Political stability of the Latin American region in the context of the politicization of religious institution

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Political stability of the Latin American region in the context of the politicization of religious institution

Elena V. Efanova

Elena M. Drinova

Nikolay Yu. Veremeev

Abstract

Introduction. The research topicality is determined by the necessity of interior political proving of regions stable development in the conditions of religion institute politicization in 20th - 21st centuries. The purpose of the work is to analyze the influence of the confessional factor on the domestic political process in the Lati n American region in the context of global trends of our time. Methods. The work uses methods of theoretical and applied political science analysis, methods of forecasting and modeling. The methodological basis of the work was the principles of systemic and constructivist approaches. Analysis. In the result of political science analysis of stable social and political issues development questions the explicative model of religion institute politicization processes influence to the sustainability of the Latin American region was offered. The theoretical importance of the research is in the reasons and tendencies revealing of religion institute politicization in the Latin American region. The practical importance of research is determined by the possibility of recommendation output of interior political support of the Latin American region in the conditions of social and cultural uncertainty. Authors'contribution. E.V. Efanova - the concept of the study, collection and processing of materials; E.M. Drinova - research methodology, writing of the main text; N.Yu. Veremeev - analysis and translation of foreign sources.

Key words: stability, political stability, Latin American region, religion politicization, religion politicization topos.

Аннотация

ПОЛИТИЧЕСКАЯ СТАБИЛЬНОСТЬ ЛАТИНОАМЕРИКАНСКОГО РЕГИОНА В УСЛОВИЯХ ПОЛИТИЗАЦИИ ИНСТИТУТА РЕЛИГИИ

Елена Владимировна Ефанова

Елена Михайловна Дринова

Николай Юрьевич Веремеев

Введение. Актуальность исследования определяется необходимостью обеспечения внут-риполитического стабильного развития регионов в условиях политизации института религии в XX-XXI веках. Целью работы является анализ влияния конфессионального фактора на внутриполитический процесс в Латиноамериканском регионе в условиях глобальных трендов современности. Методы. В работе применяются методы теоретического и прикладного политологического анализа, методы прогноза и моделирования. Методологической основой работы выступили принципы системного и конструктивистского подходов. Анализ. В результате политологического анализа вопросов стабильного общественно-политического развития предложена объясняющая модель влияния процессов политизации института религии на устойчивость политической системы Латиноамериканского региона. Теоретическая значимость исследования заключается в выявлении причин и тенденций политизации института религии в Латиноамериканском регионе. Практическая значимость исследования определяется возможностью выработки рекомендаций по поддержанию внутриполитического баланса Латиноамериканского региона в условиях социокультурной неопределенности. Вклад авторов. Е.В. Ефанова - концепция исследования, сбор и обработка материалов; Е.М. Дринова - методология исследования, написание основного текста; Н.Ю. Веремеев - анализ и перевод зарубежных источников.

Ключевые слова: стабильность, политическая стабильность, Латиноамериканский регион, политизация религии, топос политизации религии.

Introduction

At the turn of the century discussions are covering topical issues of the internal political development of the world's regions. Ensuring political stability and sustainability of regional systems is a key topic. Generally, any internal political transformations are conflicting because they often lead to destabilization of the political system. In the light of modern realities, the confessional factor in the regional systems' development is intensifying, which can simultaneously act as an integration principle and an imbalance factor. In this regard, it is important to determine the reasons for politicization of religious institution in the Latin American region and to assess the influence of the church on the internal political process in the region.

As noted by P. Berger, in the modern world politicization of religion is mostly due to the activities of politicized movements that use religion as a convenient means of legitimizing political movements based on “religious interests” [3, р. 7]. According to S. Huntington, there is a certain correlation between the political process, the waves of democratization and the religious institution. The first wave of democratization occurred in 1828-1926. At this time, most countries pursuing democratic transformation were Protestant. The second wave of democratization occurred in 1943-1962, when the

Latin American region, Brazil, Costa Rica, Argentina, Colombia, Peru, Venezuela, countries, where most of the population professed Catholicism, came to “democracy”. The third wave of democratization begins in 1974 after the fall of the Portuguese dictatorship. Democratic regimes replaced the authoritarian one in almost thirty countries of Europe, Asia and Latin America [24, р. 6].

In political and social sciences society is seen as a system in unstable equilibrium. This situation generates processes of detection and striking a balance. Depending on the specific correlation of these processes, a system may be dynamically stable or unstable; nevertheless, it always seeks stability, order and consensus [3 8]. Stability is a necessary property of a political system [14] and its retrospective analysis can be conducted from strategic concepts of the military sphere in the 19th century, during the Cold War, to a conceptual basis for creating a new world order in the 21st century [34]. The political system stability depends on the level of political culture development, legitimacy and power effectiveness in society. The political system of the region is in a constant change process, and at a certain development stage system-changing processes can prevail over the system-forming processes, that is they upset the fragile balance and lead the system to instability [30].

The theoretical foundations of political stability are presented in the works of international and domestic Russian scientists. In the context of globalization and uncertainty of the political process, sovereign states play an increasing role in the political stability of the Latin American region. The stability and sustainability dominants of the state are: protecting citizens from possible disasters, quality education, high standard of living, social security, living by accepted standards in society, cultural values [19]. But the growth of social, economic, and environmental threats dictates new requirements for the national security concept of the Latin American States. Nationstates can strike a balance between preventative security measures, sustainable needs and the values of modern society. Hugo Chavez played a decisive role in the integration of the Latin American region and the formation of political stability [9].

The governments of the Latin American States are actively developing interstate relations, consider their region as a zone of peace. At the beginning of the 21st century, it became the world's only region free from active conflicts. Latin American countries introduced competitive elections and guaranteed fundamental political and civil rights [26]. The Latin American region demonstrates positive integration dynamics through creation of public goods, regional programs in the social, economic, and agricultural sectors [8].

Modern states are interested in ensuring the stability and security of their existence: the religious policy pursued by the state influences the national security policy; political decisionmakers consider the opinions of religious groups that ensure their legitimacy [2].

According to the researchers, the religious institution is an effective mechanism for solving the complex tasks of social development [23]. Some of them believe that the religious institution in the public sphere not only provides support to state structures, gives legitimacy to values and practices dominating in society but is also a private resource for conducting political and social criticism [33]. According to others, the foundation of the modern international order is based on the religious institution. Globalization produces deep existential problems for modern states that initially have different religious traditions [44]. Religious organizations have played a significant role in global poverty reduction [42; 43]. However, addressing complex political and economic problems the religious views of the political elite lead to the fact that it is less inclined to compromise [29]. In a post-secular society of politics, religious leaders assume that religious actions acquire political significance.

Methods and materials

The principles of a systematic approach [38] considering the political system of the region as political stability object and interpreting political stability as dynamic equilibrium state of the social-political system act as a theoretical and methodological foundation. The process and topos of religious politicization are analyzed in the framework of the constructivist approach. The world is a social reality modelled by the subject through social institutions [31]. Accordingly, religion is understood as the religious model of the world created by the subject, determining the reality in which he/she exists. Specifically, our research methodology is based on the idea that politicization of religion is a dynamic process characterized by rational / irrational actions of religious and secular, institutional and non-institutional actors aimed at its reforming and stabilizing or organizing a new political system. In any of the indicated cases, many elements and functions of religion as a social institution change into political ones. We note that the multivariate nature of the interaction between religious and political institutions is due to objective and subjective reasons. The first one includes the economic development level of the region, its socio-demographic and ethnic-confessional structure, political stratification. Subjective factors include consolidation of elite groups, their willingness to carry out transformations, and interfaith tolerance, which dominate in specific regions.

Analysis

political stability latin american

As a result of systematic and constructivist approaches, we propose a model for the sustainable development of the Latin American region, which includes the constructive potential of politicizing religion. We proceed from the fact that the character of regional political stability includes the following provisions:

- stability in the region is possible for a limited period since there is a constant combination of stabilizing (unity of goals and means of achievement; consolidating role of a political leader; common cultural space) and destabilizing factors (contradictions between the interests of various social groups; conflicts in the system of state power; contradictions between the centre and the region, etc.);

- interdependence of system stability at the national and regional levels;

- isolation of regional stability. Isolation reproduces both the completeness and integrity of the social system, as well as its conservatism and limited internal social reserves;

- stability in the region will be achieved when the structure of the social interests of the population is adequately reflected in political processes, in the activities of government bodies and local self-government.

It should be noted that the model of political stability presented above is not always achievable in the real world. At the beginning of the 21st century regional political processes of Latin America are characterized by turbulence, which is reflected in the multivariate democratic development of states, in the vector of political strategies from liberalism to authoritarianism. The confessional sphere may have unpredictable consequences in the context of secularization / desecularization of the society. Accordingly, it is advisable to consider the politicization of religion, its inclusion in the political process as a factor of stabilization / destabilization of the political system, not only in the temporal and institutional aspects but also in the spatial and territorial aspects. In this case, we use the concept of “topos of the religious politicization”. In political science, topos is also considered as a specific localization “in the social space of public policy agents”; “Structural units of public policy that condition the practices of their agents” [45]. In our understanding, topos is both a spatial-territorial characteristic and a conceived model, the features of which include the struggle for power, territory, space; the influence of political-religious actors on large religious, ethnic, national, migration groups, their use of information, psychological technologies to achieve their goals. Accordingly, the topos of politicizing religion at the regional level represents the region or state housing a relatively separate and self-sufficient ethnic-confessional community. It is dynamic, subject to changes and is characterized by the “transition” of one structure to another [13, p. 58].

Main prerequisites for the politicization topos formation in the Latin American region in the 1970s included the religious socio-political factors: ineffective functioning of established political institutions; changes in the political system and rapid changes in socio-political development priorities. Among the religious factors, we include the political claims of the clergy to determine the constitutional and civil law foundations of the region; his active participation in political modernization. In some Latin American States, The Catholic Church has joined the political modernization. Priests educated in Western Europe laid the foundations for a new political and religious direction “Theology of Liberation” based on a synthesis of the ideology of Marxism and the system of Christian values. In the work “Theology of liberation: history, politics and salvation” G. Gutierrez substantiates the model of Latin American modernization, which was understood very broadly, got a comprehensive character and included political, social, and religious modernization. “Liberation” has different interpretations. First, it is understood as the political and social liberation of oppressed peoples, elimination of poverty and injustice. Secondly, “liberation” is understood as vindication of public liberty, creation of a new society. Thirdly, “liberation” has a theological aspect and is understood as the man's freedom from sin and selfishness, restoration of relations with God. In the Bible, Christ is the one who brings liberation to people. Changes were to happen in the Church itself. The clergy began to play a new role as political actors [22]. According to L. Boff, the goal of the Theology of Liberation movement is to free the countries of the Latin American region from hunger and poverty: at the social level, collective oppression must be eliminated; an the individual one - injustice; and an the religious one - social sin must be defeated [4]. It should be noted that the involvement of clergy in the political struggle led to a partial destabilization of the political system at this stage. The invasion of the religious institution in the political life of society caused the relativization of religious values.

Subsequently, F. Castro committed to the Theology of Liberation. In his opinion, revolutionary changes in Cuba are possible if there is a close union of Marxists and Christians. Venezuelan President W. Chavez was a follower of the Theology of Liberation ideas, and his political project to modernize Venezuela was partly inspired by the Theology of Liberation and a social doctrine of the Roman Catholic Church [46]. In Ecuador, R. Correa spoke of his convergence to the ideology of “Theology of Liberation.”

In one of his speeches, he notes that his social and economic principles are based on the social doctrine of the Catholic Church. Subsequently, there were changes in the ideological concept of “Liberation Theology”: “The church in recent years has moved from the church that was so committed to Liberation Theology to the church that focused on morality” [39]. Political leaders believed that an alliance between politicians and progressive clergy is possible, the result of which will be the economic and social development of the Latin American region.

At the beginning of the 21st century, the ideology of “Theology of Liberation” continues to influence the political process in the Latin American region. Thus, in Paraguay in 2008 the former bishop Pedro F. Lugo, who was called the “bishop of the poor”, won the presidential election. In Brazil, during the 2010 election campaign, L. Boff's political concept became the trend of the Partido dos Trabalhadores and helped her win the election. It should be noted that the victory of the party is not a direct result of the Theology of Liberation, but it has strengthened the Brazilian political consciousness with a sense of hope for change, the democratization of society, stability, and stability of the social system. In 2013, during protests in Brazil, politicians used the ideology of “Theology of Liberation” to justify modernization transformations in the country.

In the modern world, the Theology of Liberation continues to influence the heads vision of international relations principles in the Latin American States. At the World Social Forum in 2009, Brazilian President L I. Lula da Silva stated that the new world order should be stable, multilateral, free from hegemony and endowed with democratic institutions; Venezuelan President W. Chavez called to unite all Latin American countries against the policy of neoliberalism. The Presidents of Bolivia E. Morales and Ecuador R. Correa also favoured the implementation of a new model of economic development, “Socialism of the 21st Century”. The bishop of Paraguay, F. Lugo, spoke about the need for the Church to be included in the contemporary regional political process [1].

After 10 years, the states of the Latin American region had significant changes: a coup in Uruguay, the death ofW. Chavez in Venezuela, the left-wing suffered defeats in the elections in Argentina and Ecuador. The unstable political system of some Latin American countries produces conflicts in the region. It is logical to assume that at a certain development stage, system-changing processes can prevail over system-forming processes, that is, upset the unstable equilibrium and cause the system instability. The instability of the political system is expressed, in particular, exceeding the limit values of its main parameters. Thus, political instability indeed represents the inability of the political system to manage the changes occurring in the state by political changes.

It should be noted that in the Latin American region under the intensively undergoing social transformations, the stability of the political system largely determines the effectiveness of the planned changes in all other spheres of public life. According to the Russian researcher V.N. Ameline, the stabilization process is rigidly determined by the factor of the authority is legitimacy. Any authority does not function in an isolated way; it must deal with various tasks urgent for society. An internal incentive for the authorities is the desire to maintain the established order, to protect society from wars, conflicts and revolutions. Currently, these trends are occurring in a number of countries in the Latin American region. In July 2019 the 25 th Sao Paulo Social Forum was held in Caracas and attended by representatives of 190 progressive organizations of the Latin American region, the purpose of the Forum was to strengthen the unity of the Latin American region, to develop strategies for its sustainable development [47].

In 2020, in 18 Latin American countries, 57% were Catholics, 20% were Evangelicals, and 16.6% did not profess any religion. The importance of religion in the life of society and a person was mentioned in Guatemala - by 94% of respondents, in Honduras - by 94%, in Costa Rica - by 88%, in Colombia - by 80%, in Ecuador - by 80%, in Brazil - by 77%, in Peru by 74%, in Bolivia - by 73%, in Chile - by 48% [41]. The first quarter of the 21st century in

Latin America was marked by the second wave of politicization of Christianity. The growth of political evangelism has become a global trend, which led to the loss of popularity of the Catholic Church, and the weakening of the positions of Catholic parties. According to M. del Campo, the growth of evangelical parties was due to the institutional crisis of the Catholic parties, the development of new political strategies and practices by evangelical parties, the union of evangelicals with right-wing parties, which allowed them to act as a united front in defense of conservative values [7].

As a result, there was a turn from the Liberation Theology of the Catholics to the Prosperity Theology of the Evangelicals. The latter focused on ensuring stability, socioeconomic development, and the rooting of conservative values in society. In this regard, we focus on the characteristics of the politicization of evangelism, the involvement of the religious elite in the electoral process, and its ability to achieve goals. Let's consider both typical and atypical political practices of evangelicals on the example of the following cases.

Guatemala. In October 2015, presidential elections were held in the country, which were won by J. Morales, comedian, businessman, evangelical theologian. He scored 67.44% of the votes and beat his opponent, the former first lady of Guatemala, Sandra Torres. In the country at the time of the elections, more than 40% of the population professed Protestantism, which undoubtedly had an impact on the electoral process. Representatives of the evangelists were included in all election commissions, whose work began with prayers and sermons. According to the Constitution, Guatemala is a secular state, but despite this fact, the Guatemalan Bible Society launched the “Government Like God” election campaign, calling on citizens to participate in elections guided by the “Bible as Counselor” and the Constitution. All candidates for the post of president answered the questions of the commission, which concerned their moral and religious qualities. S. Torres, answering the commission's questions, admitted that the biggest mistake in her life was “rejection of God”. However, thanks to her friends who “saved her,” she gave her heart completely to God, Jesus. To the question - the statement that Guatemala is a country with Judeo-Christian roots, in which believers live, who recognize only the traditional family, all candidates answered positively [16].

J. Morales received a religious education, graduated from a Protestant seminary and an Evangelical Institute; got a secular education at the University of San Carlos with a degree in business administration. He adheres to the positions of conservative nationalism, stands for traditional values, the prohibition of abortion. His views were close to military circles and the faithful of Guatemala, who supported him in the elections [15]. During the presidency of J. Morales, the Viva party put forward Initiative 52/72, which became known as the Law on the Protection of Life. The bill provided for an increase in the prison term for women who had an abortion. In 2017-2018, Initiative 52/72 was discussed in Congress, but was not adopted [35].

It should be noted that the legislation of Guatemala prohibits the election of the president for a second term. In the presidential elections that took place in 2019, S. Torres once again lost to A. Giammattei, a conservative politician.

The politician was supported by radical conservatives who led him to victory in the 2019 elections. A. Giammattei declared Guatemala “a country where love and faith in God” are the fundamental principles of the state. On March 9, 2022 Guatemala was declared by the President the Ibero-American capital, the highest value of which was life. As part of this campaign, the state actively promotes the values of the traditional family, initiates programs to prevent unplanned pregnancy. In 2022 deputies of seven religious parties once again voted for the adoption of a bill on the protection of life and family, according to which abortions were prohibited in the country, in case of violation, a prison term of 5 to 25 years in prison was provided. Sex change in adolescents and same-sex marriages were prohibited. The law was approved by the Congress of Guatemala, which caused mass protests in the country [11].

The President of the country unexpectedly reacted to the adoption of the bill. A. Giammattei said that he would veto the law, since it violates the Constitution [20]. After a public discussion, the law was frozen [12]. It is quite possible that after the victory of the next conservative President, the Congress of Guatemala will return to the revision of Initiative 52/72, which may be adopted not in such a radical form. In the economic sphere, A. Giammattei pursues a policy aimed at improving the living standards of citizens. In 2020, drastic measures were taken to mitigate the economic crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. In 2021, the country had the highest economic growth in the Latin American region. According to analytical forecasts, a similar scenario persists for 2022 [21].

Colombia. At the initiative of Pastor Maria Luisa Piraquive from the Church of God, the Independent Movement for Absolute Renewal (hereinafter - MIRA) was created, which proclaimed its goal to spread democracy in the country. For two decades, MIRA has initiated legislative initiatives aimed at improving the well-being of Colombians. In 2018, the evangelical party Justa Libres joined MIRA. The united electorate of the coalition supported the presidential candidate Ivan Duque, who won a convincing victory in the presidential elections in 2018. In March 2022, congressional elections were held in Colombia. 578,195 thousand voters voted for the MIRA-Colombia Justa Libres coalition, as a result, the coalition won 4 seats. The goal of the united MIRA-Colombia Justa Libres coalition is political, economic, social and environmental reforms based on moral principles [18].

The electorate of Christian churches in Colombia supported the presidential campaign of I. Duque. Among them were representatives of the radical religious organization Orden de la Legitimidad Proscrita (Order of Forbidden Legitimacy). The Order conducts mass actions to burn books that contradict religious dogmas, opposes the rights of women, sexual minorities.

I. Duque was supported by the party of ultraconservative pastors Justa Libres, which unites about 70% of the Christian churches of Colombia. I. Duque was supported by 500,0 members of the moderate Christian Peace Party. The party, in addition to religious topics, actively raises corruption issues. The above-mentioned religious parties have common goals: the legislative consolidation of the family as a union of a man and a woman, the prohibition of abortion, oppose the rights of sexual minorities, lobby for interests in education, advocate for compulsory teaching of religion in school [27].

The President of Colombia pays a significant place to religious themes in his speeches. In his opinion, the true purpose of politics is to take care of society which loses a lot when it stops talking about traditional values [37]. On Twitter, he wrote the following: “Today we celebrate 101 years of recognition of our Virgin of Chiquincira as the patron saint of Colombia. Every day I pray and ask her to protect our country.” I. Duque's speeches led to a debate about the right of political leaders to express their personal religious views. Colombia is a secular state, and the President, like any citizen, has the right to freedom of religion. However, the President expresses the interests of the whole people, based on this, he does not have the right to express his personal religious views, which lead to discrimination against the views of other citizens different from his. According to the court order, I. Duque had to delete the tweet with a link to the statement about the Virgin Mary. It should be noted that the case of I. Duque split Colombian society: some supported the president, since his position was expressed through his personal Twitter account, and not through the official account of the President of the Republic. Others opposed it, as since taking office, President I. Duque has used his profile for both personal and official announcements [40].

I. Duque's moral views correlate with his economic policy aimed at improving living standards and reducing poverty in the country. In 2020 The President presented the “New Commitment” Strategy to the Colombian Congress. The country's economic growth through job creation, investment, agricultural development, and support of socially vulnerable members of society was declared among the priorities. In 2022, the country's economy grew by 1.5%, from 5% to 6.5%. In 2023, the government of I. Duque plans the transition of the country's economy from a period of rapid recovery, which took place before 2022, to a period of macroeconomic and budgetary consolidation of the economy [10].

Brazil. In 2018, the country held presidential elections, which were won by J. Bolsonaro, a former military man, then he was a deputy from the Christian Democratic Party, then a deputy from the Progressive Party. In 2018 he became a member of the Social Liberal Party. In the elections, J. Bolsonaro was supported by a united coalition, which included representatives of the Catholic and Evangelical churches. Thanks to the confessional electorate, J. Bolsonaro won 55% of the vote in the second round. The policy led by the president was supported by the electorate. So, during the COVID-19 epidemic, many believers supported the position of the president, according to whom God could solve the problem of the pandemic and opposed the coronavirus restrictions. On April 5, 2020, J. Bolsonaro announced a national religious fast on social networks, which was supposed to help the country overcome the crisis caused by the pandemic. After more than 600,000 people died in Brazil as a result of the pandemic, the Senate accused the president of violating sanitary measures, an epidemic that led to numerous deaths, a crime against humanity. The next presidential election in Brazil will take place in 2022. According to opinion polls, no more than 20% of the country's population is ready to vote for J. Bolsonaro [32].

In the summer of 2022, J. Bolsonaro changed the tactics of his presidential election campaign. The President allocated 7.5 billion dollars from the country's budget for social spending: subsidies were provided to 20 million Brazilians, social payments were increased from 400 to 600 reals ($110) until the end of 2022 [5].

In July 2022, J. Bolsonaro held a meeting with 40 foreign ambassadors at his residence. At the meeting, he announced the unreliability of Brazil's electronic voting system, the possibility of falsification of election results. According to analysts, in this way J. Bolsonaro is preparing the ground for challenging the election results in case of his defeat [28]. According to the latest opinion polls, 37% of voters were ready to vote for J. Bolsonara on June 3, 2022; 36% were ready to vote on July 3, 2022 [6]. Possible election of J. Bolsonaro's for a second term is part of the promotion of the ideology of ultra-radical conservatism in the Latin American region. J. Bolsonaro proposes a new model for the development of Latin American countries based on a system of market values and traditional conservative family and religious [17].

Costa Rica. Evangelical singer and pastor Fabrizio Alvarado Mucoz nominated his candidacy in the presidential elections in 2018, for whom 39.41% of voters voted. The rapid popularity of the pastor, who was not previously known in politics, was due to harsh criticism of same-sex marriages, sexual education of teenagers in the framework of the school course. As a result, he defeated 13 candidates, but took only second place. In the parliamentary elections, the political party of F. Alvarado “Restauraciyn National” won 14 seats out of 57. Bishops of the country traditionally took an active part in the presidential elections. In a statement released on January 26, 2022, in the midst of another presidential preelection campaign, they thanked God for allowing Costa Ricans to live in a successful democratic country and encouraged citizens to vote [36].

In the 21st century, Evangelicals act not only as guardians of conservative values, but as active propagandists. They view the traditional family as the union of a man and a woman who are equal in their rights and responsibilities. The political conservatism of the evangelicals is based on the methodology of political realism, putting national and economic practices at the forefront. They stand up for and put in practice the Christian values of democracy (freedom of opinion, political pluralism, freedom of religion). Thus, the growth of political evangelism in the countries of Latin America is the result of ideological and political differentiation and the struggle of religious elites. It is the evangelical political parties that form the worldview foundations and the new doctrinal order in the Latin American region in the 21st century, which ensures its sustainable development.

Results

The politicization of religion in the Latin American region has had an ambivalent impact on the political and economic state of the region. In the 20th century Liberation theology as a form of Catholic radicalism manifested itself in the participation of priests in the political struggle, who considered it necessary to conduct subversive activities regarding the existing social order. Radical activity has outlawed some priests [22, pp. 55-60]. At the same time, the Liberation Theology movement advocated the modernization of the economy, supported the socialist transformations taking place in the region. It should be noted the polarization of political systems, socialist and capitalist, characteristic of this period, which to a certain extent contributed to the political destabilization of the region. Thus, created at the initiative of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, the Bolivarian Alliance of America - ALBA aimed to support radical revolutionary processes in Latin America, “the creation of a new world order”, the collapse of the United States as a global superpower [25]. In the 21st century, the Catholic Church has moved away from the radical position of Liberation Theology, the division into friends and foes, friends and enemies has become a thing of the past; more attention has been paid to moral issues.

In the 21st century, the result of religious globalization in Latin America was the politicization of the evangelical movement. Among its characteristic features, the electoral activity of evangelicals should be highlighted. The main requirements were the prohibition of abortion, sex change, same-sex marriage. Evangelicals united with right-wing political parties, unlike Liberation Theology, which at one time united with left-wing political parties.

On the wave of the politicization of the evangelical Church and with the direct support of its electorate, political leaders in Brazil, Colombia, Guatemala, and Costa Rica came to power. The presidents of these countries advocate the adoption of ultraconservative religious laws. It should be noted that the highest officials of the state do not position themselves as evangelicals, but declare their commitment to religion. Currently, for the evangelical church, the political elite which forms the domestic and foreign policy of the country, as well as orientation towards the middle class are important. The poorest people, whose number is gradually decreasing, remain significant for the church. The Evangelical Church is very popular in the Latin American region, becoming politically and economically in demand.

The new model proposed by the President of Brazil for the development of the Latin American region is based on a system of conservative religious values, liberalization of the market economy, international openness, and foreign investment. In other words, the so-called conservative moral problem is the basis of the political and economic stability of the Latin American region. The political activity of evangelicals as a mechanism for achieving political and economic consensus in the Latin American region is in demand by Conservative governments of a number of Latin American countries.

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