Education and its perspectives for women from the clergy estate in right-bank Ukraine in the 60-S of the XIX - early XX centuries

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EDUCATION AND ITS PERSPECTIVES FOR WOMEN FROM THE CLERGY ESTATE IN RIGHT-BANK UKRAINE IN THE 60-s OF THE XIX - EARLY XX CENTURIES

OPRIA Ihor - Candidate of Historical Sciences (PhD), Associate Professor, Department of World History, Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University

OPRIA Bohdana - Candidate of Historical Sciences (PhD), Associate Professor, Department of Tourism and Hotel and Restaurant Business, Kamianets- Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University

Abstract

The purpose of the article is to find out the women's motivation from the clergy estate to get education and to identify opportunities to apply the acquired knowledge later in adult life. The research methodology was based on the principles of historicism, objectivity, comprehensiveness and integrity, and systematization. The methods of comparison, analysis and synthesis, the method of generalization were used in the study. The method of analysis was used to highlight certain elements of the subject. The method of synthesis was used to combine a variety of information into a holistic picture. The generalization method was used to formulate the main messages, general statements and conclusions. The scientific novelty is that the article identifies the reasons for the growing popularity of women's education during this period and reveals that the education itself had ambiguous outcomes for the graduates themselves and the society in which they lived.

Conclusions. Since 1860s, girls from the clergy estate have had the opportunity to study in the ecclesiastical schools. In the next coming years, many new educational institutions were opened leading to the number of female students increase. This happened in line with the modernization processes that took place within the Russian Empire.

Key words: clergy, education, seminary, priest's daughter, priest's wife.

Анотація

ОПРЯ Ігор - кандидат історичних наук, доцент кафедри всесвітньої історії Кам'янець-Подільського національного університету імені Івана Огієнка

ОПРЯ Богдана - кандидат історичних наук, старший викладач кафедри туризму та готельно-ресторанної справи Кам'янець-Подільського національного університету імені Івана Огієнка

ОСВІТА ТА II ПЕРСПЕКТИВИ ДЛЯ ЖІНОК ІЗ СТАНУ ДУХОВЕНСТВА У ПРАВОБЕРЕЖНІЙ УКРАЇНІ У 60-х рр. ХІХ - НА ПОЧАТКУ ХХ ст.

Мета роботи - з'ясувати мотивацію здобуття освіти дівчатами із стану духовенства та виявити можливості застосування набутих знань у подальшому житті. Методологія дослідження базується на принципах історизму, об'єктивності, всебічності і цілісності, системності. У дослідженні використано методи порівняння, аналізу та синтезу, метод узагальнення. Метод аналізу був використаний для виділення окремих елементів предмету дослідження. Метод синтезу був використаний для об'єднання різноманітної інформації в цілісну картину.

Метод узагальнення використовувався для формулювання основних посилів, загальних тверджень та висновків. Наукова новизна полягає в тому, що було визначено причини зростання популярності жіночої освіти у вказаний період та виявлено, що сама освіта мала неоднозначні наслідки як для самих випускниць, так і для суспільства, в якому вони жили.

Висновки. З 1860-х років дівчата з сімей православного духовенства отримали можливість навчатися у духовних навчальних закладах. У наступні роки відкриваються нові заклади освіти, а кількість учениць зростає. Це відбувалось у руслі модернізаційних процесів, які проходили в усій Російській імперії. Втім, сама система освіти мала певні недоліки. З одного боку, дівчат готували до ролі дружини сільського священика і покладали на них певну цивілізаторську місію. Тому основна увага приділялася отриманню теоретичних знань, практичних навичок по веденню господарства та формуванню високих моральних рис учениць. З іншого боку, освіта містила елементи елітарності, зокрема вивчались іноземні мови, гра на фортепіано тощо, що формувало у частини учениць високий рівень очікувань від майбутнього. А тому ця група випускниць не хотіла пов'язувати своє життя з долею сільського священика. Причому, такі ментальні стереотипи формувалися саме в процесі навчання, оскільки здобуття освіти відкривало дівчатам можливості та перспективи, про які вони раніше не здогадувалися.

Ключові слова: духовенство, освіта, семінарія, дочка священика, дружина священика.

Introduction and purpose

Education needs are an important factor in the development of every individual, certain social groups and society in general. Since the 60-s of the XIX century in Right-Bank Ukraine, which at that time was part of the Russian Empire, the processes of modernization, which have covered all spheres of society, including the educational sphere, were accelerating. Along with men, women were claiming their rights and aspirations for education. New schools, courses, boarding schools have appeared and their founders have been trying to meet this new, increasingly growing need. Fashion for women's education has also touched on the rather conservative estate of the parish clergy. More and more clergymen were trying to educate their daughters, but their motives and expectations were quite different.

education right women clergy

Analysis of recent research

Spiritual women's education has been partially reflected in the scientific literature. Some aspects of the issue were studied by A. Lysyi (Lysyi, 2007), T. Leontyeva (Leontyeva, 1999; Leontyeva, 2000), L. Manchester (Manchester, 2011), I. Sesak (Sesak, 2006; Sesak, 2007), G. Stepanenko (Stepanenko, 2002), G. Freeze (Freeze, 1983) and others. Foreign researchers paid attention to the social aspects of the topic, they tried to show the new role of the whole clergy estate, including girls from clergy families in the modernization processes of the second half of the XIX century. Ukrainian historians mainly studied the educational process itself, described the daily routine of female students, reflected the financial and material difficulties, and compared how women's education has developed in different regions. Since there are contradictory statements in the assessments of researchers, it is necessary to continue the scientific search, which determines the relevance of the topic.

Purpose. Therefore, the purpose of the article is to find out the women's motivation from the clergy estate to get education and to identify opportunities to apply the acquired knowledge later in adult life.

Main material. The daughters of clergymen could be educated in secular and spiritual schools. However, secular education in the perception of the clergy often had a negative connotation as there was a risk that the girls would lose in such establishments their faith in God and spirituality. For this reason, in most cases, parents tried to give their daughters a spiritual education. By the end of the first half of the XIX century there were only a few girls' educational establishments in Ukrainian lands in some convents. In June 1864, through the efforts of Bishop Leonti, a women's diocesan school was established in Kamianets-Podilskyi, and a bit later, the same institution was opened in Tulchyn (Rovinskyi & Mykhanchuk, p. 125). In 1892, there were 49 such educational institutions in the whole Russian Empire, with 42,000 girls studying there. The total number of female theological seminary students in 1892 was 11,470. At first, these were three-grade, and later - six-grade schools (Belyakova, 2004, p. 423). The main task of the ecclesiastical women's schools was to educate the wives of future parish priests and teachers of parish schools.

The curriculum of women's spiritual schools included the study of the Law of God, the Russian language, theory of literature, history, Russian literature, arithmetic, general basics of geometry, general information on physics, geography, practical acquaintance with the Slavic language, pedagogy, chanting. Additional subjects such as foreign languages, music and painting were taught for a fee (Sesak, 2007, p. 250). In addition, pupils had to get accustomed to housekeeping. For this purpose, the school had a fruit tree garden, vegetable garden, livestock and bird yards (Sesak, 2006, p. 330). The training in the spiritual women's schools was scheduled on a daily basis: two lessons, one and a half hours each, before lunch from 9 am to 12 noon and one lesson after lunch from 3 pm to 4:30 pm. - from needlework or handwriting. In addition, those willing to get a free education learned French and music (Sesak, 2006, p. 329-330).

Therefore, with the advent of women's spiritual colleges, opportunities for education for girls of spiritual status have expanded significantly, but many of them have remained without education due to the lack of sufficient resources for education in their families. This has called on concerns among the clergy. One of the contributors to the `Podolsk Diocesan Gazette' noted in 1897 that there were two spiritual women's schools in the Podolsk diocese - Kamyanets' and Tulchyn's. However, they have almost no daughters of deacons and psalms. The Kamyanets Ecclesiastical School denied access to the daughters of the clergy according to the charter. There were no such restrictions in the Tulchin Ecclesiastical School, but there were financial obstacles there. The subsistence cost 120 - 150 rubles a year, which was far beyond the budget of the poor priests, not to mention deacons or psalms (Neobhodimost' zhenskih shkol dlya docherej psalomshchikov, d'yakonov i bednyh svyashchennikov, 1897, p. 516-517; Semejstvo i domochadcy pastyrya, 1869, p. 552). What made the situation with the teaching of the clergy's children even worse was the fact that the priests' families were mostly large in number. According to the calculations of the famous researcher B. Mironov, the clergy had the largest families in the Russian Empire (Mironov, 2003, p. 224). It was difficult enough to provide education for 6 to 8 children, because it was normal for those families to have so many children. It should be noted that the clergy tried to support girls from large families or orphans. They were provided with various financial and material support in the form of scholarships. Some orphaned students were on full diocesan support (Sesak, 2006, p. 335). It was easier for boys to study, because they were mostly studying at the state expense.

The question of the education for the daughters of the clergy was repeatedly raised at church congresses, discussed on the pages of spiritual periodicals. The solution to the problem was seen in expansion of the network of educational institutions and reduction or complete abolishment of the tuition fees. One of the options could be the establishment of educational institutions in the monasteries of the diocese. There were four such monasteries in the diocese of Podolsk: Brailovsky, Barsky, Golovchynsky, Nemyrivsky, and the opening of a spiritual school in each of them could significantly solve the problem of accessibility of education (Neobhodimost' zhenskih shkol dlya docherej psalomshchikov, d'yakonov i bednyh svyashchennikov, 1897, p. 517). The idea of opening women's religious schools at monasteries was reflected on the pages of the Orthodox magazine `Guide for Rural Pastors'. It noted that the `holy cause' of the education and training of children of rural clergy could raise the authority of women's monasteries among the population. After all, the upbringing of children is perhaps not the best field of activity for the nuns who have devoted themselves to serving God. In each monastery there would be an abbot who could lead a spiritual school, as well as tutors and teachers for teaching subjects. The main advantage of this option was the small amount of money needed to make it happen (Vopros ob obrazovanii devic sel'skogo duhovenstva, 1876, p. 367).

In addition to the financial obstacles, the conservativeness of society created another serious impediment for women's spiritual education. Part of the clergy found education unnecessary for girls, especially some subjects, such as French, playing the piano or dancing, because those subjects would not be needed for the priest's future wife. On the pages of church periodicals of that time the spiritual system of education was often criticized as well as, its isolation from the needs of everyday life such as lack of basic knowledge of the graduates of cooking or tailoring (Pochemu duhovnye nevesty, docheri svyashchenno- cerkovnosluzhitelej ne vsegda vyhodyat zamuzh za duhovnyh zhenihov, kandidatov svyashchenstva, 1897, p. 1361-1362).

At the same time, in the second half of the nineteenth century society priests' wives were expected to fulfill a particular civilizing mission. Church writers perceived changes in the public consciousness at the time as a kind of moral crisis, and the basis of morality was a family where the role of women remained crucial. Therefore, the revival of morality in society was attributed to the ecclesiastical publicists by the activities of the best wives of the parish clergy, who by their authority would make a positive influence on the peasants (Manchester, 2011, p. 57-58).

Since the role of the head of the family belonged to the priest, a woman was often seen as its soul. The priest's wives had greater influence at the domestic life than their husbands, giving it a hypertrophied religious character (Leontyeva, 2000, p. 39). The parishioners have always closely monitored family relations in the priest's family. The priest and his wife had to make many efforts to make their family life an example for believers. It was difficult to keep on the love and respect of parishioners for a priest who had a disorder in their own families He was thought to be unable to keep the parish in order if he could not manage his own family. The priest, his wife, their children, their appearance, their behavior, the dwelling in which they lived, all had to meet the standard of external decency. Largely, as in every family, the priest's wife had to provide it. Therefore, according to church writers, spiritual education should be aimed at preparing such an `ideal wife'.

Not every young girl was ready to take on the responsibilities of a village priest's wife, especially if she had other perspectives. Therefore, parents tried to prepare their daughters in different ways, both - physically and psychologically. The reflections of one priest that he expressed in his letters to his newly married daughter. `Yes, my daughter,' he writes, `you rightly observe that the duties of the village priest's wife are heavy; I will also tell you that they are multilateral. Remain a perfect housewife, caring wife and mother, you, as your husband's assistant, must take on some of his complicated pastoral duties. Look at your husband's parish as your own big family, about which you have to worry with maternal love...' (Pis'ma svyashchennika k docheri, 1888, p. 20).

Indeed, among the priests' wives were those who perceived her duties as a sacred mission and helped their husband throughout. In 1897, the `Podolsk Diocesan Paper' provided an exemplary example for imitation. A young priest with his wife came to the parish where for a long time there was no shepherd at all due to the extreme poverty of the village. With great zeal, he and his wife treated the parishioners and visited them quite often. The wife, while supporting the sick, brought them medicine, vinegar, mustard, mint, etc.; gave valuable recommendations. She treated the problems of the believers with empathy and compassion. In response to this sincerity, parishioners thanked the priest's family with generous voluntary donations during the procession (Vstuplenie na pastvu molodogo svyashchennika i ego pervye shagi, 1897, p. 187).

In the ecclesiastical press of that time, such examples were quite common without specifying the place and name of the priest, so it is possible that the author imagined a perfect picture that did not happen in real life. However, it is obvious that in the priest's life the wife played an extremely important role. She had to harmonize relationships not only in her family but also throughout the parish, which was beneficial for both the clergy and the believers. The wife provided considerable assistance to her husband when teaching the truth of the faith to the common people. For example, she could open a small literacy school at home, in which the children of parishioners, especially girls, would learn to read and sing prayers and become acquainted with the rules of housekeeping (Sysoeva, 2008, p. 173).

The priest's wife had to be able to provide first aid in traumas, cuts, burns that often occurred in peasant life. She always had at her disposal the most necessary means of providing medical care, because the peasants often did not trust the doctors, and they rarely lived in the village. And the ability of the priest's wife to help a sick person extremely brought her closer to the parishioners and, accordingly, raised the authority of her husband (Manchester, 2011, p. 59; Chem mozhet byt' polezna zhena sel'skogo svyashchennika v dele podayaniya medicinskoj pomoshchi ego bol'nym prihozhanam, 1889, p. 135).

The priest's wife also cared for her entire large family. She gave birth to `as much as God will give' and from six to eight children grew up in families. The memoirs of Metropolitan Evlogii describe interesting details of family life. With great affection and sympathy, he shared memories of his mother. He noted that her life was incredibly difficult. `Having lost four children during eight years, my mother considered me as doomed: I was also born a weak child, but I survived. After that, she had nine more children: three of whom died as infants, six survived' (Evlogii, 1994, p. 14-15). As we can see, Metropolitan's mother gave birth to fourteen children, but seven from them were died. It is clear that her life was filled with anxiety, concern and illness.

The priest's wife was obliged to follow all the lents and to make sure that all the members of her family consumed the lean food at the appropriate time. In the memoirs of Metropolitan Evlogii we find such information: `During all Lents (except the Feast of the Annunciation and Palm Sunday) we did not even eat fish, let alone milk; and on the eve of the evening we did not eat anything until the first “star” has appeared' (Evlogii, 1994, p. 17).

According to church rules, except for restrictions in food, it was desirable to refrain from marital relations, with the mutual consent of the spouses. However, in many families, the recommended character of this rule is considered mandatory. Therefore, the violation of marital feasting was considered a serious sin, and conceiving a child during feasting was considered immoral (Sysoeva, 2008, p. 159). The priests wife had to humbly endure all the troubles, shortages and support of her husband in difficult times. She had to act as an `angel of peace and love' not only for her family but also for the whole parish (Primernoe povedenie svyashchennika v domashnej zhizni, 1872, p. 120-121). The social status of the priest's wife dictated to them a special style of behavior: work and pray, care for the husband and children increased humility of fate, gave their faith a touch of fanaticism (Leontyeva, 1999, p. 53).

It is clear that the successful fulfillment of the role of the priest's wife required a great deal of effort from the woman, and most importantly, readiness for social service. Spiritual schools were supposed to bring such traits into their homes. However, education itself opened up a different world to rural girls and a broader perspective for their fate. Some of the girls of the spiritual state refused to marry the priests because they did not want to be the priest's wife. Some of them went against their parents' will and married `at the behest of the heart', others - after they have received education, changed their outlook and started to perceive the life of a rural priest's wife as something humiliating for them. They understood that marrying a candidate for the priesthood meant for them the abandonment of a secular and intelligent society as well as quitting, innocent entertainment and fun. Instead, they would need to get involved in various occupations and family problems (Pochemu duhovnye nevesty, docheri svyashchenno-cerkovnosluzhitelej ne vsegda vyhodyat zamuzh za duhovnyh zhenihov, kandidatov svyashchenstva, 1897, p. 1357-1358).

Therefore, the girl's spiritual education was not always for her own benefit. One of the authors of the `Village Priest magazine' in 1907 develops this idea. He describes the thoughts of a rural priest's wife who expressed futility the education for girls from the clergy estate. At school, children acquire habits, desires and tastes that they will not have to realize in real life. Being educated, they only fill the ranks of the unhappy and dissatisfied with people's lives. Simple, unpretentious, even silly priest's wife is much happier compared to the educated woman. These thoughts came to her based on her own life experience, because in her time she was educated in a spiritual school and had dreams of a happy future, which was not meant to be. (Bez vyhoda, 1907, p. 48).

Conclusions

Since 1860s, girls from the clergy estate have had the opportunity to study in the ecclesiastical schools. In the next coming years, many new educational institutions were opened leading to the number of female students increase. This happened in line with the modernization processes that took place within the Russian Empire. However, the education system itself had some limitations. On the one hand, the girls were prepared for the role of a village priest's wife and assigned a certain civilizing mission. Therefore, the main attention was paid to obtaining theoretical knowledge, practical skills in housekeeping and the formation of high moral traits of female students. On the other hand, education contained elements of elitism, in particular, learning foreign languages, playing the piano and other music instruments, etc., which is why the vision of the future of some female students has changed accordingly. Therefore, this group of graduates did not want to link their lives with the fate of the village priest. Moreover, such mental stereotypes were formed in the process of learning, because getting education opened up opportunities and prospects for girls that they had not previously guessed.

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8. Lysyi, A. K. (2007). Z istorii zhinochoi osvity u Vinnytsi (1900 - 1919) [From the History of Women's Education in Vinnytsia (1900 - 1919)]. Osvita, nauka i kultura na Podilli: zbirnyk naukovykh prats, (9). Kamianets-Podilskyi, 148-154. [in Ukrainian].

9. Mironov, B. N. (2003). Social'naya istoriya Rossiiperioda imperii (ХУЛІ - nachaloХХ v.) [Social History of Russia During the Empire (XVIII - early XX century)]: v 2 t. T. 1. Sankt- Peterburg: Dmitrij Bulanin, 548 s. [in Russian].

10. Neobhodimost' zhenskih shkol dlya docherej psalomshchikov, d'yakonov i bednyh svyashchennikov [The Need for Girls' Schools for the Daughters of Psalmists, Deacons, and Poor Priests]. (1897). Podol'skie eparhialnye vedomosti, 21, 516-520. [in Russian].

11. Nechto o religiozno-nravstvennom vliyanii na prihozhan zheny pastyrya [Something About the Religious and Moral Influence of a Priest's Wife on Parishioners]. (1886). Rukovodstvo dlya selskihpastyrej, 42, 169-180. [in Russian].

12. Pis'ma svyashchennika k docheri [The Priest's Letters to His Daughter]. (1888). Rukovodstvo dlya selskih pastyrej, 18, 19-28. [in Russian].

13. Pochemu duhovnye nevesty, docheri svyashchenno-cerkovnosluzhitelej ne vsegda vy- hodyat zamuzh za duhovnyh zhenihov, kandidatov svyashchenstva [Why Spiritual Brides, Daughters of Priests Do Not Always Marry Spiritual Grooms, Priesthood Candidates]. (1897). Podol'skie eparhialnye vedomosti, 50, 1356-1364. [in Russian].

14. Primernoe povedenie svyashchennika v domashnej zhizni [Exemplary Priest Behavior in Domestic Life]. (1872). Rukovodstvo dlya selskih pastyrej, (21), 119-127. [in Russian].

15. Rovinskyi, V., Mykhanchuk, O. (1995). Pravoslaviie na Podolii (istorychni narysy) [Orthodoxy in Podolia (historical essays)]. Kamianets-Podilskyi: Dzvin, 176 s. [in Ukrainian].

16. Semejstvo i domochadcy pastyrya [The Family and Household of the Priest]. (1869). Rukovodstvo dlya selskih pastyrej, (33), 543-556. [in Russian].

17. Sesak, I. V. (2006). Tulchynske yeparkhialne uchylyshche: storinky istorii (1867 - 1917 rr.) [Tulchyn Diocesan School: Pages of History (1867 - 1917)]. Osvita, nauka i kultura na Podilli: zbirnyk naukovykh prats, (8), Kamianets-Podilskyi, 324-337. [in Ukrainian].

18. Sesak, I. V. (2007). Zhinochi dukhovni uchylyshcha pravoslavnoho vidomstva na Podilli u druhii polovyni KhIKh - na pochatku KhKh st. [Women's Theological Schools of the Orthodox Department in Podillya in the second half of the XIX - early XX centuries.] Osvita, nauka i kultura na Podilli: zbirnyk naukovykh prats, (10), Kamianets-Podilskyi, 249-254. [in Ukrainian].

19. Stepanenko, H. V. (2002). Osvitnia diialnist pravoslavnoho dukhovenstva v Ukraini (XIX -pochatok XX st.) [Educational activity of the Orthodox clergy in Ukraine (XIX - early XX centuries)] (avtoref. dys... kand. ist. nauk: spets. 07.00.01 - Istoriia Ukrainy). Kyiv, 23 s. [in Ukrainian].

20. Sysoeva, Yu. (2008). Zapiski popad'i: Osobennosti zhizni russkogo duhovenstva [Notes of the Priest's Wife: Features of the Life of the Russian Clergy]. Moskva: Vremia, 207 s. [in Russian].

21. Chem mozhet byt' polezna zhena sel'skogo svyashchennika v dele podayaniya medicins- koj pomoshchi ego bol'nym prihozhanam [How Can the Wife of a Rural Priest Be Helpful in Donating Medical Care to His Sick Parishioners?]. (1889). Rukovodstvo dlya selskih pastyrej, 5, 133-137. [in Russian].

22. Freeze, G. (1983). The Parish Clergy in Nineteenth-Century Russia: Crisis, Reform, Counter-Reform. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 507 r. [in English].

23. Manchester, L. (2011). Gender and Social Estate as National Identity: The Wives and Daughters of Orthodox Clergymen as Civilizing Agents in Imperial Russia. The Journal of Modern History. Vol. 83, № 1 (March 2011), 48-77.

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