The United States in a world of great power competition
Determining and characteristic the consequences of the adoption of the National Security Strategy, which recorded Washington's turn towards "competition with the great powers". Viewing the Cold War as a typical example of great power competition.
| Рубрика | Политология |
| Вид | статья |
| Язык | английский |
| Дата добавления | 05.03.2021 |
| Размер файла | 39,2 K |
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The U.S. in the New Era of Great Power Competition
Even before the tripartite health/economic/political crisis of 2020 had coalesced, calls for a more restrained approach to U.S. foreign policy were making headway in both political parties, and with a younger generation that has no memory of the Cold War.1 Such calls for restraint emerged not long after the end of the Cold War, but were temporarily overshadowed by the shock of the 9/11 attacks and the ensuing interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq. While now largely forgotten, George W. Bush campaigned in 2000 for a "humble" U.S. foreign policy, and listed U.S.-Mexico relations as the country's most important foreign relationship. Barack Obama first came to national prominence because of his opposition to the Iraq War, and as president pushed to get U.S. troops out of both Iraq and Afghanistan, and to draw down the U.S. presence in Europe in order to focus attention on Asia. Stephen Wertheim, "The Price of Primacy: Why America Shouldn't Dominate the World," Foreign Affairs 99, accessed November 19, 2020, https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/afghanistan/2020-02-10/price-primacy. Stephen M. Walt, "The Broken Policy Promises of W. Bush, Clinton, and Obama," Foreign Policy, accessed November 19, 2020, https://foreignpolicy.com/2016/09/18/broken-foreign-policy-promises-bush-clinton-obama-iraq-syria/. Despite an emphasis on increasing military spending and the rhetorical focus on great power competition in documents like the NSS, Trump's largely transactional view of alliances and skepticism about overseas commitments represent less a repudiation of recent U.S. foreign policy than an intensification of trends long visible beneath the surface. Michael Birnbaum, "As Trump Hammers NATO Allies on Defense Spending, Military Planners Worry about his '2 Percent' Obsession," Washington Post, accessed November 19, 2020, https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/europe/trump-wants-all- of-nato-spending-2-percent-on-defense-but-does-that-even-make-sense/2018/07/10/6be06da2-7f08-11e8-a63f-7b5d2aba7ac5_ story.html.
With Americans facing a mounting series of crises at home and fatigued from two decades of grinding and inconclusive warfare in the Middle East, great power competition offers what seems like a more comforting alternative. After all, the United States' recent experiences of great power competition - during World War II and the Cold War - cast the U.S. in a generally positive light. Both conflicts had clear moral stakes and concluded with the defeat and dissolution of the other side. Not only could the U.S. plausibly claim to be on the side of the angels (notwithstanding the litany of abuses it tolerated on the part of its many "allies"), the sacrifices could be justified in retrospect by the triumphant ends to both conflicts.
A danger exists in seeing these conflicts, especially the Cold War, as typical examples of great power competition, or in using them as a template for U.S. foreign policy in the 21st century. For the United States to sustain a Cold War-style great power competition with China and Russia, it will need to convince the American public that the stakes are high and the dangers great enough to justify the costs. The history of U.S. foreign policy, with the exception of the period from 1941 to 1989, is one in which great power competition was more the exception than the rule. The subsequent unipolar moment allowed the United States the luxury of believing that it could shape the world in its own image at minimal cost. The emergence of new great power rivals in Russia and China suggests that the U.S. will either have to trim its ambitions or accept much higher costs. Without a clear moral or ideological divide and with the United States facing domestic challenges perhaps as severe as any since the Civil War, that case will be a very difficult one to make.
Список литературы / references
1. Allison, Graham. Destined for War? Can America and China Escape Thucydides' Trap? New York: Houghton Mifflin, 2017.
2. Arendt, Hannah. The Origins of Totalitarianism. New York: Penguin, 2004.
3. Brands, Hal. "Democracy vs. Authoritarianism: How Ideology Shapes Great Power Competition." Survival 60, no. 5 (Oct/Nov 2018): 61-114.
4. Brands, Hal. Making the Unipolar Moment: US Foreign Policy and the Rise of the Post-Cold War Order. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2016.
5. Brands, Hal, and Charles Edel. The Lessons of Tragedy: Statecraft and World Order. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2019.
6. Crisman-Cox, Casey, and Michael Gibilisco. "Audience Costs and the Dynamics of War and Peace." American Journal of Political Science 62, no. 3 (2018): 566-80.
7. Friedberg, Aaron. In the Shadow of the Garrison State: America's Anti-Statism and Its Cold War Grand Strategy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000.
8. Gaddis, John Lewis. Surprise, Security, and the American Experience. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005.
9. Kroenig, Matthew. The Return of Great Power Rivalry: Democracy versus Autocracy from the Ancient World
10. to the U.S. and China. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2020.
11. Mahan, Dean B. One War at a Time: the International Dimensions of the American Civil War. Dulles, VA: Brassey's, 1999.
12. Mankoff, Jeffrey. Empires of Eurasia: How Imperial Legacies Shape International Security. New Haven, CT and London: Yale University Press, forthcoming.
13. Mearsheimer, John J. The Tragedy of Great Power Politics. New York: W.W. Norton, 2001.
14. Morgenthau, Hans J., Politics Among Nations: the Struggle for Power and Peace, 5th ed. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1978.
15. Russett, Bruce, Christopher Layne, David E.
16. Spiro, and Michael W. Doyle, "The Democratic Peace." International Security 19, no. 4 (Spring 1995): 164-84.
17. Stewart, Richard W., ed. American Military History: the United States Army in a Global Era, 1917-2008, Vol. II, 2nd ed. Washington, DC: Center of Military History, 2010.
18. Thucydides. The History of the Peloponnesian War. trans. Rex Warner. London: Penguin, 1972.
19. Waltz, Kenneth N. Theory of International Politics. New York: McGraw Hill, 1979.
20. Waltz, Kenneth N. "Structural Realism After the Cold War." International Security 25, no. 1 (2000): 5-41.
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