Eroticism of the Byzantine Tale "Callimachus and Chrysorrhoe" in the comparative perspective

Romances - texts where love adventures were a main part of a narrative. The Greek novels of late antiquity - the source of the Palaiologan romances. The erotic context of a metaphor of a vintner in the Byzantine tale "Callimachus and Chrysorrhoe".

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But being so far, we may unexpectedly notice how much we link this romance to the religious buildings and motives. The Bath is the Church since it has a form of the Church, Eros is the God even though a god of love, and Chrysorhoe is a martyr or at least depicted as a female martyr in the scene with a torture. Somehow, we always return to the religious issue in the tale.

Interestingly, we are not the first to advocate so many allusions to Christianity in the tale. Philes, thanks to whom researchers attribute CaC to an emperor's nephew, reads the tale as an allegory to the way to God where Callimachus tries to save his soul and Chrysorhoe is a personification of it. In different ways, we conclude that the tale must have had some connection to the religion. However, while his explanation is definitely orthodox, ours might seem beyond the appropriate.

3. A tent as a place of love

The sequence of events continues after a parting of Callimachus and Chrysorrhoe. He arrives to a prince's castle and succeeds to give a sign that he is alive and finds himself in a proximity to Chrysorrhoe. Immediately after, she orders to build a construction which will be able to cover the lovers and hide them from the servants and their observation:

1869. Цспхнфж?фпн и?лщ е?мпсцпн н? рп?уефе е?т ф?н к?рпн

Кб? ф? нес?н ?к мзчбн?т фсйг?спх фп? цспхнфж?фпх

Кб? кпсфйн?фжбн г?сщиен кб? дпхлехф?т ?л?гпхт

? м?ллпн мзд? дпхлехф?т, ?лл? кбхч?фжбн м?бн.

I want you to make a beautiful tent in the garden

and a spring surrounding artfully the tent

and a curtain around the tent and [I want] few slaves

or even rather not the slaves but one [female] servant.

The word Цспхнфж?фпн is derived from a word frons (Cupane Orte 175) which literally means a faзade, a front of anything, mainly speaking, a construction which might serve as a border between outer and inner worlds. Pichard translates Цспхнфж?фпн as kiosque in French, a small construction out of wood.

It should be noticed that this idea belongs fully to Chrysorrhoe. As well as in the part of the first acquaintance, Chrysorrhoe is an initiator of a rescue plan. That might be called a weird contradiction that a captured woman is in her power to come up with a brilliant plan, protect and save herself. Additionally, one more detail of her personality will be described further.

This tent built by her order and wish will become a final stage where multiple sexual intercourse will take place. There, Chrysorrhoe and Callimachus spend their nights enjoying their meeting and mutual love. The description is given in a few phrases creating an image of a wonderful paradise: it is all adorned and a golden curtain hides them in the middle of the garden.

The utopian picture will continue as Callimachus visits her for the first time after their farewell. As a gardener's helper, he brings roses to Chrysorhoe. At this moment, we may notice again how unusual the woman is. At first, she pretends not to recognize him.

Кб? р?т фплм?т, вбуйлйк?н ф?н фс?режбн уйм?нейт

О?нпт рфщч?т кб? мйуибсг?т н? рбсбк?ш?т ?лщт,

Н? м? лбл?у?т ?нисщрпн кб? р?ш?т мбт ф? ??дб;

You, poor foreigner and helper,

How dared you approach an imperial table,

to overlook everything

Without talking to a person and giving me the roses?

As Agapitos suggested that Callimachus plays a role of a servant in the bath scene, here we may see how this role is evolving and getting fully adopted by the protagonist. He is literally a helper in a garden and Chrysorrhoe also accepts his new emploi and playfully treats him as a poor man for a moment. Her position as an empress and a ruler is unshakeable in this domain. Moreover, at the same time is it not a Chrysorrhoe's sense of humour which is shown in the scene? Might we add another quality to her perfect image?

There are many more points to compare the scene in a bath and a scene in a tent. Although we may conclude that the intercourses between main characters were numerous, only two of them are shown in its full glory. Agapitos says that as absurd as the tale seems, nonetheless, it is a balanced and well-structured text. He tries to prove it using the first half of the romance and we may strengthen this point comparing a scene in the bath (Ch. 2) and this scene in the tent (Ch. 3).

Firstly, we may see a clear symmetrical structure of the tale where these two scenes are surrounded by spacious commutes of the protagonist. We may draw a graphic where such migrations are marked with arrows:

Figure 1

In the scheme, the Eros Castle is the same place as the Dragon castle as it was discussed above. It changes its function after a happy union of the protagonists and replaces `the Fatherland' in the 2nd sequence. The Eros Castle becomes a new home where Callimachus and Chrysorrhoe arrive at the end of the story instead of the Callimachus's empire which he should have got as the most merited son.

In both Dragon Castle and Prince's Castle Chrysorrhoe is captured because of her beauty and this quality provokes undesirable love of the dragon and of the Prince. She does not stop mourning and crying in both places. Callimachus appears to be her servant in both scenes (and also a bath servant - ресйч?фзт - in the first scene and a gardener's helper here). Finally, both the bath and the tent are located in the middle of gardens, isolated and separated from the rest of the world by their walls. Apart from scenes in a bath, many scenes of love making take place somewhere near water. A remark about a spring opens a story about reunion of the couple and Callimachus is the one who should construct a source of water around the tent. The metaphor of the healing water is used in the text itself where water may resurrect a dry dead heart.

Roses in the scene play a double role. On the one hand, they should convey a scent which was in the tent creating a perfect space for the couple (about the sensuality of the tent we will tell further) but they were a sign of nobility and mean happy news and mean happy news.

Every night pleasures and joys continue. However, their utopian life is interrupted by three eunuchs who spy after Chrysorrhoe, find out about her little affair and write a letter to the prince. Interestingly, they look more concerned about a low status of her lover rather than about their numerous pleasures what underlines sanctimony of the society and at the same time corresponds to a statement that lovers should be equal:

п? рс?т фйнбн ф?н е?ген?н, п?д'?р? ф?н мег?лщн

?лл? рс?т ?нбн мйуибсг?н, рбйд?н фп? кзрпхсп? мбт.

Not just with anyone noble or great,

But with one peasant, a boy of our gardener.

An idea of the bath as some space for love was not made up by the author of CaC and neither was a tent an imaginative place. But how creative is this text in terms of making this construction a love making scene? It was a secure place with many functions during the Byzantine time but was sex among them? This point is worth analysing.

The simplest thing which might be said about tents is that they were a property of rich families leaving their households for a while. In the Comnenian restoration, the women of high society spent their nights there while travelling with their husbands or emperors. A tent appears also in Digenis Akrites where the tent is transferred as a wedding gift. The tent in epic is golden and adorned with depictions of animals. As we may see, tents used to be belongings of the nobility, they were expensive and radiant, and also underline an imperial idea of the tale.

There were numerous types of tents, and usually they were similar to a temporary house with all the necessary furniture: cushions, decorations, furniture were included. They were of a great size and richly decorated. They were temporary homes and representative buildings. Their interior may serve as a paradise as well as the garden.

All this Mullett calls sensuality of the tent. A reader must experience it since it has some familiar connotations, sounds, smells and meanings.

Besides their beauty, tents have another important meaning for understanding their sexual function here. A tent was spread in the Byzantine culture and has many functions such as a prototypical embassy or a defence building. As it was said before, Chrysorrhoe is captured and lives in a foreign territory of an enemy. The main function of the tent is imposing control in a new territory and creating her own place. Sneaking eunuchs are criminal exactly for this reason; the author uses a word мзчбн? to describe their act which has a negative definition. It was against rules and mores. They cannot be there without a permission, for this tent is not considered a prince's place. As a tent beyond a castle, it becomes Chrysorrhoe's belonging and her `embassy', courtly household. The act of breaking borders is violent and dishonest because it is a court. Connected to the idea of security, there is also an idea of intimacy. A tent also proposes intimacy which was important for lovers. Cupane describes it as places of love.

The presence of Eunuchs is worth analysing as well. Their status image was ambiguous. They were hardly males, their gender was deconstructed and their professions had some bad connotations. They could sneak they can be disgusting or low; at the same time they are between female and male domains (so they can watch Chrysorrhoe sleeping without any sexual desires and can enter her secure place at night). They also occupy a position between public and personal. On the one hand, they serve the emperor and are his deputies, on the other hand, they ave some performative duties. Following orders, they can spy.

To sum up, a tent has a double function in the text. Firstly, it is a prestigious place full of different decorations which make it perfect erotic space for nobility and visually attractive. Secondly, it is a hidden zone which functions as an embassy and `fatherland' in the enemy's property.

4. A Metaphor of a Vintner in its erotic context

romance byzantine erotic

Callimachus and Chrysorrhoe try to create a plan for an escape to finally achieve freedom and eternal happiness. However, it is all in vain since they are uncovered by three eunuchs, and their story takes a different direction - now they are judged by the prince and must plead unguilty.

A metaphor of a vintner appears when Callimachus tries to justify his sexual intercourses with Chrysorrhoe and present it as a fair act between two people belonging to each other. He admits their sexual relationship and tells a story in which he is a vintner planting Chrysorrhoe as grapes. In this story, a prince appears to be a thief coming into the garden and eating the plants of Callimachus. The protagonist tries to show injustice of this act and advocates his rights to intercourse with Chrysorrhoe as someone owning this garden of pleasures.

It might seem to be a fair continuation of a situation where Chrysorhoe is captured in a garden and Callimachus says to be a gardener's helper. A garden as a locus amoenus is a constant surrounding for love making and the last erotic episode takes place in a tent in the middle of a garden. However, the further analyse is meant to prove that these two episodes are not tied together, and the metaphor of the vintner may exist independently.

To give a broader context, we may look at Barber's reading of the episode who suggests that a vintner (or a gardener) was an allegorical figure for a man striving for sexual fulfilment and his garden was some kind of this sexual desire and a symbol of fertility. Deprivation of the property was a great loss not only in economical sense but also in sexual. He starts with a story of Basilakis where a gardener loses his apple garden and concludes that this scene in Callimachus highlights such an allegory even more clearly.

It is a two-folded metaphor concerning both characters. An episode with Callimachus as a gardener fits Barber's theory. However, it ignores Chrysorrhoe as grapes. Still, the heroine is not less relevant in the narrative as we have seen. Another source where we may find a continuation of the metaphor is Hysmine and Hisminias, a romance from the Comnenian Period:

5:17: I entwined myself around the girl entirely, like a vine, and I pressed the unripe grape clusters to my mouth and quaffed with my lips the nectar which Erotes were squeezing out; and I pressed with my fingers and drank with my lips so that all the nectar could be squeezed out for me into the vat that was my soul - such an insatiable vintner was I.

As we may see, the same metaphor of a vintner and grapes is used in an earlier text. It might be even called a precise repetition of the same thought but in another context. In CaC Chrysorhoe never was a grape before a final speech of Callimachus; this metaphor appears unexpectedly but Hysmine and Hysminias shows that an analogy a woman/ a grape was in existence.

Through this metaphors, Callimachus tells some explicit details of their connection, precisely that their relationship has started before and grown up to a sexual fulfilment before Chrysorrhoe was kidnapped. The metaphor is not discrete and implies quite erotic content.

Let me remind you that we have already seen one of borrowing from the Hysmine and Hysminias which was not that precise. However, we may conclude that the author should know this tale, and it might be a source for his inspiration as well as Livistros and Rhodamne (about this read also in next chapter).

In a Christian community, which is considered to be highly religious, grapes which were an important symbol in Christianity and in the Bible (for example, a parable in 3 Gospels Matthew 21:33, Mark 12:1, Luke 20:9 about greedy vintners) totally lose their connotation to Christian mores. Their Biblical meaning is in oblivion.

5. Who is Eros?

A word ?сщфйк?т which is a meta-term for this Byzantine genre is deprived of a name of Eros, a god of love. His figure plays an important role in Byzantine tales. Without his actions, heroes cannot fall in love (thus, the dragon is untouched by his arrow and tortures Chrysorrhoe mercilessly; he is driven rather by anger and unaccomplished sexual desires than by feelings; in the contrary, Callimachus falls in love immediately). Usually, he is imagined as an emperor in the domain of love with features from French literary tradition. In Livistros and Rhodamne which is thought to be a source for CaC Eros becomes a real emperor in his erotokratia who conducts real rituals of the Byzantine empire and performs as a Byzantine emperor. However, transparency and significance of this character varies from text to text. This chapter is to analyse if Eros is a balanced and profound figure in CaC or he is another repetition of a pattern.

Eros is first mentioned in the scene where Callimachus meets Chrysorrhoe in her suspended and miserable position. In the scene, Eros is just a depiction in a highly decorated room and serves as a piece of art and a powerful ruler alike. He is sitting on the imperial throne since he is Emperor of Love. Even though he is unable to make the dragon love, he is protecting Chrysorrhoe from the worst (sexual assaults and perhaps death). He saves her virginity to give her joys to Callimachus who deserves them.

On the contrary to the dragon, Callimachus is vulnerable to the arrows if Eros. His love blossoms in front of Eros, and appears at the same time as a figure of Eros, for Love and god of Love cannot be separated.

This depiction is mentioned twice, referring to the dragon and later when telling about Callimchus's love. We may imagine how impressive this depiction should be and what picturesque view the author wanted to create. In her article Orte der Liebe Cupane suggests that this room should have a dome, so we may continue this analogy saying that the portrait of Eros might have been in a konche.

Between these two references, we find an interesting ?рбо «?сщфпкбллйм?чпт» which is similar to erotokratia in Livistros and Rhodamne or erotomania appearing in CaC. Even without a suggestion that these two tales are connected, it is not surprising since a formula for this word is quite simple and obvious. Nevertheless, we should consider what this word might mean in the context.

At this point of the narrative, Callimachus has already succeeded to free Chrysorrhoe from her chain. Even though he starts to love her earlier, he can be fully in love only as a saviour in front of a libre woman. Without the first achievement, Callimachus does not deserve to carry a name of the god, but then a nice word Eros is added to his name.

The sequence is concluded by a wedding-like ceremony when Callimachus and Chrysorrhoe say their oaths in front of the sitting Eros and he accepts their connection. Here Eros plays a two-folded role. On the one hand, he is a quasi-religious authority who unites their souls and admits their union genuine. On the other hand, he still performs as a monarch in a domain of love.

After the permission of Eros (since it was definitely a process of approval) they enter the bath. We have already discussed in the second chapter that Agapitos explains why Eros should be a real person in this chapter acting and helping the couple to have a first intercourse.

The clear discourse of Eros as an emperor is interrupted in the prince's castle where, in contrary to the previous sequences, numerous Eroses serve in benefit of the couple. Eros as a single statue disappears from the tale at the moment and is displaced by multiple counterparts.

However, we are to meet a single Eros at the end of the tale when he is described as an emperor again. His solo is connected to the idea of imperial (as there cannot be a few emperors, there cannot be a few imperial Eroses; but when they are in a prince's castle being captivated together with Callimachus and Chrysorrhoe, they are lovely kids with their lovely little arrows).

As a doppelgдnger to Eros, Aphrodite is always in love sequences and is also sitting on the throne. However, she is connected to Chrysorrhoe and her beauty. In the domain of Gods, Eros reflects masculine whilst Aphrodite feminine. Eros is an emperor and accepts their oaths, Aphrodite can describe the feelings and actions of the couple, she is a speaker.

Кб? фп? лпхфсп? ф?т ?дпн?т кб? ф?т ?н фп?фщй ч?сейт

? гл?ууб м?нз д?нефбй ф?т ?цспд?фзт л?гейн

And only a word of Aphrodite can tell

About pleasures of the bath and joys in it.

On conclusion, as we may see, Eros's role is much reduced here in comparison to Livistros and Rhodamne. In my opinion, his position is only de rigueur and adopts a few known patterns without any further developments of an existing topos.

Conclusion

Undoubtedly, elicit scenes of the tale have some peculiarities which must be observed. Together with some common and ordinary topoi (castle, gardens, water, Eros an Emperor), a few exceptional erotic episodes are added to the tale. Their peculiarities may affect our view on other romances, too.

Firstly, a few connections with fairy tales were noticed. In case with CaC where a whole plot is constructed on some famous features of a fairy tale this connection looks obvious, now not only in some little details but also in a plot itself. But what if this connection was greater? Unfortunately, we cannot fully reconstruct folklore of Byzantium. Still, our research might have raised two more questions about romances in addition to a popular statement that we should look at Eastern and Arab novels.

Another question which to my mind must be evoked but cannot be answered soon is how these scenes were accepted in Byzantine mentality. Should we state that new sexual pleasures have been established? Did sexual pleasure exist in reading such tales or was it just a literary experiment and curiosity? As in Elias's theory for French Modern Times, did art replace sexual impulses and thus by means of literature was a sexual desire calmed or, on the contrary, evoked? If it was for sexual fulfilment and we accept a theory of Cupane that such texts were both written and spoken in public, how should we imagine this society?

We have started with a point that the Byzantine literature was built on patterns and the authors try to paraphrase, adopt and allude to existing texts. The unexpected was excluded, whilst the actions should have been known from Greek novels or Medieval tales. However, as we accept the theory of genealogy of the scene with suspended Chrysorrhoe, we must admit a shift and a cross-border exchange in the byzantine literature itself.

We may perceive such genealogy as a break of a tradition, a cross between appropriate and inappropriate but at the same time there is another theory which might be proposed.

Before vernacular romances were introduced to the Byzantine soil, there was no genre where explicit stories would be appropriate. Erotic scenes were scattered among diverse texts including secular and non-secular genres. The texts of Byzantium were genre fluid in terms of inclusion of erotic scenes. Explicit content which became a part of romances was mixed and added to other genres. The Byzantines enjoyed composing and reading such stories. They had to restrain many of their sexual desires in reality following the Christian rules but they could alleviate their sexual energy through literature.

Since the vernacular romances were created, there was no need to pour sexual scenes into bottles of different genres. Now, there was a single one which was dedicated only to earthly fulfilments. We may say about migration of these scenes from one genre to another (in CaC, for example, an existing pattern of a torture is evolving into a fully developed sexual scene). If we look at these texts from this angle, we may come to a conclusion that eroticism of hagiography or historiography was caused by absence of a natural and spread Byzantine genre where it might have been shown. But in the late period, al these scenes are concentrating in one genre. At the historical point where such a genre appears, there is no need anymore to include foreign and excessive sexual scenes in texts about saints, and they are excluded during a period of metaphrasis.

At the same time, such a transition to a stage where sexual desire is openly admitted was not simple and straight. We may perceive an existence of Philes's allegorical reading as a sign of an adjustment period. Either he himself or the court could not accept that strictly erotic tales are spreading in the Christian community. Perhaps, it was a stage of denial when Byzantium was trying to deal with texts which fully uncover their sexuality.

Nevertheless, this theory is yet to be proved through many debates. Till the moment, researches on hagiography and vernacular romances were traditionally conducted by different groups of Byzantinists. They were divided into two different section of Byzantine literature. However, a case of CaC proves that we need to look closely at their co-dependency. Do sexual scenes disappear from one genre completely, does it migrate to another genre? Is it a coincidence or a rule?

The Byzantine culture was multidimensional and complicated, and we must look closer to have a defined conclusion.

Another question which was stated was a position of an author. Almost every point at which we look had some literal predecessors and many were mentioned. Yet, a word tradition is not that appropriate in the context, to my mind. Reduplication was so spread that it is hardly any specific tradition but rather a practice which was maintained in Byzantium. The art of the author is in this practice, and he is innovative not in a modern sense of creating new plotlines but rather in his contemporary sense where he was able to create a unique text using familiar patterns. Additionally, he introduces a new layer and a new genre in his tale, thus he is crossing a border of `acceptable' and spread groups of patterns.

Perhaps, the author of CaC was perceived even too innovative in his times. The epigram of Philes is a unique case of a Byzantine text containing information about a romance, its plot and an author.

The variety and their combinations in different forms prove how complicated the culture of the empire was. Full understanding of its patterns and contexts is unlikely to be achieved.

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