The myth of Polyxena from antiquity to the renaissance

“steadfast spirit and unshaken expression”

Although for the Italian tradition Boccaccio is already a Renaissance author, this comparison of his Polyxena with that of the English medieval authors is made possible by the fact that Boccaccio's De Casibus Virorum Illustrium is the source of Lydgate's The fall of princes (which, in fact, also mentions the slaying of Polyxena), with John Lydgate being a borderline author between the English Middle Ages and the English Renaissance. In the various narratives of the Trojan war the picture is not as clear. This motif disappears from her portrayal in The Seege of Troye: “she cryed mercy, and is full of woe.” Seege 1895 Likewise, The Laud Troy Book describes her conduct at the tomb in following manner: “Wryngyng bother hir white houndes, / wel reufully that lady gretis, / that al hir brest that water wetis.” Laud 18544-6. “wringing both her white hand, / pitiably the lady weeps / that her breasts that water wets.” This, however, is followed by Polyxena's appeal to the Greeks, where she states that she does not fear death. Laud 18557 Finally, Albert of Stade's Troilus presents another example of Polyxena's lack of courage, while also illustrating the unexpected reception of classical sources. Describing how she is brought to Achilles's tomb, the narrator uses the following phrase “detrahitur moesta, scissaque Polyxena palla.” Merzdorf, T. (Ed.). (1875). Troilus Alberti Stadensis. Leipzig: Teubner. 6. 665. “sorrowful Polyxena is dragged in a torn robe.” The second part of this line verbatim repeats the mention of Polyxena in Juvenal's ten satire, where, devising what Priam's funeral would have looked like had he died before the fall of Troy, the poet writes: “planctus / Cassandra inciperet scissaque Polyxena palla.” Juvenal. (1918). Juvenal and Persius. London. New York. William Heinemann; G. P. Putnam's Son. Juv.10.261-2. “Cassandra would start the laments and Polyxena in a torn robe.” Thus, what was originally used in antiquity to describe Polyxena's mourning in an imaginary, contrary-to-fact situation, was used in the Middle Ages to describe Polyxena during the actual sacrifice. This unexpected appearance of Juvenal is emblematic of how the Middle Ages worked with Polyxena's myth, basing it sometimes on unpredictable sources as well reimagining it in surprising ways.

Christianity

One of the challenges that the medieval authors faced when working with the myth of Troy was how to react to and handle the Greek system of beliefs. Traces of this clash and, perhaps, reconciliation of Christianity and paganism are found in the medieval myth of Polyxena. First of all, a new motif is introduced in Polyxena's speech: the appeal to the gods. For instance, she can exclaim: “My maydynhed I merk to myghtifull goddis: / accepte his as sacrifise, & my saule to! / this holly with hert here I beseke.” Gest. 12136-8. “I bestow my maidenhood to the powerful gods: / accept this sacrifice & my soul too! / this with my whole heart I beg.” Although seemingly addressing the Greek gods, the speech also exposes Christian beliefs through the notion of commending the soul to God. Likewise, when in Lydgate's narrative Polyxena prays for maidens to have a better fate than hers, she is mixing two different religious discourses: “<…> praie hem that thei sende / to euery maide better happe and grace.” Lydgate 6834-5. While happe (lot, fortune, fate) “hap” in Middle English Dictionary. URL: https://quod.lib.umich.edu/m/middle-english-dictionary/dictionary/MED19945/ Accessed on May 26. is completely applicable in the context, the use of the word grace once again betrays medieval religious ideas. Finally, the Laud Troy Book, replete with the “mixture of Christianity and Paganism,” Kempe 1901, 17. presents the following wonderful example: “So helpe me god at myn endyng! / <…> so Crist me spede!” Laud 18556-8 Not only does Polyxena address her invocation to a single god and not plural deities, but she also explicitly mentions Christ.

In addition to Polyxena's monologue, Christian motifs are sometimes found in the narrator's speech when he is commenting on the sacrifice. Especially clearly this tendency is seen in Lydgate's Troy Book where the narrator, describing Calchas's warning, adds in the parentheses: “<…> God yeve hym evele sorwe, / this old shrewe, with his prophesie, / that can so wel what him list to lye!.” ibid 6650-2 “God give him wretched sorrow, this old shrew, with his prophecy, that can so well be found to lie.” Later this curse is expanded from Calchas to the Greek gods, who are denounced for being false, in whose statues “<…> the serpent & the olde snake, / sathan hym silfm gan his dwellinge make.” ibid 6033-4. These exclamations on the author's part are triggered by two events - the stoning of Hecuba by the Greeks and the sacrifice of Polyxena. The falsity of the Greek gods, in the eyes of the Christian narrator, comes to light when they allow Polyxena to be slain and “take no vengaunce / up-om Grekis.” ibid 6929-30.

Finally, in the medieval reception of Polyxena's myth her love story with Achilles is sometimes juxtaposed with Biblical tales. For instance, as King shows in her analysis of how Achilles's image developed in the Middle Ages, in Le Roman de Troie the lovestruck warrior is compared to figures from the Old Testament as Samson, David and Solomon. King 1987, 203. What is more, there is one instance when the myth of Polyxena seems to be completely rewritten under the influence of the Bible. So, King argues that the Excidium Troiae, the narrative which has Polyxena marry Achilles and learn of his weakness, is shaped thus to “correspond to Samson's [relationship] with Delilah.” King 1987, 203.

As I have demonstrated in this chapter the medieval interpretation of the sacrifice is primarily based on the narrative of Dictys and Dares, which were considered authentic throughout the Middle Ages. Thus, the motif of Achilles's love for Polyxena is considerably developed in this period. In addition, however, Polyxena's feelings also become part of the myth, with many authors examining in detail her reaction to Achilles's return to the battlefield. Changes also occur to the portrayal of the heroine. Instead of Dares's static portrait replete with semi-naturalistic details, most medieval narratives describe her through Achilles's eyes. This focalization, in turn, makes manifest the motif, less clearly present in classical literature, that Polyxena's beauty is intrinsically linked with sorrow. Her beauty at the scene of her sacrifice, by contrast, is not as central in medieval literature as it is in antient one. In fact, Polyxena's sacrifice is mostly reconstructed by medieval narrators. Thus, on the one hand they amplify the violence of the act, describing how Polyxena was cut into pieces or buried alive. On the other hand, they also supply Polyxena with a speech, which although probably stems from Ovid's Metamorphoses, is not a direct replica. Unlike her classical counterpart, the medieval Polyxena proclaims her innocence, while simultaneously cursing the Greeks and appealing to the Greek gods or to Christ, a motif appearing due to the notions of paganism and Christianity being superimposed in certain narratives. Finally, it should be noted that, while the medieval Polyxena might still be seen as a substitution for Helen, Polyxena's death no longer constitutes Achilles's honour, by contrast, she is seen as causing him lose to it.

Chapter 3. The Renaissance

The myth of Polyxena did not so much develop and evolve in English Renaissance literature as it fractured and dispersed, permeating a wide variety of texts and genres. The main aim of this chapter is to explore how the availability of both antient and medieval visions of Polyxena shaped the reception of her myth in the English Renaissance. I begin by discussing how the rediscovered classical sources of Polyxena's story such as Euripides's or Seneca's plays clashed or, alternatively, coexisted with the medieval versions of the myth found in the narratives of Lydgate and Caxton. Next, as in the previous chapter, I briefly describe the types of texts making use of Polyxena's myth to show the extent of the myth's popularity and omnipresence. Finally, once again employing the motif-based approach, I turn to the Renaissance perception of such themes as Polyxena's beauty, sacrifice, and Achilles's love, while also addressing the Renaissance tendency of addressing the love and the sacrifice motif separately.

Polyxena's myth in English Renaissance.

Two traditions

Unlike most medieval depictions of the Trojan war, which, although often employing complex and winding paths, clearly originate from the accounts of Dares Phrigus and Dictys Cretensis, the Renaissance tradition does not allow us to pinpoint just one or two dominant sources. Firstly, it had to accommodate Homer, the rediscovered “chronicler divine.” Heywood, T. (1609). Troia Britanica: or, Great Britaines Troy. Quoted according to EEBO URL: http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A03250.0001.001 Accessed May 26, 2019. Homer's texts were no longer seen as inferior as was, for instance, the typical medieval attitude of Guido de Columnis, who wanted to correct the poet's liberal representation of the Trojan myth by the use of Dares and Dictys. One could expect, therefore, that since neither the Iliad, nor the Odyssey contain any hint of Polyxena's existence, the renewed interest towards these narratives would weaken the heroine's prominence in the Trojan story during the Renaissance. This is far from being the case, however, as the reverence shown towards Homer by Renaissance authors did not prevent them from sometimes misremembering the origins of the myths. For example, Thomas Cooper in the Thesaurus linguæ Romanæ & Britannicæ (1578) in the entry on Polyxena states among other things that “ <…> Homere writeth, that at the siege of the citie, Achilles espying this ladye on the walles, was rauished with hir beautie <…>” Cooper, T. (1578). Thesaurus linguæ Romanæ & Britannicæ. Quoted according to EEBO URL: http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A19275.0001.001 Accessed May 26, 2019. . Perhaps, the reason for this misattribution of the source is that, in comparison to other Trojan narratives, the Iliad appeared in the English translation rather late, with Arthur Hall's partial translation published in 1581 and Chapman's complete translation appearing in the beginning of the 17th century. Young P.H. (2003). The printed Homer: a 3,000 year publishing and translation history of the Iliad and the Odyssey. Jefferson, N.C.; London: McFarland & co. P. 190. At the same time this is also indicative of how different traditions of the Trojan myth were superimposed in the Renaissance.

The authors who could transform the perception of Polyxena inherited from the Middle Ages, were, in fact, translated much earlier. Euripides's Hecuba, although unavailable in English, circulated in Latin in a “faithful, literal rendering” by Erasmus, whose translation, first published in 1506 alongside Iphigenia in Aulis, enjoyed many reprints throughout the 16th century. Lupic, I. (2018). The Mobile Queen: Observing Hecuba in Renaissance Europe. Renaissance Drama, 46 (1). P. 30. At the same time Euripides's version of Polyxena's sacrifice was available in English through the mediation of Ovid and Seneca and their respective translators. Ovid's Metamorphoses were first translated by William Caxton in 1493, however, this translation was based on the French Ovide moralisé and was likely never published. Lyne, R. (2002). Ovid in English Translation. In Cambridge Companion to Ovid (P. Hardie, Ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pp. 250-1. It is Arthur Golding's 1567 translation of the Metamorphoses that left a profound mark on the history of the English literature, inspiring such authors as Spenser and Shakespeare. Even though the translation might sometimes “barrel through the fine points of irony” or make the Greek landscapes rather English, it is quite a faithful rendering of the Latin original. ibid 252

The loyalty to the original is generally seen in Golding's translation of the scene of Polyxena's sacrifice, but two of the changes he makes to the text are worth examining. Firstly, in his version she is “rather too bee thought / a man than woman,” Rouse, W.H.D. (Ed.). (1904.) Shakespeare's Ovid: being Arthur Golding's translation of the Metamorphoses. London: De La More Press. Met. Golding 13. 539-40. while the original is more ambiguous with “plus quam femina virgo.” Met. 13. 451. “a maiden who is more than a woman.” Moreover, when brought to the sacrificial ground Golding's Polyxena is “mynding constantly / her honour,” Met. Golding 13. 541-42. while her Ovidian counterpart “memor ipsa sui.” Met. 13. 453. “mindful of herself.” One can assume that Golding, by rendering the Latin phrase in this manner, foreshadows Polyxena's fall when she takes “a care such parts of her to hyde / as womanhod and chastity forbiddeth to be spyde.” Met. Golding 13.572-3. This use of the word honour, however, is more puzzling if one recalls that in antiquity Polyxena constituted Achilles's honour, while in the Middle Ages she caused its loss. A few lines above Achilles's ghost demands the sacrifice to make sure that his death has “dew honour” Met. Golding 13.534; now it is Polyxena who is mindful of her honour. One could argue that this equates the two characters, perhaps enhancing Polyxena's masculinity, depicting her as having not only masculine courage but also masculine sense of honour.

Although Golding sometimes rejects Ovid's equivocal language, his text mostly does not reflect the commonplace Renaissance practise of “blurring the lines between translation, paraphrase, and interpretation.” Greene, T. M. (1982). The light in Troy: Imitation and discovery in Renaissance poetry. New Haven, CT. P. 51 By contrast, Jasper Heywood rendering of Seneca's The Trojan Women is closer to an interpretation rather than a translation. His 1559 English translation contains over 100 original lines as well as a chorus's speech borrowed from Seneca's Phaedra (lines 959-982), substituting the speech of the captive Trojan women (lines 1960-1980). Spearing E.M. (1909). The Elizabethean “Tenne Tragedies of Seneca” Modern Language Review 4 (4), P. 438; Vocht H. (1913). Translations of Seneca's Troas, Thyestes and Hercules furens. Louvain: A. Uystpruyst. P. xxx. His biggest addition is the stage presence of Achilles's ghost, of whose appearance in Seneca's text one learns only from the messenger's speech. The ghost describes that he was slain by Paris in the temple of Apollo, having been lured by “false deceipt, / pretending maryage of Polixeine,” Heywood Tro. 609-10. therefore, he comes his “right to craue,” ibid 615 to obtain Polyxena who was promised to him. This idea that she was supposed to marry Achilles is also, unsurprisingly, used to explain the wedding attire that Polyxena wears already in Seneca. Thus, not recognizing the motif of sacrifice as a ritual wedding, Heywood draws upon the medieval tradition of Achilles's love towards Polyxena and of the marriage ruse. As with the dictionary entry discussed above, Heywood's addition of the love motif illustrates how the medieval tradition is superimposed onto the ancient one in Renaissance England.

The originators of the love motif, Dares and Dictys, “were still authorities on the Trojan war,” being read alongside the narratives of Guido de Columnis and Joseph of Exeter, Bush, D. (1932). Mythology and the Renaissance Tradition in English poetry. Minnesota: The University Of Minnesota Press. P. 19. with Dares's account translated into English by Thomas Paynell in 1553. Primarily, however, their versions of the Trojan war were known through intermediaries. Out of the plethora of medieval Trojan narratives, two were particularly beloved in the English Renaissance: Caxton's The Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye and Lydgate's Troy Book. Tatlock, J.S.P. (1915). The Siege of Troy in Elizabethan Literature, Especially in Shakespeare and Heywood. PMLA, 30 (4). P. 674 As John S.P. Tatlock notes in a fundamental article on the reception of the Trojan war myth in Renaissance England, the similarity between the plots of Lydgate's and Caxton's narratives often makes it impossible to say with certainty which of the two texts is used, however, scholars usually give preference to Caxton, as his version of the Trojan war saw many more reprints than Lydgate's. ibid 681 n.10 It should be taken into account then that when Renaissance authors acknowledge their sources for the myth of the Trojan war and, thus, of Polyxena, naming Homer, Ovid and Virgil as well as Dares and Dictys, the material might be mostly taken from Caxton or Lydgate.

Addressing the Trojan war

The Trojan war was an extremely popular topic in Renaissance theatre as can be seen from the list of plays given in Tatlock's article. Tatlock 1915, 676-677. Unfortunately, only a few of these survive, with most extant plays being dedicated to the myth of Troilus and Cressida as well as the conflict of Ajax and Ulysses. Of the extant plays Polyxena's myth is taken up by Thomas Heywood in the The Iron Age, part 1 and The Iron Age, part 2 (1632). The last two of his chronicle play series, closely corelating with Heywood's much earlier epic poem Troia Britannica (1609), might have, in fact, preceded it. Tatlock 1915, 718. Heywood's version of Polyxena's myth, in both the plays and the poem, closely follows Caxton's depiction of events except for Achilles's meeting with Polyxena, which takes place at a feast during a peace treaty with Troy (a similar meeting is given in Robert Greene's Euphues: his censure to Philautus discussed in section 3). It should be noted that Polyxena, although often on stage and mentioned by other characters, has no lines in Heywood's plays, This seems to be indicative of a wider European tendency, as, for example, the Italian Renaissance play Achilles by Antonio Loschi, likewise does not give any lines to Polyxena, although focusing explicitly on the motif of Achilles' love and his subsequent downfall. nor any speeches in the poem, unlike the medieval Polyxena of Lydgate and other authors. A likewise passive Polyxena is presented in George Peele's A Tale of Troy (1589), a poem which, although promising in the title to describe “the beginning, accidents and ende of the warre,” Bullen, A.H. (Ed.) (1888). The works of George Peele in two volumes. (Vol.2). Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and company. P. 241. does this in a brief and abrupt manner, alluding to Achilles and Polyxena's first meeting during a truce and sketching Achilles's death, but ignoring Polyxena's sacrifice (see the discussion on the sacrifice in section 2.2. below).

Similarly in William Shakespeare's Troilus and Cressida, while Polyxena herself never appears on stage and is referred by name only once by Ulysses in a speech persuading Achilles to return to battle (“And better would it fit Achilles much / To throw down Hector than Polyxena”) Shakespeare, W. Troilus and Cressida. (B. A. Mowat, P. Werstine, Eds.). Folger digital texts. URL: https://www.folgerdigitaltexts.org/html/Tro.html Accessed May 25, 2019. Tro. 3.3.216-7, her myth is as important to the play's plot as it is, for instance, for Peele's poem. In this play Polyxena's presence is felt when Achilles receives a letter from Hecuba, signalling the love motif, yet leaving outside of the play both the story of how Achilles first sees Polyxena and how he is later killed in the temple of Apollo. The letter itself, needed within the play to keep Achilles's from battle, in part breaks with the tradition since, while containing “a token from her [Hecuba's] daughter,” Tro.5.1.40 does not lure Achilles to his death, but merely reminds him of his oath not to fight the Trojans.

Polyxena's myth in English Renaissance literature, however, is not exhausted by the plays and poems specifically addressing the Trojan war. Therefore, in the following sections, when analysing this new stage in the reception of Polyxena's story and the development of her myth, in addition to the texts mentioned above, I will be drawing from a heterogenous field of sources, such as sonnets, religious and secular treatises, historical accounts, and lexica.

The myth summarised

Except for Hygnius's Fabulae, none of the previously discussed sources was designed to supply a summary of Polyxena's myth. The English Renaissance literature, by contrast, provides an excellent opportunity to examine which elements of her myth were seen as central. For example, the The Dictionary of syr Thomas Elyot knyght (1538), serving as both a dictionary and an encyclopaedia, has the following entry on Polyxena: “the daughter of kynge Priamus whom cruell Pirrhus slewe on the tombe of Achilles.” Elyot, T. (1538). The dictionary of syr Thomas Eliot knyght. Quoted according to EEBO URL: http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A21313.0001.001 Accessed May 26, 2019. She is defined through her parentage (although not in connection to her illustrious brothers) and her sacrifice on Achilles's tomb. No information is given on her role in Achilles's death, let alone in his life. The second expanded edition of the dictionary Bibliotheca Eliotae: Eliots Librarie is published in 1542, with the name altered perhaps to “better indicate to prospective buyers and readers the content of the work.” Stein, G. (2014). Sir Thomas Elyot As Lexicographer. Oxford: Oxford University Press. P. 8. While it contains the same entry on Polyxena, more information on her story is given in entries on Achilles and Hecuba, with both appearing for the first time in this second edition of the dictionary. From these entries one learns that Achilles “by the slyght of queene Hecuba mother to Hector, was brought into the loue of Polyxena, her fayre daughter” and that he was killed “vnder the colour of maryage.” Elyot, T. (1542). Bibliotheca Eliotæ Eliotis librarie. Quoted according to EEBO URL: http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A21312.0001.001 Accessed May 26, 2019. The changes between the two editions, mirroring the evolution of Polyxena's myth in antiquity (the sacrifice motif predating the love motif), also indicate a wider Renaissance trend (that will be discussed in greater detail in sections 2.2.-3) of not referring to Achilles's love and Polyxena's sacrifice together.

The entry on Polyxena in the aforementioned Cooper's Thesaurus linguæ Romanæ & Britannicæ, which mistakenly attributes her myth to Homer, at first glance seems to provide a fuller picture of her story. In addition to the details given in Elyot's dictionary, Cooper mentions Achilles seeing Polyxena on the walls of Troy and the appearance of the ghost. Never mentioned in the Middle Ages, the ghost makes a reappearance in some Renaissance versions of Polyxena's myth. Once again, the thesaurus entry illuminates Achilles's myth more than it does Polyxena's, whom the author describes only through appearance (“the beautiful daughter” Cooper, T. (1578). Thesaurus linguæ Romanæ & Britannicæ. Quoted according to EEBO URL: http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A19275.0001.001 Accessed May 26, 2019.) and not, for example, through her chastity or courage as one might expect from reading Ovid's Metamorphoses. Moreover, in both Elyot's and Cooper's dictionaries the love motif is presented only with regards to Achilles, while the medieval image of Polyxena grieving for him is overlooked or deemed unimportant.

The motifs

Polyxena's beauty and other virtues

As can be seen from the dictionary entries on Polyxena, her beauty remains central to the understanding of her myth in the early modern period. In fact, it is only in the Renaissance literature that this motif becomes easily separable from other elements of her story. While in antiquity her beauty is generally evoked only in description of her sacrifice In English Renaissance literature, the motif of Polyxena's imminent sacrifice amplifying her beauty is found only in John Partridge's The hystorie of two of the most noble Princes of the world Astianax & Polixena (1566) which is in most part a paraphrase of Seneca's The Trojan Women in lyrical form. and in English medieval literature her appearance constitutes an important part of the myth only as far as its role in the undoing of Achilles is concerned, in the Renaissance literature, by contrast, the motif of Polyxena's beauty is not seen as inherently linked with her own or Achilles's death. For example, Polyxena's beauty is mentioned without any reference to her myth in one of the earliest English novels - John Grande's The Golden Aphroditis (1577). On the history and interpretation of the novel see, for example, Robert S. Knapp's “Love Allegory in John Grange's "The Golden Aphroditis"”, 1978. The protagonist, sir N.O. twice uses this motif, proclaiming both in prose and verse that his beloved A.O. surpasses everyone in beauty: she “seemest in my sight faire Helen of Troy, Polixene, Caliope, yea Atlanta hir selfe in beautie to surpasse”, “Polixene fayre, Caliop, and / Penelop may giue place.” Grange, J. (1577). The golden Aphroditis. Quoted according to EEBO URL: http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A02027.0001.001 Accessed May 26, 2019. Sometimes, as in William Percy's 11th sonnet in Sonnets to the fairest Coelia (1594), Polyxena surpassesall other women: “Of all the vvomen vvhich of yore haue beene, / Alcest for vertue may be glorify'd, / For courage Teuce', for features Spartaes queene, / For all in one Polyxen' deify'd / <…> Henceforth by reason good, <…> / Thou shalt be nam'd my deare Polyxena.” Percy, W. (1594). Sonnets to the fairest Coelia Quoted according to EEBO URL: http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A09307.0001.001 Accessed May 26, 2019. Here Helen stands as an exemplum of beauty, while Polyxena, in addition to being as beautiful as Helen, is also praised for virtue and courage. Of course, this points towards her myth, implying her conduct during the sacrifice, yet, this is left for the reader to surmise as the text of the poem does not refer to the sacrifice.

Likewise, Polyxena's beauty is used without any reference to her myth by John Skelton in a poem “To my lady Eilabet h Howarip”, only here, under the influence of Chaucer, the addressee of the poem is compared to “Goodly Creseid: fayrer than Polyxene.” Skelton, J. (1568). Pithy pleasaunt and profitable works. Quoted according to EEBO URL: http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A12291.0001.001001 Accessed May 26, 2019. Finally, Polyxena's beauty can be presented in a negative light, yet without any direct reference to it causing hers and Achilles's deaths. So, William Averell in A dyall for dainty darlings (1584), denouncing the vanity of treasuring beauty above all else, writes: “Inquire of an olde & wrinckled creature, what is become of her wonted giftes of Nature by age defaced <…> why then art thou proude, earth & ashes, where is Helen of Greece? Polixena of Troy? Dido of Carthage? <…> Is it [beauty] not in the earth? Is it not forgotten?” Averell, W. (1584). A dyall for dainty darlings. Quoted according to EEBO URL: http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A23344.0001.001Accessed May 26, 2019. While Averell lists women whose beauty might be said to bring about tragic consequences for themselves and others (he goes on to mention Lucrece and Cleopatra), the emphasis is on the fact that beauty is fleeting: it does not save one from death, but nor does beauty hasten it.

What these quotations from various genres of the English Renaissance literature also demonstrate is that the link between Helen and Polyxena is still felt during this period. This connection is particularly obvious in the works of Thomas Heywood. To begin with, in the play “A challenge for beautie” (1636), one reads that “If Greece afforded a fayre Hellen, Troy / Her paralleld with a Polyxena” Heywood, T. (1874). The dramatic works of Thomas Heywood. (Vol. 3, 5) London: J. Pearson. Vol. 5. P. 8. - they are seen as complete equals in terms of beauty (and as the main exempla of female beauty, as Heywood goes on to mention such parings of women according to wisdom, chastity). More importantly, their likeness in terms of appearance, becomes a major plot point in his play The Iron Age, part 2. Helen and Cressida are on stage, lamenting their beauty that has brought about their miseries, when the Greeks rush in, led by Achilles's son:

Pyr.Pierce all the Troian Ladies with your swords,

Least 'mongst them you might spare Polixena.

Agam. Stay, I should know that face, tis Helena?

Mene. My Queene?

Hel.I am not Hellen, but Polixena:

Therefore reuengfull Neoptolemus

Doe Justice on me for thy fathers death.

Pyr.Polixena? by all Achilles honours

Ile part thee limbe from limbe.

Cres.Pyrhus forbeare,

It's the Spartan Queene. ibid 3: 387

As Neoptolemus, set on avenging his father's death, does not know how the woman who caused his father's death looks like, Helen pretends to be Polyxena, not to save her sister-in-law, but because she herself wants to die (“Death, in what shape soeuer hee appears / To me is welcome,”) ibid 386.. If Helen can try to impersonate Polyxena, there must be certain similarity between their appearance. In fact, one could argue that this scene confirms Polyxena's sacrifice as a “ritual substitution” (in Girard's terms), since if Helen can pose as Polyxena, the latter can also become a substitute victim for the former.

Achilles' love (and death) reimagined

Similarly to his medieval counterpart, the English Renaissance Achilles continues to be captivated by Polyxena's outstanding beauty. Even in such an unconventional text as Greene's Euphues: his censure to Philautus this is a central motif, with Achilles becoming enamoured even before seeing her: “the report of Polixenas beawty had made a conquest of his affections.” Greene, R. (1587). Euphues his censure to Philautus. Quoted according to EEBO URL: http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A02096.0001.001 May 26, 2019. The Renaissance reception of this motif is marked by conflicting accounts of Achilles and his feelings. On the hand, the Renaissance inherits the medieval tradition of blaming Achilles for not controlling his passions. For example, in the gloss to the Edmund Spencer's The shepheardes calender (1579), one encounters the medieval image of Achilles as lustful: “therfore by Paris vvas feyned to bee shotte vvith a poyfoned arrowe in the heele, vvhiles he vvas busie about the marying of Polyxena in the temple of Apollo. which mysticall fable Eustathius vnfolding, sayth: that by vvounding in the hele, is meant lustfull loue.” Spencer, E. (1888). The shepherd's calendar. New York: Cassell & Company. Pp. 53-54. A more controversial example is found in Barnabe Rich's A right exelent and pleasaunt dialogue, betwene Mercury and an English souldier (1574), where Venus refers to Achilles's myth in the following manner: “Was not Hercules that noble conquerour, conquered him self by loue with Dianayra, was not the fierse Achiles in like maner with Polixena <…>” Rich, B. (1574). A right exelent and pleasaunt dialogue, betwene Mercury and an English souldier Quoted according to EEBO URL: http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A10718.0001.001 May 26, 2019.

On the sources of this reference see Maley, W. (1995). Gender and genre: Masculinity and militarism in the writings of Barnaby Rich. Irish Studies Review, 4(13), 2-6. On the one hand, there is no condemnation of Achilles's behaviour on Venus's part, since by favouring Polyxena, Achilles confirms the power of the goddess. On the other hand, the dialogue concludes with Mars persuading Venus of the necessity of soldiers to protect “these womanlike mynded men,” ibid while they stay with their lovers.

At the same time in the English Renaissance literature one sees the development of the idea that loving Polyxena does not disgrace Achilles, even if it does kill him. This shift in perspective often comes from emphasising Achilles's desire for marriage. For example, in William Painter's The palace of pleasure (1566) there is a following mention of Achilles and Polyxena's myth: “The strong and inuincible Achilles, was not he sacrificed to the shadowe of Hector, vnder the color of loue, to celebrate holy mariage wyth Polixena, daughter to King Priamus?” Painter, W. (1890). The palace of pleasure. Vol. 1 (J. Jacobs, Ed.). London: D. Nutt. P. 263. This is pronounced by the lover Alerane, who fearing that his love will undo him, recalls how great men such Hercules and Caesar were all overcome by love and usually suffered from it. Therefore, the lover being sympathetic of Achilles' s story, describes it in terms of love and holy marriage, with Achilles seen as a victim. Likewise, the narrator in John God's poem A discourse of the great crueltie of a widowe towards a yong gentleman (1570) recalls the myth is such a way as to stress the nobility of Achilles: “champion stout, what time in Troy he saw / Polixena, he did desire to be the sonne in law, / To Priamus that king in Troy of great renowne.” God, J. (1570). A discourse of the great crueltie of a widowe towardes a yong gentleman. Quoted according to EEBO URL: http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A01792.0001.001 May 26, 2019. The narrators in these texts to an extent see themselves in Achilles and, thus, find ways to acquit him of any blame.

Some of English Renaissance authors assume an entirely positive stance towards the love motif. So, Lodowick Lloyd in The choyce of ievvels (1607), having listed various examples of why women should be cherished, concludes with the typical list of men who have succumbed to them: “To these valiant exploits of women, / Hercules must y eeld; or else Omphale Queene of / Lydia will make Hercules to yeeld. To these ex-exployts / of women, wise Salomon must yeeld; or / else Pharaohs Daughter will make Salomon to yeeld: / So must Achilles to Polyxena: / So must Caesar to Cleopatra: / and so in fine, all men must yeeld to women.”Lloyd, L. (1607). The choyce of ievvels. Quoted according to EEBO URL: http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A06133.0001.001May 26, 2019. Thus, a similar record of famous men and women as presented, for instance, in Venus's speech in Rich, gets an opposite judgment in Lloyd's text: Achilles is not reprimanded for choosing Polyxena but celebrated.

What all these texts mentioning Achilles's love have in common is that they do not in any way allude to Polyxena's sacrifice on his tomb, with some of them also omitting his own death in the temple of Apollo. This tendency to avoid any reference towards the sacrifice is particularly clear in Peele's A Tale of Troy. In this poem the narrator does describe, albeit briefly, how Achilles is captivated by Polyxena's beauty and how, after the death of Hector, Hecuba organizes the killing of Achilles in the temple of Apollo. Peele Ll. 296-303; 336. When it comes to the siege of Troy, however, the narrator becomes even more laconic, mentioning only that “his [Priam's] daughters [were] ravish'd, slain in sacrifice.” ibid 470. One reason for this could be that, having already described the sacrifice of Iphigenia, ibid 233-252. the narrator does not want to repeat the description, not recognising the framing function of the sacrifices in some of the classical texts on the Trojan war. Considering all the references to Achilles's love discussed above, one could also argue that the sacrifice of Polyxena seemed incompatible with the love motif to most Renaissance authors. This distinguishes the Renaissance reception of the motif from the medieval one as there, for example in Gower's Confessio amantis, the brief allusion to the myth mentions the tragic consequences of Achilles's love not only for him but also for Polyxena. Gower 8.2595-6

Polyxena's sacrifice

This breakdown of the myth into isolated units is likewise seen in the reception of Polyxena's sacrifice: the texts that focus on her side of the story often ignore the love motif or any connection with Achilles except for her being slain on his tomb. In English Renaissance literature her sacrifice primarily signifies cruelty and wickedness, with the love motif seen as unnecessarily complicating the myth. So, for example, Henry Holland in A treatise against vvitchcraft (1590), trying to prove that there is “league or couenant betweene Sathan and witches”, makes a list of human sacrifices, writing “Apollo taught his witches to sacrifice a noble Virgin, to stay the plague among the Lacedemonians. Polyxena Priamus daughter, and Iphigenia Agamemnons, were both sacrificed to Sathan in like manner.” Holland, H. (1590). A treatise against vvitchcraft. Quoted according to EEBO URL: http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A03468.0001.001 May 26, 2019. What is interesting in this mention is that the sacrifices of Iphigenia and Polyxena are not used as exempla of barbaric, unchristian rituals, by contrast, the author is referring to myth and history only to reveal the continuity of evil in the world. A similar use of the sacrifice is made in William Gouge's Gods three arrovves (1631), who again equating the Greek gods with devils, writes: “As of old when the Grecians were to depart, after they had burnt Troy, but were hindred by crosse and boisterous winds, their Priest told them that their Kings daughter must be sacrificed, which thereupon the foolish King suffered to be done. Polyxena also the daughter of Priamus and Hecuba is said to be sacrificed to appease the Ghost of Achilles.” W. Gouge. (1631). Gods three arrovves. uoted according to EEBO URL: http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A01974.0001.001 May 26, 2019. Here, the sacrifices of Iphigenia and Polyxena almost merge into one, with the “foolish king” seemingly referring to Agamemnon, yet the sacrifice described being not in Aulis at the start of the war, but in Troy at the end.

In addition to the texts with religious agenda, Polyxena's sacrifice is seen as a convenient example of unjust violence against women in general. For example, in the unattributed A vvomans vvoorth (1599), a text showing various female virtues and heroic deeds, one reads: “Lesse cause shal I haue to produce Polixena, whose death made the life of the Grecians infamous, and theyr victory insolent, euen the vtter ouerthrow of all their renowne.” A vvomans vvoorth (1559). Quoted according to EEBO URL: http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A01694.0001.001 May 26, 2019. Similarly, Polyxena is made an exemplum in an anonymous The heroicall aduentures of the knight of the sea (1600), where a certain Terindantes, surrounded by enemies, about to murder an imprisoned princess, exclaims: “For first, behould, how like to stony-harted Pirrhus (Achilles soboline) I cast down headlesse Polixena fro? off ye battle me?ts, & after (co?trary to ye worthy Grecia?) behold ye downfall of her enemy.” The heroicall aduentures of the knight of the sea. (1600). Quoted according to EEBO URL: http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A08441.0001.001 May 26, 2019. What attracts the author to Polyxena's story in this narrative is the excessive cruelty of the act. At the same time the gesture of Terindantes is portrayed as an act of futile vengeance, which is how Neoptolemus's deeds were judged in Renaissance England. It should be noted that Neoptolemus' cruelty is sometimes openly contrasted with valour. For instance, Heywood, listing the deaths of the Trojan war, shows that he did not kill any proper warriors, instead he: “, slew K. Priam, an aged man, Queene Penthisi?lea, a warlike woman, Polytes a young Lad, and Polyxena a beauteous Maide”

Heywood, T. (1609). Troia Britanica: or, Great Britaines Troy. Quoted according to EEBO URL: http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A03250.0001.001 Accessed May 26, 2019. His classical hesitance is forgotten, he is on the contrary seen as determined, “unrelenting” as he is described in the reference to Polyxena's myth in Henry Brereton's Newes of the present miseries of Rushia (1614), where the despair of a ravished Muscovite girl is compared to Hecuba's madness, resulting from the loss of her children. “This deflowred damsell with great sorrow and heauinesse complained to her frinds of this vile abuse <…> such was the inuolued heart with griefe in that spectacle of all misery Hecuba Quéene of Troy, <…> and that flowre of al beauty Polixena (in the loue of whom that mirror of all knighted Achilles fight) slaine in her owne armes, by vnrelenting Pirrhus, in the view of these misera?ble obiects she was so far from finding ease in the vtterance ofsorrow, that shée lost herselfe in the Maze and Labrinth of madnesse <…>” Brereton, H. (1614). Newes of the present miseries of Rushia Quoted according to EEBO URL: http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A68979.0001.001 Accessed May 26, 2019.

As is already seen in the mentions discussed above, the cruelty of the sacrifice per se and the cruelty of Neoptolemus are part of the tradition even when the sacrifice is regarded as a standalone event, not connected to the other calamities of Troy's fall or Achilles' love. Brereton's reference is an exception, as he does allude to Achilles' love for Polyxena when he mentions the sacrifice This emphasis on the violence of the act, originating from the medieval reception of the myth, is even clearer in texts directly addressing the Trojan myth. For instance, in one of John Taylor's sonnets on the destruction of Troy (sonnet to Simon Weston, 1614), one reads that “<… > The wolues that Troy did all in peeces teare. / Polyxena, Achilles deere bought deere / Was hew'de in gobbets on her louers graue.” Taylor, J. (1614). The nipping and snipping of abuses. Quoted according to EEBO URL: http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A13479.0001.001 Accessed May 26, 2019. Likewise, the medieval image of Polyxena cut into pieces is found in Thomas Heywood's Troia Britanica. Here “sterne Neptolemus, from top to toe / satued in blood and slaughter” Heywood, T. (1609). Troia Britanica: or, Great Britaines Troy. Quoted according to EEBO URL: http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A03250.0001.001 Accessed May 26, 2019. first demands that Polyxena be bound by cords and then himself cuts her into pieces. His counterpart in Heywood's The Iron Age, part two does not perform the deed himself, but gives the following instructions: “Synon, take thou that Syren Polixene, / And hew her peece-meale on my fathers Tombe.” Heywood 1874, 392.

What is noteworthy in all these English early modern treatments of the myth is that Polyxena's conduct during the sacrifice, described in detail not only in classical literature but also in medieval narratives, is almost never mentioned. It does unexpectedly appear in Philemon Holland's annotation to his 1606 translation of The historie of tvvelve Cæsars. Holland, commenting on Suetonius's description of Caesar's assassination, makes the following comparison: “Valerius Max. under the title of verecundia The reference is to V. Max. 4.5.5, commendeth this maydenlike modestie of Caesar, who notwithstanding that he was maskared with 23. wounds, for manhood sake forgot not to hide his nakednesse, and to die in decent manner: but as Euripides writeth of the virgin Ladie Polixena: ðïëë?í ðñüíïéáí å?÷åí å?ó÷Þìùí ðåóå?í.” Holland, P. (Trans.). (1899). History of twelve Caesars (C. Whibley, Ed.). London: D. Nutt. P. 248. This curious parallel between the Trojan maiden and the Roman dictator once again shows just how easily in English Renaissance literature Polyxena's myth is made to fit as an exemplum in any narrative, be it a text on witches, Russians, or Romans.

Twisting the myth

Many of the references to Polyxena discussed above show just how varied the uses of her myth have become by the Renaissance: from denouncing witches to celebrating love. Less conspicuous and yet more drastic changes to her story are found in two other sources. The first of this is Christopher Marlowe's Dido, Queen of Carthage (1594). Here Aeneas, describing his escape, is trying to show his heroic side, while also aggravating the disasters of Troy's demise to captivate the imagination of Dido and her people. Among other things he mentions that when they were already abroad their ships to leave “Polixena cried out, Aeneas stay, / The Greeks pursue me, stay and take me in. / Moved with her voice, I leapt into the sea, / Thinking to bear her on my back aboard / <…> And as I swum, she standing on the shore, / Was by the cruel Myrmidons surprised, / And after by that Pyrrhus sacrificed.” Marlowe C., Nash T. (1594). Dido, Queen of Carthage (M. Brown, M. Poston, E. Williamson, Eds.). A Digital Anthology of Early Modern English Drama. URL: https://emed.folger.edu/dido Accessed May 25, 2019. Ll. 589-596. The version of the story that Aeneas presents is unconventional. Part of the medieval tradition of Polyxena's myth is that Hecuba, accusing Aeneas of betraying Troy, begs him to hide Polyxena, to at least partially redeem himself. He, in turn, is “meuyd with pyte resseyuyd polixene in hys garde and putte her in a secrete place.” Caxton 667. Nowhere, however, one reads of Polyxena appealing to him or him trying to save her. Thus, one can interpret this reference by Marlowe twofold. On the one hand, if one assumes that Marlowe's audience knew Polyxena's story from, for example, the popular account of Caxton, this mention of Polyxena would cast doubt on Aeneas's credibility when he is narrating the events of the Trojan war. On the other hand, one could also argue that Aeneas, probably not a traitor in the eyes of the English Renaissance audience, A widespread idea of the time was that London had been founded as Troia Nova by Brutus, an ancestor of Aeneas. Bush 1932 Pp. 39-40. should be given more positive and heroic deeds. Either way, this interpolation into the myth of Polyxena is caused by the interest in Aeneas's story, not hers.

Finally, Polyxena makes an appearance in Robert Greene's Euphues: his censure to Philautus (1587). Following both the “linguistic style, and the pattern of debate and counter-debate” of John Lyly's Euphues The Anatomy of Wit (1578), Heavy, K. (2015). `Proper Men': Myth, Manhood and the Trojan War in Greene, Shakespeare and Heywood. Journal of the Northern Renaissance. P. 4 Greene presents a debate between the Greeks and the Trojans on the main virtue of a soldier. Although using the Trojan war only as a setting, his text in many ways rewrites Polyxena's myth. The narrative frame is as following: the Trojan warriors together with Andromache, Cassandra and Polyxena come to visit the Greeks in their tents during a peace treaty, with this honour being returned by the Greeks, when they visit Troy for a feast. The first visit is initiated by the Trojan women themselves “to see if the Gretian pollicie in cyuill courtsie, bée comparable to their prowes in warlicke indeuours.” Greene, R. (1587). Euphues his censure to Philautus. Quoted according to EEBO URL: http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A02096.0001.001 May 26, 2019. This agency on part of the Trojan women is by far the least unusual element of Greene's text; among further oddities it represents Cassandra as perfectly sane and equal to Andromache and Polyxena, and, moreover, portrays Iphigenia as alive and in Troy together with Agamemnon. As for Polyxena's myth, the text presents a short dialogue between her and Achilles, in which she is “easily able to meet Achilles's flattery with cutting retorts.” Heavey 2015, 4 It is important to note that these changes to the myth often contain in themselves allusions to other treatments that a reader can easily pick up. For instance, when Polyxena learns that the richly decorated tent belongs to Agamemnon, she exclaims: “the father <…> of Iphigenia so famous for hir wisdome and chastity, whom the Gretians haue so honored in their madrigalles as a second Diana.” ibid The reference to Iphigenia's chastity and especially, to Diana, who in some versions of the myth saves her, is, of course, a hidden acknowledgement of Iphigenia's myth in its conventional form. In Polyxena's case the text indicates the traditional love motif, with the text concluding, after the Trojan and Greek men have exchanged stories and notions of an ideal soldier, with the following image of Achilles: “he fettered with the loue of Polixena, woulde willingly haue perswaded a nightly rest at Troy, but that his thoughts would haue bene discerned: to preuent therefore all occasions of suspition, hee made haste, so that taking his leaue of Priamus, Hector, & the rest of the kings and Prynces resident at Troie, mounting vpon Horse he went with Iphigenia and the Ladies to their pauilions.” ibid What is interesting about this ending and Greene's general use of Polyxena's myth is that he does not really contradict the traditional story (as he does with bringing Iphigenia to Troy), but instead adds to it, revitalizing Polyxena, who in English Renaissance literature is mostly deprived of agency and voice.

Polyxena's myth in the English Renaissance, drawn partly from the classics and partly from the medieval tradition, is often divided into its constitutional elements. Primarily this is seen in how the motif of Achilles's love and Polyxena's sacrifice are rarely presented together. Although to an extent this treatment of the myth is genre specific, this tendency seems to overcome the expectations of the genre. So, while the disappearance of the sacrifice from a love poem, comparing the addressee to Polyxena, can be explained this way, when the poem dedicated to the war of Troy overlooks the sacrifice this does not seem to be the case. This fragmentation of the myth is also seen in the reception of Polyxena's beauty. Thus, while previously it was inherently linked to grief and sorrow, the Renaissance tradition does not describe it as such. At the same time not all classical or medieval elements of the myth were lost as the sacrifice continued to be depicted as excessively cruel. What does disappear from the myth is Polyxena's agency, her courage or chastity are almost never mentioned. Even in plays dedicated to the Trojan war, if she is present on stage, she still does not speak.