Corruption in the UK
The categories of corruption in the UK and its impact. The prevalence of corruption in the UK and the key concerns. Corruption in key sectors and institutions. Corruption legislation in the UK. US Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) and the Bribery Act.
Рубрика | Государство и право |
Вид | курсовая работа |
Язык | английский |
Дата добавления | 26.06.2016 |
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Contents
- Introduction
- Part 1. Corruption in the UK
- 1.1 The categories of corruption in the UK and its impact
- 1.2 The prevalence of corruption in the UK and the key concerns
- 1.3 Corruption in key sectors and institutions
- 1.3.1 Parliament
- 1.3.2 Political parties
- 1.3.3 Prisons
- 1.3.4 Sport
- 1.4 Strength of the UK's national IntegrIty system
- Part 2. Corruption legislation in the UK
- 2.1 Background
- 2.2 The Bribery Act 2010
- 2.2.1 Individual Bribery Offences
- 2.2.2 Corporate Offences
- 2.2.3 Senior Officer Connivance
- 2.2.4 Penalties
- 2.2.5 Extra-Territorial Effect
- 2.2.6 Personal liability
- 2.2.7 Corporate Liability
- 2.3 US Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) and the Bribery Act
- 2.4 FSA obligations and the Bribery Act
- 2.5 The Bribery Act 2010 in practice
- 2.5.1 The City watchdog report
- 2.5.2 Sweett Group Case
- 2.5.3 The case of Standard Bank in Tanzania
- 2.5.4 Compass group subsidiary case
- Conclusion
- Literature
- Appendix 1
- Appendix 2
- Appendix 3
Introduction
Nowadays the problem of corruption is urgent like never before. As a matter of fact, both developing and developed countries are constantly involved in various bribery scandals in particular and despite all the measures undertaken, still there is little either governments or ordinary people can do to oppose the reality that says that the rate of corruption still grows and in some countries even soars. I should admit that it flourishes, just modifying its forms or even diversifying them. In my opinion, it is an example of a certain kind of a phenomenon which is quite uneasy to account for. People do make incredible inventions, do cure people for terrific diseases, do save the world from hunger, thirst, violence, ignorance. Nevertheless we are nothing in front of the corruption which can be compared with some natural disaster like an earthquake or a hurricane.
No wonder, the UK is not an exception and takes a certain place in the list of corruption victims. Nevertheless, it is easy to forget or overlook how fortunate the citizens of the UK are to live in a country in which corruption is not so widespread as elsewhere. In too many other countries, ordinary citizens' lives are made extremely difficult by corruption, and they detest it as much as the ordinary citizen of the UK. For those in a developing country who cannot access health care, education or even food and water without paying bribes, corruption is a daily problem. It is well-known that corruption arrests economic development, and it often remains entrenched because a rich and corrupt elite has a strong self-interest in retaining power.
It is worthwhile noting that corruption has been a problem in the UK for much of its history and it was widespread in the 18th and early 19th centuries. Bribe-paying was common, and it is less than two hundred years since a seat in Parliament could easily be bought or given as a gift. I should therefore not believe that the UK is immune to corruption. The growth of strong institutions in a democratic framework has led to a significant decline in corruption, and the UK of today performs relatively well in international tables and indices on corruption. For example, the UK ranks as 20th out of 180 in the 2010 Corruption Perceptions Index (although this has declined from 11th place five years ago).
In Part 1 of my work I have therefore set out to answer four questions about the picture of corruption in the UK of 2011:
1. How corruption operates in the UK?
2. How prevalent is corruption in the UK?
3. Where and how does it manifest itself?
4. Does the UK have an effective institutional framework to tackle corruption?
In order to find answers to these questions I have studied a major research project with three components:
• A National Opinion Survey, carried out by Gallup, whose findings are published as Part One in this three-part report;
• An assessment of corruption in key sectors in the UK, carried out by independent academics based at the University ?of Teesside;
• A report into the robustness of the UK's institutional defences against corruption, using the well-established National ?Integrity System (NIS) methodology, also carried out by independent academics based the University of Teesside
The objective of this project is both to examine where and how corruption happens in the UK, and review the existing structures in place to combat corruption and provide transparency and accountability. ?To my mind, it is worth mentioning the fact that this is the first time such extensive research on corruption in the UK has been undertaken. This document highlights key areas of concern and policy issues that, in TI-UK's view, require careful consideration by policy makers and wider public discussion. However, the project leaders admit that given the paucity of research to date, the generally poor quality of data available, and the breadth of the subject, it is inevitable that they have were unable to cover some areas in depth.
corruption legislation institution
On finding the answers to the 4 key questions mentioned above my next target was to overview the history of British anticorruption legislation, study its background from the 19th century when the first antibribary acts were introduced and till nowadays, when the bribary act appeared in 2010 and Part 2 of my work is devoted to the scrutiny of the act, its comparison with similar laws and finally, the culmination of my research is the first cases of putting the act into practice, in other words I tried to see how it works, what results it brings and if it has any disadvantages from the practical point of view. To fulfill it, I studied
· the Bribery Act itself,
· the Guidance to the Act published by the Ministry of Justice,
· the Guidance to the Act for the financial sector published by BBA.
· For more information of practical value I turned to the newspapers, like the Telegraph or the Mirror.
I hope that my work will be of great use for wide range of B1 students, tending to enrich their vocabulary and geneal competency. School teachers may find it valuable as an additional material for the school state exam preparation (Topic "Crime”) The tasks given in the appendixes 1,2,3 may be of high interest for university students, willing to broaden their horizons on the legislation system of the UK.
Part 1. Corruption in the UK
To investigate the topic I turned to the research performed in 2010 by Transparency International (TI) which is the world's leading non-governmental anti-corruption organisation with more than 90 Chapters worldwide, extensive global expertise and understanding of corruption.
1.1 The categories of corruption in the UK and its impact
Corruption is at times against the law, and at times legal but unethical. The mPs' expenses scandal, which resulted in few prosecutions, exemplifies this. From the research on corruption in the UK, and TI's experience beyond the UK, I may identify the following categories of corruption operating within the UK.
Table 1
Category |
Definition |
Potential example in the UK |
|
1. Bribery |
The offering, promising, giving, accepting or soliciting of an advantage as an inducement for an action which is illegal, unethical or a breach of trust. Inducements can take the form of gifts, loans, fees, rewards or other advantages (taxes, services, donations, etc.). |
Bribing immigration officials to facilitate people-smuggling; bribing an ancillary staff member at a prison to smuggle a mobile phone; bribing a sports player to fix the outcome of a match. |
|
2. Collusion |
A secret agreement between parties, in the public and/or private sector, to conspire to commit actions aimed to deceive or commit fraud with the objective of illicit financial gain. The parties involved often are referred to as `cartels'. |
Construction companies agreeing in advance what price each will bid for a government contract. |
|
3. Conflict of interest |
Situation where an individual or the entity for which they work, whether a government, business, media outlet or civil society organisation, is confronted with choosing between the duties and demands of their position and their own private interests. |
An official in a housing association who allocates properties unfairly to members of his/her extended family. |
|
4. Cronyism or nepotism |
Form of favouritism based on acquaintances and familiar relationships whereby someone in an official position exploits his or her power and authority to provide a job or favour to a family member or friend, even though he or she may not be qualified or deserving. |
An official in a local authority procurement department awarding a contract to someone who is related (nepotism) or as a favour (cronyism), possibly having leaked information about rival bids; a political party nominating as a member of the House of Lords an individual who is a large party donor. |
|
5. Fraud |
To cheat. The act of intentionally deceiving someone in order to gain an unfair or illegal advantage (financial, political or otherwise). |
An mP who falsely claims to have lived in a house nominated as a second home, and is reimbursed for living expenses on that basis; a company employee who siphons off profits from a transaction into a personal bank account. |
|
6. Gifts & Hospitality |
Definition specifically for business transactions: `They could affect or be perceived to affect the outcome of business transactions and are not reasonable and bona fide' [Source: Business Principles for Countering Bribery] |
Increasingly lavish hospitality, such as tickets and hospitality at major sporting events, offered to a head of procurement at an NHS trust by a bidding company during a tender process; invitations to GPs to `educational conferences' by drug companies where the purpose is to promote a product rather than health education. |
|
7. Lobbying |
Any activity carried out to influence a government or institution's policies and decisions in favour of a specific cause or outcome. Even when allowed by law, these acts can become distortive if disproportionate levels of influence exist - by companies, associations, organisations and individuals. |
A company paying for high-level access to senior government officials or ministers in order to influence legislation or regulation in the company's favour; lack of transparency from both company and government about the access and influence. |
|
8. Money laundering |
The process of concealing the origin, ownership or destination of illegally or dishonestly obtained money by hiding it within legitimate economic activities. |
Funds from the president of a corrupt overseas country being placed in an account in a London - based bank, or routed through London to an off-shore destination; a solicitor who acts as an intermediary in a corrupt transaction. |
|
9. Revolving door |
An individual who moves back and forth between public office and private companies, exploiting his/her period of government service for the benefit of the companies they used to regulate. |
A former government minister taking a job with a company to which he or she awarded a contract while in office. |
|
10. Abuse of authority or trading in influence |
An elected representative who can use his/her position to influence a planning decision, when they will either directly benefit from the decision or use it to create or repay a favour. |
||
11. Illegal disclosure of information and misuse of IT systems |
A police officer disclosing the progress of an investigation to one of the parties being investigated. |
||
12. Vote rigging |
A sporting body electing as its president someone who seeks to ensure their election by secretly dispensing or promising inappropriate favours. |
Source: [7]
As in any country, corruption in the UK has victims. However, they may be less apparent in the UK because they are part of marginalised groups in society or because the corruption operates in intangible ways and so the victims are not immediately clear. Academic research on corruption suggests that corruption damages both individuals who are immediately affected, and society as a whole, for example in holding back economic development and further excluding marginalised communities from the benefits of growth and opportunities for advancement.
Now when the structure of corruption is clear, I searched for some statistics and found out the following:
· The amount of money laundered through the UK each year is estimated to be Ј48 billion (2% of UK GDP). [8]
· 27% of people contacted thought that UK companies report their performance as better than it is. [9]
· 71% of UK citizens think corruption is a major problem in the UK
· 64% of people think corruption is part of the UK's resources-resources-business culture
· 33% of people think that bribery or abuse of power is widespread among the police [10]
· Fraud is costing the UK around Ј73bn a year [11]
· `Internal fraudsters are now reported to be responsible for 53% of detected economic crime [in the UK public sector]. ' [12]
A 2005 Home Office report into drug smuggling into UK prisons found:
that `via prison staff' was the fourth most common route of drug supplying according to interviews with prisoners, former prisoners and prison staff
48% of interviewees identified staff as a route of supply. [13]
Academic research on corruption suggests that corruption damages both individuals who are immediately affected, and society as a whole, for example in holding back economic development and further excluding marginalised communities from the benefits of growth and opportunities for advancement. The research into corruption in the UK has identified the following broad impacts:
Table 2
Category |
Example |
|
Direct damage to victims: Indirect damage to victims Direct economic damage to victims Indirect economic damage to victims General damage to society General damage to the economy Exporting corruption and damaging overseas economies and societies |
Often those most marginalised, for example exploited immigrants or women trafficked into the sex industry. Skewing the system in favour of those who are corrupt, for example criminals who manipulate social housing allocations, to the detriment of those most in need. Honest companies that cannot compete fairly against bribe-paying competitors and may lose revenues - also indirectly affecting jobs, investment and shareholder returns. Higher local government expenditure due to unnecessary or inefficient procurement in construction projects, leading to increased Council Tax bills. Undermining trust in government, democracy or parliament. Economic damage caused by organised crime. A UK company paying bribes overseas. |
Source: [7]
Summary
Although the structure of corruption in the UK is rather diversified and is represented by fraud, conflict of interests, cronyism or nepotism, collusion, bribery, lobbying, gifts&hospitality, money laundering, revolving door, vote rigging, illegal disclosure of information and misuse of IT systems, abuse of authority or trading in influence, not all of the types are widespread (according to statistics). The damage caused by corruption is hard to overestimate.
1.2 The prevalence of corruption in the UK and the key concerns
My overall assessment from this research project is that, although corruption may not be widely prevalent in the UK, there is a disturbing state of complacency, and even denial, about the existence of the problem in key UK institutions and sectors.
Unfortunately, there is a lack of awareness of corruption and it is often difficult to find relevant information. It is likely that many cases do not come to light because even when there are strong and credible allegations, without sufficient evidence cases are not taken forward by prosecutors and are unlikely to appear in the media. In some cases, information is uncoordinated, while in others it is simply unavailable. The combination of lack of awareness and lack of information make it difficult to reach firmer conclusions about the scale of corruption in the UK. For example, the national opinion survey found that only 1.9% of respondents had paid a bribe in the past twelve months. yet a 2006 survey for the construction sector found that 41% of respondents had personally been offered a bribe at least once in their career.
Based on the research, the prevalence (or otherwise) of corruption within institutions and sectors in the UK can be categorised in five ways:
• Institutions in which there are common practices that are widely perceived to be corrupt by the public, and fall into almost any definition of corruption. Examples are political party funding in exchange for favours and the entry of large party donors into the House of Lords.
• Institutions or sectors in which corruption is thought to be highly prevalent although not officially acknowledged as such, and in which there are therefore weak institutional defences. Examples are Prisons and Sport.
• Institutions that are at high risk of corruption, but about which there is little or no corruption information, for example Social Housing.
• Institutions or sectors which are at lower risk of corruption, but in which there is activity that is corrupt or perceived to be corrupt. An example is the media, whose good record in investigative journalism is counterbalanced by concerns over the concentration of ownership.
• Institutions in which there are robust defences against corruption and little or no suspicion of corruption. Examples are the Judiciary and Local Government Ombudsman. ?Disturbingly, there is a sense that corruption in the UK is increasing. This was the public perception in the national opinion survey (Part One of this three-part report). It was also the view of some interview respondents, notably in the sphere of organised crime. The challenge for the UK is to contain corruption within those areas, and prevent them from spilling into and contaminating other areas of UK life.
In addition to the reasearch the following key concerns and cross-cuting themes have been identified:
• Lack of awareness and understanding of corruption
• Effectiveness of future law enforcement
• The emergence of serious and organised crime as a driver of UK corruption
• The effect of dismantling oversight structures
• Lack of information and data
• Lack of coordination.
Summary
The prevalence of corruption, which is always difficult to measure, is particularly hard to assess within the UK. This is because the collection of official data and statistics does not usually reference corruption, and where data are collected, what might be categorised as corruption is often hidden under more general headings such as fraud. The assessment is that it would be incorrect to say that corruption is prevalent in the UK.
1.3 Corruption in key sectors and institutions
As I have already mentioned, the research examined twenty-three sectors and institutions in the UK. However, four institutions or sectors stand out as having particular problems, and I believe these should be a priority for action. Tone from the top is particularly important: if leaders in government, politics, business and elsewhere are perceived as corrupt, this has a corrosive effect throughout the system. The four areas with particular problems are: parliament, political parties, risons, sport
1.3.1 Parliament
The UK parliament in Westminster, has a plethora of integrity and accountability mechanisms, notably the Parliamentary Commissioner for Standards; the Parliamentary Ombudsman; the Committee on Standards and Privileges; and registers of interest in both the House of Commons and House of Lords. The Independent Parliamentary Standards Authority was established in 2009 as a body independent of Parliament to administer and monitor a new system for mPs expenses. However, it is arguable that some of these mechanisms are not working as well as they should, and that the Nolan Principles of Public Life have been cast aside in the aggressive cut and thrust of modern day politics. This would explain the number of recent scandals that have emerged, notably in relation to mPs' expenses and the Derek Conway affair (which led to charges of nepotism in Parliament), and continuing worries over lobbying and the access of interest groups to mPs.
Such scandals have led to suggestions that Parliament is not particularly effective in dealing proactively with problems of ethics and corruption. There are also concerns over the ethical culture of Parliament, which integrity and accountability mechanisms alone cannot resolve. One option is for Parliament's integrity and accountability mechanisms to undergo an independent review.
1.3.2 Political parties
Concerns about the funding of political parties and election activities focus on two major issues: first, the transparency of donations and the relationship of donors to politicians; and, second, the accountability of current funding structures. Interestingly these debates are not new, and were addressed in considerable detail by Sir Hayden Phillips, whose 2007 review suggested that donations should be capped and that political parties should receive public funding. However, Sir Hayden's dialogue with the major political parties on his recommendations was inconclusive and this issue is now the subject of an enquiry by the CSPL.
Although the Political Parties Elections and referendums Act 2000, the Electoral Administration Act 2006 and the Political Parties and Elections Act 2009 have lead to greater transparency in political party funding, the UK is one of the few industrial democracies that does not have a ceiling on donations to political parties. The so-called `arms-race' approach to election spending, combined with decreasing party and trade union membership, puts financial pressure on politicians and parties. A high dependence on very large individual donations has resulted, increasing the risk of corruption and exacerbating public unease about donors' influenceover politicians.
1.3.3 Prisons
A leaked metropolitan Police investigation in 2006 estimated that there are around 1000 corrupt prison officers currently working, with a further 600 officers being involved in an inappropriate relationship with a prisoner. However, the Blakey report for the National Offender management Service barely mentioned corruption as a mechanism for smuggling drugs and other contraband into prisons.
Corruption in prisons has two related aspects. First, corruption may take place in the prison. Statistics are had to come by, but the extent of smuggling drugs and mobile phones indicates the nature and scale of the problem. Secondly, and perhaps more seriously, access to mobile phones and collusion by corrupt staff allows some inmates to continue their involvement in organised crime while serving their sentences.
Key risk areas in the prison service that make it particularly vulnerable to corruption are: the enclosed prison environment; the prevalence of organised crime; the lack of training and support to prison officers; perverse incentives for performance management regimes; and a reduction in capacity for corruption prevention work.
It is particularly disturbing that organised criminals appear to have an entrenched foothold in prisons and in such cases corruption becomes symbiotic: criminals get the things they need to run their criminal activities and in return they behave themselves, which, perversely, has a positive impact on prison Key Performance Indicators.
Against this background, it is alarming that corruption risks have been routinely ignored by policy makers and the prison service has reduced its capacity to monitor and investigate corruption: its corruption prevention unit has recently had its budget and numbers of staff reduced and its Chief Executive has retired, without being replaced.
1.3.4 Sport
In recent years, prominent cases of corruption such as match fixing in snooker, spot fixing in cricket, cheating in rugby; and irregular payments associated with the transfer of players between football clubs have probably encouraged the UK public to see sports as the second most corrupt sector in the country. This impression has been reinforced by the recent scandals over corruption in horse racing and in FIFA. The research suggests that corruption in sport is a complex area that cannot easily be assessed.
Many sports have close links with organised crime both within and outside the UK. Connections between organised crime and sport go back many decades and the links between several very high profile Premiership footballers and high-level organised criminals remains a well documented phenomenon. Sporting connections provide legitimacy and social status to criminals, as well as potentially lucrative contacts for criminal activities in the future. Sport also provides a channel for overseas organised criminals to increase their activities in the UK while remaining relatively undetected.
The creation of the Sports Betting Integrity Unit (SBIU) in 2010 to tackle corruption in the UK gambling industry is a significant initiative as it demonstrates that cross-sport bodies can be created when a real threat is recognised. The SBIU is part of the Gambling Commission, which has powers under the Gambling Act 2005 to prosecute corruption cases, although the majority of investigations are referred to the relevant sport's governing body, with a small number passed on to the Crown Prosecution Service. As of September 2010 seventy-four cases had been closed, forty of which had been passed to the relevant governing body. Approximately one third of the cases (twenty-four) involved football.
Summary
The research suggests that bribery is relatively unusual in the UK, although in the institutions and sectors in which corruption is a particular risk, bribery is more common - for example, the construction sector and prisons. Bribe-paying is likely to be more frequent in activities associated with organised crime, and may increase if the corruption associated with organised crime is not checked. In general, corruption in the UK takes forms other than bribery, but is nevertheless damaging. For example, cronyism and conflicts of interest are common forms of corruption. On the basis of our research, I have concluded that some specific areas in which corruption is a major issue of concern are: political parties; prisons; sport; and Parliament. A strong theme in much of the research has been the role of organised crime in stimulating and exacerbating corruption in the UK.
1.4 Strength of the UK's national IntegrIty system
The national integrity system (NIS) is a methodology developed by TI to analyse the effectiveness of a country's institutions in preventing and fighting corruption. It has been applied in more than 100 countries. The UK National Integrity System study assesses 12 institutional pillars in terms of their ability to act as effective bulwarks against corruption and support good governance. Each of these is assessed against a series of criteria, and then rated on a scale of very weak > weak > moderate > strong > very strong. The results were:
Table 3
Pillar |
Result |
|
Electoral Management Body Judiciary Ombudsman Business Sector Civil Society Executive Law Enforcement Agencies Media Public Sector Supreme Audit Institution Legislature Political Parties |
Very Strong Very Strong Very Strong Strong Strong Strong Strong Strong Strong Strong Moderate Moderate |
Source: [7]
As we can see, on the whole, the UK has a robust national integrity system. It has a well-established electoral democracy with strong political, social and economic foundations.
However, what is notable in the National Integrity System is that although it is robust overall, there are some clear areas of weakness. The research team found particular weaknesses in certain areas and that some areas were less weak but far from being strong.
Table 4
Pillar |
Area of weakness/question asked |
|
Legislature |
Integrity: To what extent is the integrity of legislators ensured in practice? Legal reforms: To what extent does the legislature prioritise-anti-corruption and governance as a concern in the society? |
|
Executive |
Accountability: To what extent is there effective oversight of executive activities in practice? Integrity: To what extent is the integrityof members of the executive ensured in practice? |
Source: [7]
Summary
In the institutional analysis, I found that the UK's pillars of `national integrity' are generally strong. However, within several pillars there are notable areas of weakness. An over-riding concern is that parts of the institutional framework that provides a defence against corruption, and the policy response to corruption, are at risk of becoming degraded
Part 2. Corruption legislation in the UK
2.1 Background
Prior to the Act, British anti-bribery law was based on the Public Bodies Corrupt Practices Act 1889, the Prevention of Corruption Act 1906 and the Prevention of Corruption Act 1916, a body of law described as "inconsistent, anachronistic and inadequate". Following the Poulson affair in 1972, the Salmon Committee on Standards in Public Life recommended updating and codifying these statutes, but the government of the time took no action. Similar suggestions were brought up in the first report of the Committee on Standards in Public Life established by John Major in 1994, and the Home Office published a draft consultation paper in 1997, discussing extending anti-bribery and anti-corruption law. This was followed by the Law Commission's report Legislating the Criminal Code: Corruption in 1998. The consultation paper and report coincided with mounting criticism from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, who felt that, despite the United Kingdom's ratification of the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention, its bribery laws were inadequate.
A draft Bribery Bill was announced in the 2002 Queen's Speech, but was rejected by the joint committee examining it. A second consultation paper was issued in 2005 examining the committee's concerns, before the government announced in March that "there was broad support for reform of the current law, but there was no consensus as to how this could be achieved". Following a white paper in March 2009, the Bribery Bill, based on the Law Commission's 2008 report Reforming Bribery, was announced in the Queen's Speech. Initially given all-party support after its introduction by Jack Straw in 2009, the Bill was, according to The Guardian, subject to an attempted filibuster by Members of Parliament from the Conservative Party. This followed pressure from the Confederation of British Industry, who worried that the Bill in its original form would hamper the competitiveness of British industry.
The Bill was given Royal Assent on 8 April 2010, becoming the Bribery Act 2010, and was expected to come into force immediately. The government instead chose to hold several rounds of public consultations before announcing that it would come into force in April 2011. Following the publication of guidance by the Ministry of Justice, the act came into effect on 1 July 2011. The Ministry of Justice also released a Quick Start Guide, which highlights some key points of the Act. The Quick Start Guide also suggests companies to consult relevant bodies for advice, including the UK Trade and Investment, and the government sponsored Business Anti-Corruption Portal. In October 2011 Munir Patel, a clerk at Redbridge Magistrates Court, became the first person to be convicted under the Bribery Act, along with misconduct in a public office. [21]
2.2 The Bribery Act 2010
The Act has three key features. First, it clarifies and places on a statutory footing the common law offences of bribery. Secondly, the Act introduces a number of novel corporate offences. Thirdly, it provides for long©\arm jurisdiction for offences committed abroad. It is this third, extra©\territorial, feature which makes the Act particularly relevant to the offshore world.
The UK Government has published Guidance Notes to help companies ensure they are in step with the new requirements ("the Guidance”). [1]
2.2.1 Individual Bribery Offences
There are three primary bribery offences for individuals: the offence of bribing another person ("Section 1 offence”); the offence of being bribed ("Section 2 offence”) and the offence of bribing a foreign public official ("Section 6 offence”). These place on a statutory footing the common law offences of bribery and can be considered a refinement of the current law.
A Section 1 offence is committed if a person offers, promises or gives a financial or other advantage to another person intending to induce the improper performance of any business or governmental function. Improper performance means performance which is in breach of a relevant expectation, which expectation is determined according to what would be reasonably expected by UK standards. A Section 2 offence is the receipt of a bribe.
A Section 6 offence is committed if a person offers, promises or gives any financial or other advantage to a foreign public official intending (1) to influence a public official and (2) to gain a business advantage. There is, however, no offence if the foreign official is required or permitted by written law to take the advantage on offer. Section 6 does not permit for exceptions such as facilitation payments, in contrast to the USA's Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. [2]
2.2.2 Corporate Offences
A major innovation of the Act is the introduction of new corporate offences. At common law, in order to establish the commission of an offence by a company, prosecutors had to prove mens rea on the part of a high level employee/agent of the company - what was often termed the "controlling mind” test. The Act makes prosecutions of companies far easier by introducing the new offence of "failing to prevent bribery" (the "Section 7 offence”). A UK company, or a company doing business in the UK, commits a Section 7 offence if a person associated with it commits bribes or receives a bribe (anywhere in the world) ©\ intending to obtain an advantage for the company. A UK company, or a company doing business in the UK, will therefore be guilty of an offence if an act of bribery is committed by anyone associated with it - whether or not the company asked that person to do so. The associated person does not need to be a controlling mind, nor an employee or agent. An associated person is anyone who performs services for or on behalf of the company - a wide definition, which is not specifically delineated by the Act, or indeed the Guidance. The Guidance does provide some assistance by delineating who is not an associated person - e. g., a subsidiary will not always be the "associated person” of its parent company (for example, if it merely remits dividends to its parent). It also explains that an organisation is only liable for the actions of its associated person if the bribe was intended (by such an associated person) to benefit the organisation directly. It clarifies that a bribe paid by an employee of a subsidiary is normally intended to benefit the subsidiary and not the parent company, even though the parent may benefit indirectly. Thus a parent will not always be caught by bribes paid by or on behalf of a subsidiary. The Act offers a complete defence to Section 7 offence if the company can show that it had in place adequate anti©\bribery policies and procedures at the time. Sensible UK companies will therefore be putting in place such policies and procedures in time for the 1 July 2011 deadline. The Guidance provides a list of six governing principles, alongside case studies, for anti©\bribery policies and procedures and is required reading for all companies wishing to reduce their exposure to Section 7 prosecutions. [3]
2.2.3 Senior Officer Connivance
A further innovation of the Act is the offence of connivance by a senior officer pursuant to Section 14. If a company commits any offence under Sections 1, 2 or 6, then a senior officer commits a separate offence if it is proved that (s) he consented to or connived in the company's actions, either actively or by his/her inaction to prevent bribery. This brings liability directly inside the board room.
Importantly, there is no offence in conniving in or consenting to a failure by a company to prevent bribery by an associated person - the company with which the senior officer is related must have actually bribed or been bribed. [4]
2.2.4 Penalties
The penalties under the Bribery Act are up to ten years in jail (for individuals) and unlimited fines (for companies). In addition, the UK authorities have at their disposal the Proceeds of Crime Act which provides for additional fines and penalties calculated on the basis of the value of a contract which was obtained through bribery. [4]
2.2.5 Extra-Territorial Effect
While UK criminal laws are generally domestic, the Bribery Act does not just apply to UK corporations and UK residents. The Act has broad extra©\territorial effect. There are two primary extra©\territorial features:
(1)"Connected persons" can be prosecuted in the UK for offences committed anywhere in the world. ? (2) Companies which carry out part of their business in the UK can be prosecuted for Section 7 offences committed anywhere in the world. [4]
2.2.6 Personal liability
Under the Act, an offence is committed if any act or omission forming part of the offence is committed in the UK, but Section 12 of the Act provides that an offence is also committed if a person does something abroad which would be an offence if committed in the UK and that person has a close connection with the UK. A close connection with the UK exists where a person (legal or natural) committing the acts, in the UK or in other jurisdictions, is domiciled or incorporated in the UK or is a UK citizen.
This has implications for all British citizens, UK residents and for nationals of overseas territories such as Bermuda. Under the Act, Bermudians have close connections with the UK and, accordingly, can be prosecuted in the UK if they bribe, or accept bribes, anywhere in the world. The Act therefore impacts the offshore world. Many offshore centres are British overseas territories. The citizens or nationals of those overseas territories are caught by the Act. To give a concrete example, if a Bermudian director of an offshore company was himself/herself implicated in bribery, anywhere in the world - for example by arranging payment of a bribe - then the director could potentially be prosecuted.
In practice, the Serious Fraud Office ("SFO”) and other UK prosecution authorities may not prioritise investigating or prosecuting minor cases of local bribery committed in overseas territories, leaving the policing and prosecution of these offences to local prosecutors and courts.
The risks to the offshore world presented by the Act cannot, however, be dismissed. In jurisdictions where it is commonplace for offshore citizens to act as directors of companies, there is a risk of prosecution in the UK if those offshore citizens carry out offences under the Bribery Act in the course of their directorships. An example may assist in terms of illustration. A Bermudian sits on the board of a construction company. The company is incorporated in Bermuda but its operations are in Azerbaijan, where corruption is endemic. The company needs to make a payment to secure a contract. The Bermudian arranges the payment to be made in Azerbaijan. The payment is a bribe. Under Bermuda law, since the payment was made in Azerbaijan, it is unlikely an offence has been committed in Bermuda. The Bermudian could, however, be prosecuted in the UK. Whether the Bermudian had the necessary knowledge, or mens rea, and should, for example, have known that the payment was a bribe will be a question for a UK jury.
The Act may have another, more local, impact upon offshore centres. In cases involving alleged high level corruption in overseas territories, where local prosecutors are either unwilling or unable to act, the British authorities now have the power to prosecute or threaten prosecution.
In summary, nationals of overseas territories and UK nationals who sit on the boards of offshore companies now have a direct interest under the Bribery Act in minimising the risks of those offshore companies engaging in bribery. Going forward, prudent directors of offshore companies will likely undertake additional due diligence when carrying out corporate acts. [5]
2.2.7 Corporate Liability
Unless an offshore company commits a bribe, or receives a bribe, within the UK, or that company also carries on business in the UK, the offshore company does not itself have the required "close connection”. The UK authorities have no jurisdiction to prosecute under the core offences of Section 1, 2 and 6 of the Act where there is no close connection. Further, in terms of senior officer connivance, senior officers of offshore companies cannot be prosecuted for Section 14 offences unless their company commits an offence within the UK.
Nevertheless, offshore companies do have exposure under the Act. This is because Section 7 applies to any company, wherever incorporated, which carries on business in the UK. The UK criminal courts, accordingly, have wide extra©\territorial jurisdiction over companies' failures to prevent bribery. Any foreign company "carrying on business or part of a business” in the UK can be prosecuted for a failure to prevent bribery under Section 7.
"Carrying on a business or part of a business” has the potential for wide application. As a result, until the UK courts give guidance, foreign companies with any UK presence may wish to err on the side of caution and assume that they are caught within the ambit of the Act and, if any associated person pays a bribe, the company is liable to prosecution for failing to prevent it.
The implications of Section 7 for offshore companies depend upon the relationship between the offshore company and the UK. It is helpful to consider such relationships under three broad headings:
• (1) Offshore companies with UK activities?An offshore company, wherever located, which carries on operations in the UK (and these may be quite nominal in practice - for example there is a debate as to whether a website pointed to the UK generating UK revenues would meet the criteria) should consider putting in place anti©\bribery procedures. Such a company can now be prosecuted under Section 7 if an associated person pays a bribe on its behalf anywhere in the world. ?Such companies may also want to consider altering their legal and operational structure to insulate the rest of the group from the UK operation. To minimise risk it may be advisable to incorporate a subsidiary and run UK operations through it, instead of using, say, a branch structure.
• (2) Offshore companies with subsidiaries in the UK?Offshore holding companies which own UK operating companies may take comfort from the Guidance which stresses that having a UK subsidiary does not itself mean that the holding company will be itself carrying on business in the UK. ?However, they will need to keep in mind the following:
(i) First, there may be additional factors to indicate that the holding company is carrying on business in the UK via its operating company.
(ii) Secondly, the SFO appears to be sceptical that subsidiaries will demonstrate the necessary level of independence required for an affiliated company (e. g., the parent) to escape liability under the Act. Whether the SFO is right or wrong on this will ultimately be decided by the courts, but it does highlight that it will be critical to ensure that ?the UK operation is legally and operationally independent.
In many cases it may be prudent for the holding company, rather than perpetually scrutinising its relations with its UK subsidiary, to adopt anti©\bribery policies for itself.
· (3) Offshore companies with subsidiaries in the UK and subsidiaries in high risk territories
What would the position be if the Russian operating subsidiary committed a bribe? Could this be laid at the door of the offshore holding company under the Bribery Act?
In most cases, the person paying the bribe in Russia will be doing so as part of providing a service to the Russian operating subsidiary and to benefit the Russian operating subsidiary. In the majority of cases, no service is being provided to the offshore holding company.
In our view the holding company should, in most cases, be protected from prosecution under the Act by a properly set up group structure and using legally separate companies that are also operationally and financially independent3. The offshore parent should, however, ensure that its group structure is set up to operate completely independently to successfully argue that the UK operation does not equate to the offshore company (or any of its affiliates)"carrying on business in the UK”.
Introduction of anti©\bribery provisions is prudent precaution. The safest course will in most cases be for the holding company, at a minimum, to put in place an anti©\bribery policy (if only for itself) to minimise such risks. Some multi©\national companies will no doubt go further and put in place group©\wide anti©\bribery policies, despite the costs and difficulties of their implementation.
The SFO have highlighted that they are interested in prosecuting overseas parent companies and testing the limits of the jurisdiction of the Bribery Act. The use of any structure to insulate a group from Bribery Act liability is at risk of being subjected to UK court scrutiny. Careful consideration will need to be given to it. [6]
2.3 US Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) and the Bribery Act
For many years the US FCPA of 1977 (as amended) has been regarded by many companies as setting the benchmark standard for anti-corruption law around the world. US enforcement has increased dramatically over the past five years and there have been notable actions against both US and non-US individuals and companies.
Although the Bribery Act is similar in many respects to the existing anti-bribery provisions in the US, in several respects it is considered to be broader and more robust than the FCPA. There are some significant differences. In particular:
(i) No public/private sector distinction - The Bribery Act covers commercial/private bribery and bribery of UK and non-UK public officials whereas the FCPA only applies to bribery of foreign public officials outside the US.
(ii) Bribe recipient is liable - Unlike the FCPA the Bribery Act makes it an offence to receive a bribe. The FCPA only covers offering, giving or promising a bribe.
(iii) No `corrupt' element required for liability - Under the Bribery Act evidence of `improper performance' is required for Sections 1 and 2 offences and evidence of `intent to influence' is required under Section 6. There is no requirement for the prosecution to show corrupt or dishonest intent under the Bribery Act whereas the FCPA requires evidence of corrupt intent.
(iv) Strict liability for failure to prevent bribery - The FCPA does not have a comparable offence to the strict liability offence contained in the Bribery Act for `commercial organisations' that fail to prevent bribery by a person associated with the organisation.
(v) Adequate procedures defence - Compliance programmes are not a full defence to FCPA liability but may be taken into account when considering whether to prosecute.
(vi) No exception for `facilitation payments' - The Bribery Act does not have an exemption for facilitation payments whereas the FCPA permits payments to facilitate routine governmental action by a foreign official.
(vii) No express affirmative evidence for reasonable and bona fide business expense or lawful payments - The FCPA contains a defence that payments represent reasonable and bona fide expenditure directly related to the promotion, demonstration or explanation of products or services or the execution of contracts with a foreign government or its agencies. The Bribery Act does not.
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