Radical transformations of political values in the states of Central and Eastern Europe during the political and economic transition of the late 1980-s and early 1990-s
Changes in public consciousness during the political and economic transition in the states of Central-Eastern Europe as a result of the fall of totalitarian communist regimes and the formation of a democratic system. Transformation of political values.
| Рубрика | Политология |
| Вид | статья |
| Язык | английский |
| Дата добавления | 16.04.2023 |
| Размер файла | 42,1 K |
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- 1997. - № 3. - С. 10..
In Hungary, changes in the existing order during the 1990s. were also produced not spontaneously, by methods of shock therapy, but on the basis of step-by-step actions. Such dynamics of gradual reforms was laid down during the reign of Janos Kadar and was developed in post-socialist conditions Марков Д. Политические силы в постсоциалистических обществах: Венгрия / Д. Марков // Общественные науки и современность. - 1993. - № 1. - С. 142.. The well-known Hungarian economist Janos Kornai opposed such a policy, he considered the rejection of radical economic transformations as the creation of social debt for future generations Брусиловська О. І. Шляхи економічної трансформації Чехії та Угорщини наприкінці ХХ - на початку ХХІ ст. / О. І. Брусиловська // Вісник Одеського національного університету. - Серія: Соціологія, політологія. - 2006. - Т. 11. - Вип. 10. - С. 330.. At the same time, along with radical reforms, Janos Kornai recognized the need for a long-term program of institutional reforms Беляев Э. В. Трансформация: у каждой страны уникальный путь / Э. В. Беляев // Социологические исследования.
- 2002. - № 10. - С. 46..
In Poland, a combination of the two methods could be observed. On the one hand, after the Solidarity government came to power, a program of “shock therapy” was proclaimed, which was supposed to transform the country's economy at a very rapid pace. Its author, Minister of Finance Leszek Balcerowicz, believed that reforms should be carried out quickly, especially at the very beginning Бальцерович Л. "Для экономических реформ всегда очень важен политический смысл" / Л. Бальцерович // Зеркало недели. - 1997. - № 14. - С. 1.. On the other hand, the gradual economic and political reforms carried out in the country throughout the 1980s significantly reduced the radical change. For example, price liberalization in 1989-1990 actually affected only 20% of their total volume. The restructuring of the ownership structure, as the reform program proclaimed, also had to take place in an evolutionary way Бухарин Н. И. Польша: десять лет по пути реформ / Н. И. Бухарин, И. С. Синицина, Н. А. Чудакова // Новая и новейшая история. - 2000. - № 4. - С. 41, 44-45..
The question of the speed of transformations has caused heated debates in the Slovenian political community. The centre-right government pushed for radical privatization with the help of foreign capital and Slovenian emigrants. A group of left-wing economists (J. Menzinger, I. Ribnikar) advocated a gradual process of privatization Гуськова Е. Ю. Политические силы в постсоциалистических обществах: Югославия / Е. Ю. Гуськова // Общественные науки и современность. - 1992. - № 4. - С. 153...
The interpretation of the value of equality has also changed significantly. The economic equality of the Soviet era (in income, consumption) is being replaced by equality of rights and opportunities. Thus, the general Czech public emphasized equality in dignity, rights, responsibility, duties as a priority for the development of their country Коровицына Н. В. Чешская социология о реальном состоянии общества и вновь о его "человеческом лице" / Н. В. Коровицына // Социологические исследования. - 2003. - № 5. - С. 25.. The population's adherence to the meritocratic principles of income differentiation in accordance with qualifications grew - from 62% in 1981 to 78-89% at the turn of the 1980s - 90s. among Poles and from 69% to 87% among Hungarians. Similar sentiments were observed in all countries of the region. More than half of the inhabitants of Romania, about 60% of Bulgaria, 62% of Slovakia, over 70% of Poland, 85% of Czechia were in favor of increasing income differentiation as an economic incentive during this period Адамский В. Динамика структурного конфликта в ходе смены системы: Польша в 1980-2000 гг. / В. Адамский, В. Заборовский, К. Пелчиньска-Налэнч // Социологические исследования. - 2002. - № 6. - С. 57.. According to opinion polls in Slovakia, at the initial stage of market reforms, the prevailing belief was that it was necessary to increase differences in wages, strengthen economic differentiation, so that the most skilled and diligent would get their reward Бунчак Я. Социокультурная трансформация в Словакии 1990-х гг. (некоторые итоги) / Я. Бунчак // Социологические исследования. - 2004. - № 7. - С. 115..
Most of the population of the region (52%) spoke in favour of income redistribution, but the level of this idea support varied very much from country to country. With the judgment “All people should enjoy earthly goods, therefore the rich should share with the poor", the least agreed in Romania (30%) and Hungary (37%), most of all in Bulgaria (63%). The idea of sharing with the poor was supported mainly by the elderly, less educated, with low incomes Демидов А. М. Социокультурные стили в Центральной и Восточной Европе / А. М. Демидов // Социологические исследования. - 1998. - № 4. - С. 26..
Egalitarian values prevailed among the Poles. Despite the decrease in their support from 80-90% (early 1980s) to 55-63% (1988-1990) with a slight increase by 1995, adherents of economic equality made up the majority of Polish society Адамский В. Динамика структурного конфликта в ходе смены системы: Польша в 1980-2000 гг. / В. Адамский, В. Заборовский, К. Пелчиньска-Налэнч // Социологические исследования. - 2002. - № 6. - С. 57.. Bulgarians were ambiguous in their opinion: 79% of them considered social inequality unfair, but 84% thought that this phenomenon was inevitable Светлорусова Л. М. [Рецензия] / Л. М. Светлорусова. - Рец. на кн.: Болгария в плену аномии / Ж. Владимиров, Т. Тодоров, И. Кацарски, М. Бадяков // Социальные и гуманитарные науки: Отечественная и зарубежная литература. - Серия 11: Социология. - 2000. - № 4. - С. 87.. Social status significantly influenced value preferences: economic equality was supported mainly by workers and peasants, it was opposed by private entrepreneurs and the intelligentsia Правоторова Т. В. Новое и старое в Польше первой половины 90-х гг. // Социальные и гуманитарные науки: Отечественная и зарубежная литература. - Серия 11: Социология. - 1997. - № 3. - С. 79..
On the eve and after the dismantling of the communist system, the perception of the value of freedom was radically transformed. Instead of its ephemeral Marxist understanding as “freedom from the exploitation of workers" (in practice, even more developed in communist totalitarian societies), comes the concept of individual rights and freedoms. Freedom of self-realization began to play a much greater role.
The general importance of the value of freedom in relation to others was also growing, but very different in countries. Only 16% of Czechs, 27% of Hungarians, but 38% of Poles, Bulgarians and even 44% of Romanians agreed with the statement “stable abundance is better than freedom" (a comparison of freedom with the values of stability and prosperity) Демидов А. М. Социокультурные стили в Центральной и Восточной Европе / А. М. Демидов // Социологические исследования. - 1998. - № 4. - С. 27..
Thus, during the cardinal political transformations of 1989-1991 in most of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, power passed into the hands of the bearers of liberal values, in the most opposite version to the former Marxist views. At the same time, supporters of limited reforms and the construction of so-called “democratic socialism" were defeated. The loss of economic and ideological legitimacy of the communist regimes, their collapse lead to the widespread dissemination of a new system of values in society, but at the same time to social anomie, when new individual values contradicts with the old ones. The population of most Central and Eastern European countries during this period recognize the value of a market economy based on private property, competition and denationalization. Security was interpreted in various ways: the preservation of national sovereignty, regional and international unions.
The Communist parties and Soviet systems were losing their legitimacy, and in their place came the values of democracy, free elections, a multi-party system. But in a number of countries, especially South-Eastern Europe, an intolerant attitude towards political opponents remained. The value of rapid, even revolutionary development came to replace maintaining the stability of the existing system.
The understanding of the value of equality was changing, the emphasis was on its social and political, rather than economic components. Income differentiation was increasingly perceived as a necessary stimulus for successful economic development. Finally, the vast majority of the population of the states of Central and Eastern Europe were moving away from the Marxist interpretation of the value of freedom, now understanding it as limiting state intervention in the personal and public life of the individual. Thanks to such cardinal changes in public attitudes, the countries of Central Europe went through the predominantly peaceful path of political and economic transformations of the 1990s. Whereas in South-Eastern Europe, where a value consensus in society had not been formed, the transformations were accompanied by instability and frequent upheavals.
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