Ethnogonic Texts in the Indo-European Tradition

Traditions that tell about the myths of the origin of peoples. Thematic contours of Indo-European texts containing ethnogonic myths. Prototext that gave impetus to the genesis of ethnonyms, the names of totems, the names of their own tribal leaders.

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Ethnogonic Texts in the Indo-European Tradition

Sergei G. Proskurina- b and Anna V. Proskurina

Abstract

This article examines the texts of the Indo-European tradition, which narrate about the myths of the origin of different peoples. Thus, a segment of the Anglo-Saxon runic series correlates with Tacitus's description of the origin of the Ingaevon tribe. As a result, the parameters of the ethnically derived text are reconstructed. The parameters explain the choice of the sequence of the runes of the Anglo-Saxon futhork. The restored text testifies that the Ingaevons, who had the totem deity Ing, lived on the shores of the Ocean, and this was their homeland. Ethnogonic texts also tell about the correlation of totem and ethnonym in past eras. The German influence on the choice of the ethnonym “Rus”, determined by the alliterative connection of the name of the country with the name of Rurik's tribe, has been explained. The “Rurikids” ethnonym itself came from the name of the Rhos tribe. Many ethnogonic texts are associated with sacrificial rituals. In this context, of interest is the name “Italia”, which takes its origin in the sacred texts of the high sacred style. The most ancient Indo-European inscription in the Lusitanian language, written in a high style and telling about the origin of the Veaminikori tribe, is analyzed. The names of sacred animals are opposed to the profane names in the Latin prayer to the god Mars. The souuitaurilia prayer bears witness to the repertoire of sacrificial texts about dairy animals. As a result, it becomes clear that the name “Italy” is derived from the name “uitulus” in a high sacred style. Thus, the thematic contours of Indo-European texts containing ethnogonic myths about the origin of peoples are revealed. The boundaries between cultures are erased, and the Indo-European prototext comes to the fore, giving impetus to the genesis of ethnonyms, the naming of totems, as well as the names of their own tribal leaders. In the end, we can conclude that the sacred names of young dairy animals are represented in the Lusitanian language. In the rite of sacrifice, the scale of high style is attested. The name “Italia” refers precisely to the solemn sacred layer of vocabulary, but already acts as the implicit name of a Latin prayer to the god Mars. The practice of giving names incorporated rules, which vary from tradition to tradition. Attention is drawn to the special nature of ethnogonic texts that shed light on the origin of peoples. Cultural boundaries can be the indicator that generates recognizable patterns that migrate from culture to culture.

Keywords: ethnogonic text, myth on origin, context, culture, ethnonym.

Аннотация

ethnogonic myth indo european text

Этногонические тексты в индоевропейской традиции

С.Г. Проскурин, А.В. Проскурина

Новосибирский национальный исследовательский государственный университет

В настоящей статье рассмотрены тексты индоевропейской традиции, в которых повествуется о мифах происхождения народов. Так, сегмент англосаксонского рунического ряда коррелирует с описанием Тацита о происхождении племени ингевонов. В результате реконструируются параметры этнически производного текста, который объясняет выбор очередности рун англосаксонского футорка. Восстанавливаемый текст свидетельствует о том, что ингевоны, имевшие божество- тотем Инга, проживали на берегу Океана, и это была их Родина. Этногонические тексты также рассказывают о корреляции тотема и этнонима в минувших эпохах. Объясняется германское влияние на выбор этнонима Русь, определяемого аллитерационной связью названия страны с именем Рюриковичей. Сами Рюриковичи происходили от имени племени Rhos.

Многие этногонические тексты связаны с ритуалом жертвоприношения. В этом контексте интерес представляет имя Италия, берущее свое происхождение в текстах жертвоприношений высокого сакрального стиля. Проанализирована древнейшая индоевропейская надпись на лузитанском языке, написанная в высоком стиле и повествующая о происхождении племени Веаминикори. Выбор имен сакральных животных противопоставляется профанным именам латинской молитвы богу Марсу. Молитва souuitaurilia свидетельствует о репертуаре жертвенных текстов, повествующих о молочных животных. В результате становится понятным, что имя Италия является производным от имени uitulus в высоком сакральном стиле.

Таким образом, раскрываются тематические контуры индоевропейских текстов, содержащих этногонические мифы о происхождении народов. Границы между культурами стираются, и на передний план выходит индоевропейский прототекст, давший толчок генезису этнонимов, наименованию тотемов, а также имен собственных племенных вождей.

Ключевые слова: этногонический текст, миф о происхождении, контекст, культура, этноним.

Introduction

In the process of the genesis of ethnic groups in the traditions of the Indo-European past, there have been recorded various ethnogonic texts that shed light on the origin of the Germanic peoples. So, we are able to fix a segment of the Anglo-Saxon runic series, which testifies to the origin of the Ingaevones. In addition, based on the text of Tacitus The Germania, it is possible to reconstruct the probable Germanic chants, which take the form of thula.

According to our main hypothesis, the Anglo-Saxon series of runes is based on the principle of ethnic derivation, since the series itself was developed on the basis of the Older Futhark. Graphically, the innovations resemble the elements of the older runic series. For example, the rune aesk I was used to denote an ash tree, while in the Elder Futhark it meant “Odin”. The key position of the Anglo-Saxon series seems to be the exchange of 23 and 24 signs for the runes, since, according to the creator of the Anglo-Saxon futhorc, it was the sequence of 20, 21, 22, 23 and 24 runes that seemed to him more reasonable. In runic notation, this sequence looked like this: И + Г + О + Я. The indicated segment is consistent in meaning with the deep themes of the ethnogonic myth of the ancient Germanic peoples.

1. The Old Germanic Thulas

The Origin of the Name of the Ingaevones Tribe

The text of Tacitus makes it possible to restore the segment about the origin of the Germanic peoples: Ancient chants (the Germans know only this kind of story about the past and only such annals) glorify the god Tuisto, born of the earth. His son Mannus is the progenitor and forefather of their people; they ascribe to Mannus three sons, by whose names those who live near the Ocean are called Ingaevones, in the middle lands - Herminones, all the others - Istvaeones (Tacitus, 2010).

We originally reconstructed the thula's segment: * Ingui - * Ermin Teuz - * Istwas. This segment takes into account the ancient Germanic principle of versification and the peculiarities of thula. It lists the totem deities of the three Germanic tribes. Three Germanic tribes formed an important sequence within the cultural theme of thula's chants.

Cultural transfer of information is embodied in the oldest Germanic poetic tradition, in the genre of thula, which is an alliterative enumeration of names. The thula's composition is based on a cyclical principle determined by the duration of human life. A cycle is equal to the epoch, or Old Norse verqld / OE weorold “world”. Verqld/weorold `human + time' encompasses two interconnected plans: generation (age) and a large cosmic cycle (epoch). The content of the thula is presented in the form of a genealogical listing of names. This chronological sequence was created in ascending order (A + B + C +...). The story began from the time of the creation of thula and was traced back to the ancient German deity Odin (Woden):

Cynric Cerdecing, Cerdic Elesing, Elesa /sling, Elsa Gewising, Gewis Wiging, Wig Freawing, Freawine Fridugaring, Fridugar Broading, Brond Baeldaeging, Baeldaeg Wodening

Information about the life of society was stored in such lists and passed on from generation to generation. As will be shown below, such thula correlated not only with the name of the ancient German supreme deity, but also correlated along the line “totem - ethnonym”. There were certain laws of information transfer in the syntagmatics and paradigmatics of thula.

Let us return to the ethnogonic myth about the origin of Ingaevones:

The role of the mythological progenitor *Mannaz is reflected in some legends of Scandinavian mythology, for example, in the myth of the first human that is the giant Ymir. It is of particular interest for us to reconcile the main fragments of the myth about the progenitor with the segments 20 - 21 - 22 - 23 from the Anglo-Saxon series of runes.

The text of the myth, which is reconstructed in its most important aspect of proper names, reflects the specifics of settlement, and hence the set of elements in the sequence of the third family of runes: 20 - Man “the first man”; 21 - lagu “water”; 22 - Ing “Ing” (one of Mannus's sons); Edel “Homeland” (the place of birth). So, the main elements of the myth are fully consistent with the sequence of runes adopted by the Anglo-Saxons. The elements of the series are different from the general Germanic principle of the arrangement of runes in syntagmatics. The principle of the cycle is replaced in the Anglo-Saxon series of runes by the principle of the ethnocultural code, which plays a prominent role in the explication of the sequence of runes. Suppose that this segment reflects some of the historical and cultural features of the origin of the Ingaevones tribe settled closer to the sea and water.

In the rune poem, the verse about “man” says (hereinafter the contexts are given according to: (The Anglo-Saxon Rune Poem), our translation - S.P. andA.P.):

Man byb on myrgbe his magan leof: sceal beah anra gehwylc oSrum swican, forSum drihten wyle dome sine b®t earme flssc eorban betecan.

“A person is loved in joy by his fellow tribesmen. However, they must leave each other, because by God's will his poor body was commanded to be buried” (cf. the motive “man is the earth” and the Tacitus's myth).

The 21strune of the Anglo-Saxon series - “water”, according to our hypothesis, is located in a place that is conditioned by the segment “water” - “Ing”, and the very semantics of this rune is reflected in the myth of the tribe of Ingaevones that is the ocean coast. Scandinavian texts convey clear correspondences of this rune in form lqgr and semantics “water flow”.

In the Gothic etymological dictionary of V. Lehmann, Goth. laas is interpreted by analogy with the runic name from the futhark daaz, i.e. daaz - dags, hence laas - * lagas (Lehmann, 1986: 224). It is important to mention other opinions, which, in general, come from the renaming of this rune. According to W. Krause's hypothesis, the name of this rune goes back to the common German * laukaz (Old Norse laukr). The runologist proceeds from the analysis based on the philological method (runica manuscripta), in which, along with the secondary, in his opinion, the form lqgr, there are several cases of writing laukr “onion”, which he interpreted as primary and common Germanic. This possibility cannot be ruled out. However, for our analysis, it is just that the rune is ethnically derived, that is, its semantic context is based on local, deeply specific Anglo-Saxon ideas.

W. Krause relies on the mythological context of the Edda, where the onion is named among the first plants to appear on earth. In the mythology of the Indo-European people, the onion was an attribute of the phallic cult. W. Krause's hypothesis points to yet another very convincing argument: among the three most famous “sacred words” in the runes, there is also the lexeme laukar “onion”. This lexeme has an indisputable etymology (cf. OE leac, Middle-Dutch look, Old-High German louh) and reveals a strong connection with the extra-runic ritual (Smirnitskaya, 1989: 47). In general, W. Krause's hypothesis about a different concept of 21strune in the all-Germanic series does not contradict our assumption about the semantic connection between the myth and segment. As suggested by R. Page, Old English and Scandinavian forms are Christian replacements caused by strong pagan connotations of * laukaz (Page, 1973: 83). Our view of the problem (close to W. Krause) allows us to refrain from emphasizing any role of systemic worldview factors in this replacement and to explain variations in the name of the rune by their ethnically derived character.

The segments 20-23 of the Anglo-Saxon series of runes are aimed at explicating the main points of the ethnogonic myth of the Ingaevones. Hence, a series of the futhark, which apparently originally included Indo-European patterns (“movable” - “immovable property”), fluctuates in the direction of ideas about the Ingaevones. According to the studied Old English sources at least there is no evidence of the use of any other runic names other than lagu “water” in the Anglo-Saxon tradition.

Lagu byb leodum langsum gebuht, gif hi sculun neban on nacan tealtum and hi ssyba swybe bregab and se brimhengest bridles ne gym[eS].

The Anglo-Saxon rune poem runs: “the water seems endless to people if they are brought in a boat to sway and cut the sea waves, and do not remember the bridle of the sea horse”. Rune О Ing - hero Ing (son of Mannus, the first of the Ingaevones tribe). We do not find a parallel to the unique representation of the Ingaevones tribe like is the hero Ing in Scandinavian texts. Thanks to the reconstruction of the Germanic poetic prototype, we restore the three Germanic heroic names * Ing - * Ermin - * Istwas. There is no doubt that Ing is one of the legendary figures of the East German tribes. The Anglo-Saxon poem says:

Ing wss srest mid East-Denum gesewen secgun, ob he siSSan est ofer wsg gewat; wsn sfter ran; Sus Heardingas Sone hsle nemdun.

“Ing was seen first by the people of the East Danes, until the moment when he went to the east (sometimes read eft `back') across the sea. His chariot followed him. That is why the Heardings called him a hero”. We note that East Danes in the epic Beowulf called Ingwine (favourites of Ing) are probably the very Ingaevones, whom Tacitus distinguishes as a Germanic tribal group that from all other tribes lived closest to the sea (OE lagu). Another implication in the poem about Ing is an indication of the chariot (vaen) that accompanied the hero on the voyage. This episode echoes the Germanic ritual described by Tacitus and dedicated to the goddess Nerthus (compare Old Norse Njqrdr, the god of wealth and fertility, Freyr's father), during which the chariot of the deity moved, making its way through the crowd of those gathered. Snorri Sturluson, already in the period of the author's German literature, informs about his second name according to his ancestors - Yngui. Perhaps this evidence prompted W. Krause to reconstruct the common Germanic proto form Ingwas - “deity of fertility”. Such a reconstruction based on the ethnically derived rune name seems to us to be very likely. The Indo-European world knows many ethnonyms, as well as the names of the heroes of individual tribes, the names of which go back to the deity worshiped by the tribe, but who was also recognized by the neighbours, cf. Greek cult of Athena.

In the rune Я , which takes the 23rdplace in the reconstruction according to the Rune Poem, the meaning of “land”, “home”, “homeland” comes to the fore, rather than “real estate”, as indicated in the cyclical futhark. This is evident in the context of the poem. In the Futhark, this rune occupied the 24thposition.

In the earliest alphabetic inscriptions, for example, the bracteates from Vadstena and Grumpan, we can observe fluctuations in the general cyclic scheme, which are sometimes difficult to justify purely technological errors (it is especially difficult to assume this from the bracteate from Grumpan with the ending m, l, n, o, d). Note that the author of the text of the Anglo-Saxon Rune Poem seems to inherit Grumpan's pattern and puts the rune Я in the 23rdplace. Reconstruction using the “parallel row” method, carried out by us by comparing the chain of names of runes 20 - 21 - 22 - 23 in the Futhark, as well as conceptualizing the myth about the origin of the Germanic peoples, results in correlating the basic features of the ethnogonic myth (Ing is the son of the prehuman Mannus, a hero of the Ingaevones tribe, who lived on the ocean coast in the homeland in the house of their ancestors). By the way, even such a perceptive analyst of Anglo-Saxon runic texts as R. Page neglects the sequence of the runic row in the Anglo-Saxon poem, giving the rune Я eSel its usual 24thposition (Page, 1973: 84). Such a bias towards the common Old Germanic pattern does not correspond to the sequence of verses in manuscripts, as well as to the textual meaning of the name of the rune in the poem (“Motherland is the house of ancestors”).

Ebel byb oferleof sghwylcum men, gif he mot Ssr rihtes and gerysena on brucan on bolde bleadum oftast.

“The house of ancestors is dear to every man if he can enjoy in his house in eternal prosperity what is righteous and decent”. There is a correlation between the proper name Ing and the name of the Ingaevones tribe.

Alliteration of Rulers and Names of Kingdoms

Before the advent of writing, forms of cultural memory were relevant, the identity of an individual was the same as the identity of an ethnic group. It is likely that the need for codification through imitation with sounds was the predecessor to the emergence of alphabets, since the semiotics of the name is a preliminary stage in the search for the economy of speech. As D. Crystal notes (Crystal, 2004: 32), among the Anglo-Saxon nobility, who bore Celtic names, proper names were consonant with the ethnonym Cymro “Welshman”: Caedwalla, Caedda, Cedd, Ceawlin, Cerdic, Cumbra.

So, the names of the Anglo-Saxon aristocrats coincide with the initial consonant of the ethnonym “Welshman”, the choice of which was not accidental (hereinafter the contexts are given according to: (The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: An Electronic Edition (Vol. 5) literary edition), our translation - S.P. and A.P.): 519 Her Cerdic 7 Cynric: Westsexena rice onfengun on ^y ilcan geare hie fuhton wip Brettas |эжг mon nu nemnep Cerdicesford: 7 sippan ricsadan Westsexana cynebearn of ^an dage (Here Cerdic and Cynric inherited Wessex; and in the same year they fought against the Britons where the place is now called Cerdicesford. And from that time the royal offspring of the West Saxons ruled). Probably, as it can be inferred from the context, it was about an ethnic mixture of Germans and Celts. 560 Her Ceawlin feng to rice on Wesseaxum <...> (Here Ceawlin inherited Wessex <...>); 643 Her Cenwalh feng to Wesseaxna rice 7 heold .xxxi. wintra< ..> (Here Cenwalh inherited the kingdom of Wessex and ruled for 31 years <...>); 709 <...>7 Ceolred feng to Myrcna rice< ..> (<...> and King Ceolred inherited the kingdom of Mercia <.>).

In science, the connection between proper names and the names of tribes has long been examined. С. Levi-Strauss noted that individual names depend on the same system as the collective names that we studied before, and that through them it is possible to pass through transformations from the horizon of individual to the horizon of the most general categories. Indeed, each clan or sub-clan has a certain number of names, which are given to its members, and since the individual is part of the group, the individual name is part of the collective name (Levi-Strauss, 2008: 361).

According to the list of the alliterative names of Anglo-Saxon kings, in the three kingdoms (East Engla Rice (the Kingdom of East Anglia), East Seaxna Rice (the Kingdom of Essex), Westseaxna Rice (the Kingdom of Wessex)), alliteration between the name of the ruler and the name of his kingdom is maintained: Anna, Aethelhere, Aldulf < ...> - East Engla Rice; Seaxnete, Swaeppa, Sigefugel <...> - East Seaxna Rice; Aedmund, Aelfred, Aelfgiva <.> - Westseaxna Rice.

The possibility of linking genealogy in sequence with alliteration appears to be important in syntagmatics and paradigmatics. The sequence of names in syntagmatics interacted with ethnonyms in paradigmatics through alliteration. For example, the Angles lived in Northumbria. Perhaps this fact influenced the names of kings beginning with the vowel A, which are associated in paradigmatics with the name of the ethnos Angelcynn. The thulas had historical significance, because they were a living history of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms since their function was provided by the transfer of information from generation to generation.

2. The Origin of the Names of Ethnoses

The Origin of the Name “Rus”

The paradigmatic transfer of phonetic markers in the names of Anglo-Saxon aristocrats in diachrony correlates with the names of kingdoms. Here the traditional type of connection “proper name - totem” is actualized. It is possible that the Scandinavian roots of the correlation of the names “Rhos” - “Rurik” could serve as the factor that influenced the choice of the ethnonym “Rus”. Academician Yu.S. Stepanov says that there is no need to consider this name of the East Slavs as given to them by the Germanic people. Most likely, the semiotic parallel of the Germanic name “Rurik” and the ethnonym “Rhos”, that is a tribe from among the Swedes, served as a factor that influenced the choice of the term “Rus”, which was initially associated with the Northern Novgorod center: Gradually, it moved southward and settled in Kiev's centre, gradually turning into an ethnic term for the entire population of this land and a state term (Stepanov, 2004: 152). As a relic of the Germanic rule, the proper name and the name of “Rus” retain the alliterative relationship of the Rurik dynasty with the name “Rus”.

The Origin of the Name Italy

Sometimes the name of a country, such as Italy, is correlated with a sacrificial ritual. Take for example an inscription from Lamas de Moledo (Portugal), written in the Lusitanian language. In this text, the name of the Veam- inicori tribe is presented in the context of the ritual sacrifice of a lamb and a piglet.

RVFINVS.ET

TIRO SCRIP/SERVUNT VEAMINICORI

DOENTI ANGOM

LAMATICOM CROVCEAIMAGA

REAICOI .PETRANIOI .T ADOM.PORGOM IOVEAI CAELOBRIGOI

This inscription is from a series of inscriptions from the west of the Iberian Peninsula. The records date back to the first century AD. The first four words are read in Latin as “Ru- finus and Tyro wrote”. The text deals with the sacrifice of young dairy animals. We can establish the sacred layer of the names of these creatures. In a later prayer to the god Mars in Latin, the sacred row of young dairy animals agnus, porcus, uitulus is implied. In the process of analyzing the Latin prayer, we inferred a duality in the nomination of sacrificial animals. So, the prayer itself is called souuitaurilia and brings to us the profane names of the sacrificial adult animals. In the context of sacrifice, they are sacralized and understood as objects of grandiloquence. It turns out that the Lusitanian inscription and the Latin prayer are texts of different stylistic registers.

I Mars pater te precor quaesoque Uti sies uolen propitious

Mihi domo familiaeque nostrae: Quoius rei ergo

Agrum terram fundumque meum Suouitaurilia cicumagi iussi II uti tu Morbos uisos inuisosque Uiduertatem uasitudinemque calamitates intemperiasque prohibessis defendas auerruncesque III utique tu fruges frumenta uineta uirgultaque grandire (du)eneque euenire siris pastores pecuaque salua seruassis duisque (du) onam salute ualetudinemque mihi domo familiaeque nostrae IV harunce rerum ergo fundi terrae agriquer mei lustrandi lustrique faciendi ergo sicuti dixi macte hisce suouitaurilibus lactentibus immolandis esto

Mars pater eiusdem rei ergo

Macte hisce suouitaurilibus lactentibus esto (Watkins, 1995: 199-200).

Emile Benveniste specifies that this is a description of a sacrifice called su-oue-taurilia which exposes deep social symbolism. Neither the choice nor the nature of the sacrificial animals is accidental. All three animals are symbolic here: the pig is dedicated to the deity of the earth Ceres, it is associated with soil fertility; the bull is traditionally dedicated to Jupiter, Zeus. These are the most sacred sacrificial animals intended for solemn occasions, their shepherds were the priests of the mighty gods. In addition to these two, often, if not constantly sacrificed creatures, there is the ram, the animal of warriors. All three social classes which are symbolized by these animals are represented here, which provides the key to the rite of illumination. The sacrifice, called souuetaurilia, allegorically unites three social strata, which by this solemn ritual are transferred under the auspices of the invoked mighty god Mars; thus, the whole society is symbolically represented at the ceremony (Benveniste, 1995: 333).

In the Indo-European tradition, there are two names for an animal: profane and sacred. Coming to the sacrifice, the owner of the land, according to Cato, had to say the following words “suouetaurilibus lactentibus esto”. This is a prayer addressed to Mars to receive three very young dairy animals. The prayer was pronounced again in the following form: “Mars, pater, eiusdem rei ergo macte hisce suouetaurilibus lactentibus esto" (Father Mars, in the name of this, be glorious with this sacrifice of young animals). Then Cato continues: “ubi porcum immolabis, agnum uitu- lumque oportet” (when you slaughter porcus, agnus, uitulus will be necessary). Compare the terms of the prayer sus, ouis and taurus with the sacred names of the animals actually sacrificed porcus, agnus, uitulus. The duplicity of forms testifies not only to the division into young dairy and adult animals, but also to a deeper division of vocabulary into profane and sacred. The second row is presented in a sacred context, and these names are widely used in naming the divine principle. It is not by chance that Christ is called the lamb of God, i.e. there is a fact that the naming of the Christian god is successive to the Indo-European sacrifice cult with two layers of vocabulary: sacred and profane. Thus, the sacred name Italia is formed from the name uitulus.

The Lusitanian inscription was created to commemorate the animal sacrifice by the people called the Veaminicori, which they offer to the gods and which they refer to by their cult titles. Doenti is a verb meaning “they bring (give)”. The rest of the inscription, in the accusative singular, denoting the offering: angom lamaticom, tadom porgom; and the names of the recipients in the dative singular: petranioi, caelobrigoi. As noted by James Klackson, this

is not much, but enough to dispel all doubts about the Indo-European origin of the Lusitanian language (Clackson, 2007: 3). Some words are very similar to Latin ones. For example, the sacrificed porgom probably means “piglet” (Latin accusative singular porcum), and an- gom meaning “lamb” (Latin accusative singular agnum). The verb form doenti “they bring (give)” contains the root do “to give”, known from the equivalent forms in Greek (do-), Latin (da), and Sanskrit (da / d). The inscription shows the coincidence with the third person plural forms -enti, which is also found in these languages (dialectal Greek -enti, archaic Latin -nti and Sanskrit -anti). Further, the ending -oi coincides with the dative singular marker (Greek -oi, archaic Latin -oi, Sanskrit -az), and the plural nominative -z is consistent with the z-nominative of declension.

Conclusion

Thus, we can conclude that the sacred names of young dairy animals are represented in the Lusitanian language. In the rite of sacrifice, the scale of grandiloquence is attested. The name Italia refers precisely to the solemn sacred layer of vocabulary, but also acts as an implicit name for a Latin prayer to the god Mars.

In the proportions of a proper name, rules for handling a name are incorporated, which vary from tradition to tradition. Attention is drawn to the special nature of ethnogonic texts that shed light on the origin of peoples. Cultural boundaries can act as the limit that generates recognizable patterns that migrate from culture to culture.

References

ethnogonic myth indo european text

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6. Page, R.I. (1973). Introduction to English Runes. London.

7. Smirnitskaya, O.A. (1989). Drevneishie runicheskie nadpisi kak pamiatnik protostikha [Old Runic inscriptions as replica of protoverse]. Moscow, pp. 35-68.

8. Stepanov, lu.S. (2004). Konstanty: Slovar' russkoi kul'tury [Dictionary of Russian culture}. Moscow, 992 p.

9. Tacitus, C. (2010). Annaly. Malyeproizvedeniya [Annales}. Moscow, 505 p.

10. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: An Electronic Edition (Vol. 5) literary edition. Available at: httpasc.jeb- bo.co.ukbb-L.html (accessed: 16.01.2021).

11. The Anglo-Saxon Rune Poem. Available at: https://www.ragweedforge.com/rpaa.html (accessed: 16.01.2021).

12. Watkins, C. (1995). How to Kill a Dragon. Aspects of Indo-European Poetics. Oxford University Press.

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