have had no difficulties with using the suffix /-ants-/ marking plural possessors, although they were less consistent about the notation of dative case endings in the relevant constructions (-as-sa-an-za<-an>). The last fact finds a possible correlation with the existence of the genitive case in the dialect of Hattusa: perhaps forms in /-ass-ants(a)/ were perceived as innovative plural genitives. As for the use of /-ants-/, this presumably indicates that marking the plurality of the possessor in possessive adjectives was as grammatical in Hattusa as in the Lower Land. The absence of parallel attestations in the Lu- wian incantations linked to the state cult of Hattusa (or passages reflecting Kizzuwadna or Is- tanuwa Luwian) may merely be due to the tiny sizes of the relevant corpora.
Projecting the rise of the forms in /-ass-ants-/ to the prehistoric Luwian stage makes it difficult to outline the precise scenario of their development. Now as before, it remains quite likely that the typologically unusual placement of the number marker /-ants-/ after the possessive marker /-ass-/ is due to a contact-induced character of the relevant form. Nevertheless, attractive as it might seem from the formal perspective, one can no longer invoke a language shift from Hurrian to Luwian as the direct trigger of this change. There is no independent evidence to conclude that the Hurrian language as we know it was in use by compact communities to the northwest of Kizzuwadna at any point in time. Therefore, the critique raised in Simon 2016 against the scenario of Hurrian influence on the Luwian grammar appears to be justified, although for different reasons than those adduced in Simon's paper. What remains possible is the hypothesis that when the Anatolian (pre-Luwian speakers) reached central Anatolia, they encountered indigenous languages that were typologically similar to Hurrian in this area. The discussion of possessive adjectives as an Anatolian areal feature is found in Luraghi 2008 (cf. also Giusfredi 2018: 82-83). This is not the only peculiarity of the Luwian language that calls for an areal explanation: arguably less trivial is the word-initial neutralisation of the opposition voiced/voiceless (or fortis/lenis) in both Luwian and Hurrian. These questions, however, go beyond the scope of Luwian dialect geography and as such need not be discussed in detail in the present paper.
We have seen that the new approach to Luwian dialectal geography helped to clarify certain questions but also created new challenges. The purpose of the present section was not to corroborate the empirical conclusions of Sections Two and Three but rather to explore their consequences. The complicated picture that emerges from our investigation should remind the readers once again that the Luwian cuneiform texts of the second millennium BCE reflect not a sterile literary koine but a set of living dialects.
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