Discourses on linguistic integration of migrants and the role of the media in migration processes

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Discourses on linguistic integration of migrants and the role of the media in migration processes

Т. Shorina

Національний авіаційний університет

Abstract

Keywords: migration, migration crisis, multiculturalism, assimilation, media, linguistic integration, language repertoire, migration policy, language skills, language education, human rights, democracy,

Т.Г. Шоріна

ДИСКУРСИ ПРО ЛІНГВІСТИЧНУ ІНТЕГРАЦІЮ МІГРАНТІВ ТА РОЛЬ ЗМІ В МІГРАЦІЙНИХ ПРОЦЕСАХ

Вступ. Міграційні процеси - це не просте фізичне переміщення людей, але їхня складна соціальна взаємодія, яка обумовлена та керується характером політичної, економічної, культурної та ін. комунікації. Міграційна політика як система владних відносин спрямована на регулювання цієї складної соціальної взаємодії та налагодження демократичного діалогу. У цьому питанні важливу роль відіграють сучасні медіа як інформаційні та ідеологічні посередники між владою та громадянським суспільством. Мета та завдання. Дослідницьким завданням статті є визначення ролі медіа у формуванні того, як і що люди, включаючи розробників політики та мігрантів, думають та роблять щодо міграції. Також з'ясовується специфіка природи лінгвістичної інтеграції та її форми. Методи дослідження. У зв'язку із завданнями дослідження в статті використовується методологія теорії комунікації, Forms of linguistic integration соціолінгвістики, методи медіа-дискурсу та контент-аналізу. Результати. Аналіз європейських документів виявляє, що повідомлення про міграцію в медіа були і є більше негативними, ніж позитивними. Це може бути пов'язаним із сучасною бізнес-моделлю медіа, соціальним контекстом, редакторською політикою та позицією журналістів. Впливи медіа є багатовимірними: вони можуть впливати на думку громадськості у відношенні мігрантів (їхня чисельність, характер поведінки та ін.); можуть впливати на плани розробників політики; на самосприйняття, самооцінку мігрантів, на те, як вони ставляться до країн, що їх приймають і що вони думають про країни свого походження та ін. Обговорення. Лінгвістична інтеграція є одним із видів соціальної інтеграції мігрантів, що є складовою міграційної політики. Специфіка лінгвістичної інтеграції, на відміну від інших видів, полягає у тому, що вона є не лише практичним засобом комунікації, але і засобом творення групової та індивідуальної культурної ідентичності. Формами лінгвістичної інтеграції є: низький рівень інтеграції мов у репертуарі; функціональна інтеграція мов у репертуарі; інтеграція мов у репертуарі. Висновки. Роль мовної підготовки полягає в інформуванні мігрантів про наслідки виборів лінгвістичних стратегій. Міграція, як наголошується, має обов'язково включати процес коригування ідентичності, яким слід керувати з урахуванням плюралізму та змішування, а не з ностальгійною негнучкістю. Деякими типовими ознаками успішної інтеграції мігрантів є зменшення відмінностей між мігрантами та немігрантами відповідно до даних щодо зайнятості, освіти, охорони здоров'я та соціальної інтеграції, серед інших сфер.

Keywords: міграція, міграційна криза, мультикультуралізм, асиміляція, медіа, лінгвістична інтеграція, мовний репертуар, міграційна політика, мовні навички, мовна освіта, права людини, демократія.

Introduction

In today's world, international and national movement of people is occurring on an unprecedented scale. According to the UN recognition, migration today is global in nature. According to the global nature of migration, approaches to its consideration and decisions made should be equally global. Migration processes are not a simple physical movement of people, but their complex social interaction that occurs between ethnic groups, nations, and peoples. It is determined and controlled by the nature of political, economic, cultural, and other communications. Migration policy as a system of power relations is aimed at regulating this complex social interaction and establishing democratic dialogue. In this issue, modern media plays an important role as information and ideological intermediaries between the authorities and civil society. As outlined in the succinct overview of one of the chapters of the World Migration Report 2018, the media can play an important role in shaping how and what people, including policymakers and migrants, think and do about migration (World Migration Report 2018, 1).

The aim and tasks

Worldwide growth in the number of refugees and migrants is sparking debate about the ways in which the media and civil society can contribute to greater understanding and tolerance in countries facing migration- related challenges (Prescott 2018, 11). Various indicators have been developed to assess how successful adaptation to another society has been. These indicators include broad areas such as social inclusion, health, etc., or specific indicators such as income, employment, housing, education, participation in society, etc., used by Eurostat. These analysis methods very often do not include criteria directly related to languages although the language of the host country is, to varying degrees, of critical importance for adult migrants, especially in cases of long-term settlement.

The article studies the conceptual discourse of the models of migration integration. Throughout the XX and XXI centuries, the political discourse on migration integration has taken place between two ideas - "assimilation" and "multiculturalism". Research tasks are to consider the specifics of the above models of social integration and to find out the specifics of linguistic integration presented in these models. It is noted that in connection with the crisis of the European policy of multiculturalism, the migration discourse is being revised back towards assimilation. The article expresses doubt about the productivity of such ideas because in multicultural and multilingual processes in modern European societies and with the preservation of democratic values by these societies, such a return seems very problematic. The article also discusses separately the role of the media in covering the topic of migration and its indirect influence on migrants' choice of forms of linguistic integration.

Research methods

In connection with the research tasks, the methodology of communication theory, socio-psycholinguistics, methods of media discourse, and content analysis are used in the article.

Research results

According to the position of the Council of Europe regarding migration policy, languages are an essential instrument for building intercultural understanding and social cohesion. European policy discourse regarding learning/teaching languages is thus an important contribution to the development of policies for the overall integration of migrants into civil society based on European cultural and legal values. Let us first try to understand the concept of integration itself, how exactly the model of the relationship between migrants and the host country is understood, and whether such an understanding is stable or has been subject to revision and transformation. This will help us explain the specifics of the modern view of language integration.

As follows from the presentation of migration integration on the Migration Data Portal, there is no consensus on a single definition for integration. Definitions share commonalities but remain highly context or country-specific. However, in the broadest sense, migrant integration may be broadly defined as: "the process by which migrants become accepted into society, both as individuals and as groups. [Integration] refers to a two-way process of adaptation by migrants and host societies [and implies] consideration of the rights and obligations of migrants and host societies, of access to different kinds of services and the labour market, and of identification and respect for a core set of values that bind migrants and host communities in a common purpose" (Migrant integration 2020). As follows from the above, migration integration involves two parties - the migrants themselves and the receiving party, and each party must make equal and fair efforts to ensure the common good. This is the discourse not only of public policies but also of modern ethnosociology. Integration is not leveling; it is a respectful attitude towards the characteristics of "others" and "strangers". Thinking about Unity from the point of view of the patriotic/nationalist creed, Sigmundt Bauman wrote: "Not that "we" are identical in every respect; there are differences between "us" alongside the common features, but the similarities dwarf, defuse and neutralize their impact. The aspect in which we are all alike is decidedly more significant and consequential than everything that sets us apart from one another; significant enough to outweigh the impact of the differences when it comes to taking a stand" (Bauman 2000, 176). A modern multicultural society must demonstrate openness to otherness and tolerance of change.

Migration policy is initially shaped by the interests and goals of the receiving society towards migrant groups. This reflects the political, legal, and cultural attitudes of the society towards these groups as a subject of political influence. The policy subjects develop their own visions of a model that can balance and regulate integration processes in their own way. Even though there are differences in the conceptual spectrum of integration discourse between policy subjects, specialist in language education Cristina Ros summarizes them as "some way in between the two ideas at the heart of "integration" - "assimilation" and "multiculturalism"". Referring to some researchers, Cristina Ros provides an understanding of both conceptual practices (Ros i Sole 2014, 61). With assimilation, the goal of the policy is the disappearance of cultural differences among immigrant minority groups and their integration into a culturally homogeneous environment of established majority groups. A new identity arises in a new community, and the assimilated group loses its previous selfidentification. Cultural assimilation can happen either spontaneously or forcibly.

The concept of multiculturalism is the opposite of its purpose. It replaced assimilationist policies and was widely represented, primarily in European countries. For example, in the UK, it was identified in the 1950s and was associated with the immigration into it from the former colonies. Multiculturalism encourages cultural diversity and maintains a pluralistic society to gain new resources and opportunities. The receiving state uses the labor and intellectual potential of migrants while simultaneously taking care of preserving the core of its culture. Migrants are provided with basic opportunities for integration - language training and access to education. The German philosopher Jurgen Habermas saw in multiculturalism a special form of "politics of recognition" through which multi-ethnic states and multicultural national societies implement strategies of social harmony and stability on the principles of equal coexistence of various forms of cultural life. Historically, the emergence of multiculturalism was due to the protection of itself by ethnic and cultural minorities, and nations and cultures "against oppression, marginalization, and disrespect and thereby struggle for the recognition of collective identities, whether in the context of a majority culture or within the community of peoples" (Habermas 1994, 116-117).

Political theorist Chandran Kukathas, among the variety of ways in which societies can respond to the fact of cultural diversity (isolation, assimilationism, apartheid), identified two types of multiculturalist responses: Weak multiculturalism, Strong multiculturalism. As he explains, the weak multiculturalist view, however, is that leaves open the possibility that some people will assimilate into society less because they wish to do so than because they have little other option. The strong multiculturalist view is that society should take positive measures to not only enable such people to participate as full members of society but also better to enable them to maintain their separate identity and traditions. Diversity should not only be tolerated but also fostered or promoted, and supported - both financially (if necessary) and by special rights for minority cultures (Kukathas 20O2, 8).

Each of the presented concepts (assimilation/ multiculturalism) has its supporters and opponents. The extent of their viability can be indicated by their implementation into political and cultural practices. Since the 70s of the XX century, European states have carried out neoliberal economic reforms, requiring open borders and the free movement of capital, goods, and, among other things, labor. Due to the imbalance of the global economy, "reverse globalization" has occurred when residents of backward regions of the world move to large European cities. Retaining the workforce required a revision of migration policy and the acceptance of new cultural realities. The ideology of multiculturalism was built on the assumption that people could rise above their cultural and ethnic differences in favor of building a liberal, tolerant society with equal rights and freedoms for representatives of all cultures. Nevertheless, already in the 10s of the XX century, this policy failed. Symptomatic in this regard was the statement of the then-German Chancellor Angela Merkel. The chancellor made clear that immigrants were welcome in Germany and that the state called foreign workers to come to Germany from the beginning of the 60s. However, in 2010, she was forced to admit that "the so-called "multikulti" concept - where people would "live side-byside" happily - did not work", therefore, the approach to build a multicultural society in Germany has "utterly failed" (Merkel Says German Multicultural Society has failed 2010). Other political leaders made similar connotation statements about the collapse of multiculturalism as a state policy at that time - Nicolas Sarkozy (France, 2010), and Cameron (Great Britain, 2011).The choice of a particular concept of migration integration is directly related to the choice of a model of linguistic integration because its goals and objectives can be formulated in different ways. However, in both cases, national language learning has become a cornerstone of integration policy in the EU, and the knowledge of the "host" language is seen as a barometer of migrants' integration in a particular society.

The concept of assimilation comes from the requirement for a migrant not only to necessarily conform to the native community's language but also implying a one-way model of integration, i.e., the idea that it should be migrants who should be integrating into hosted values and way of life, and not the other way round. For example, in Australia, assimilation policy and public attitudes of most of the XX century (up to the 70s) required the settlement of migrants and their families to learn English very quickly and to stop using their first language, especially in the public domain. As Michael Clyne and James Jupp point out all along, there was no codified policy, and it was mainly a policy in which languages other than English played no role (Multiculturalism and Integration: A Harmonious Relationship 2011, 57).

The concept of multiculturalism about cultural and linguistic integration was formed under the influence of poststructuralist sociolinguistics, raciolinguistic, social constructivism, and postmodern philosophy. Proponents of poststructuralist sociolinguistics questioned the position that national language learning - is key to integration in a host society. Supporting his argument, evidence was cited from history, proving that a shift to dominant language practices has not led to the structural incorporation of minoritized groups in the dominant society's economic, political, and social life. Critical poststructuralist sociolinguists, as Ofelia Garda writes, aim to break out of static conceptions of language that keep power in the hands of the few and match their linguistic features. By advancing the view that language belongs to the speaker rather than to the nation-state, they proposed other approaches to the linguistic education of migrants (Garda 2017, 13).

As we have found out, the political claims of multiculturalism have largely failed to materialize. Moreover, the meaning of "integration" has moved away from this concept. The pendulum swung again towards that of "assimilation" (Ros i Sole 2014, 61). However, the historical course is irreversible and, perhaps there is no way for modern multicultural communities to return to the former monoculture, national chauvinism, and assimilation based on cultural discrimination and racism. In addition, public policy must adapt to this reality, as it has done over the past six decades. On the other hand, acculturation processes will happen in any case. However, the conflict potential of previous multicultural policies and, as a result, the spread of anti-immigrant sentiment in public social discourse since the 2010s cannot be ignored. The central point in Mr. David Cameron's speech of those years was that under the "doctrine of state multiculturalism," different cultures have been encouraged to live separate lives. On behalf of the state, he stated that: "We have failed to provide a vision of society to which they feel they want to belong. We have even tolerated these segregated communities behaving in ways that run counter to our values" (State multiculturalism has failed... 2011).

A paradox has emerged: the project of European identity based on multicultural ideology, on the one hand, was based on tolerance towards other cultures, and, on the other hand, resulted in the alienation of nations understood in their initially given otherness. The question, however, is what the reason was. Is the problem that the cultural (ethnic, religious, linguistic) incompatibility of migrants with their social environment, which served as an obstacle to their integration, was to blame? Or that there were objective obstacles to integration, which led to the reproduction of behavioral patterns that reinforced their difference from the social environment (see: Volodymyr Malakhov, 2002). Now, we will not go into the study of this issue but note that mutual responsibility for the success of migration integration - on the part of both European institutions, state, and civic integration policies, as well as the sentiments of the local population, and also on the part of the migration groups themselves.

Therefore, we have found out that modern societies, by historical fact, today are culturally diverse and linguistically plural, but for the reason of the shortcomings of the previous multicultural policy, they must rethink the process of migration integration in a new way. In our opinion, an attempt is being made to hybridize assimilation practices (to turn the majority culture into a dominant force) and multiculturalism (ensuring liberal freedoms and rights and cultural diversity). In terms of language policy, the same shifts towards assimilation occur. As Cristina Ros i Sole confirms, when talking about the acquisition of "language skills" in the context of political integration, discourses refer exclusively to the knowledge of the "national' language" (Ros i Sole 2014, 63). Policies in a variety of European countries are making language tests and so- called "knowledge of society" a compulsory requirement to enter, settle, or apply for citizenship so that full rights and access to jobs, education, and social life are closely linked to language proficiency. Despite official discourses promoting language learning for instrumental reasons (i.e., access to jobs, education, social mobility, etc.), Jean-Claude Beacco, Hans-JQrgen Krumm, and David Little note that there is no direct route from language learning to employment and integration.

The reverse is also true, however: employment does not automatically create language competence (Linguistic Integration of Adult Migrants 2017, 3). They convince us that considering language classes separately from the other dimensions of integration leaves less chance of success. In their opinion, it is much more promising to use integrated approaches that embed language learning in the workplace or some other participatory context and thus ensure that from the beginning the language of the host society is part of the linguistic repertoire that the adult migrant deploys in daily life (Linguistic Integration of Adult Migrants 2017, 3).

This integral approach combines an understanding of both the specific nature of linguistic integration and the specifics of social participation. Critical poststructuralist sociolinguists emphasize that language belongs to the speaker rather than to the nation-state (Garda 2017, 13), and, therefore, the choice of linguistic repertoire is always associated with the person himself who resides in certain social conditions and relationships, and forms a certain range of needs and interests. Since social conditions are dynamic, the needs, interests, and goals of a person are subject to the same dynamics. In this sense, we can talk about the formation through language of a "transformed" person's identity in a new social environment.This idea coincides with the provisions of Linguistic Integration of Adult Migrants (LiAm). LIAM is the major programme on language policy in the European Council. According to their programme, languages do not have a purely instrumental character; they are not simply practical means of communication that simply need to be acquired. Languages act as identity markers; they play a part in creating social and cultural distinctions. Thus, learning and using a new language (both for the migrant and for the established population) is not just a practical matter but may also trigger processes that lead to the questioning of identities.

From the point of view of migrant speakers, linguistic integration should accordingly be understood as their adjustment to their (new) communication environment, i.e. as a rearrangement of their individual repertoires and the integration of the languages that make up these repertoires (Linguistic Integration of Adult Migrants n.d.).

At this point, according to LIAM, several forms of linguistic integration are possible, and just as many ways of adjusting individual language repertoires to a new linguistic environment. Let us briefly describe various language situations and possible variations of linguistic integration forms in the migrants' repertoire:

- individual language resources, as well as resources in the majority language, may not be sufficient to effectively deal with communication situations without significant effort, leading to limited identity of migrants based solely on their language of origin. The linguistic repertoire of migrants may be considered ineffective and excluded by native speakers of the majority language. Depending on cultural policies, the opposite may occur when speakers of the host society's majority language accept the value of the linguistic repertoire of migrants, causing migrants to learn the dominant language for practical purposes without improving their proficiency in the new language further;

- migrants master the majority language at a functional level, i.e. their linguistic repertoire resources turn out to be sufficient to (relatively) successfully deal with most social, professional, and personal communication situations. Since the key goal, in this case, is the effectiveness of the language message, the migrant can either ignore some orthoepic, accentuation, grammatical, and other errors or, by correcting them, move in the direction of greater linguistic “naturalization”. As JCB experts point out, in this case, the language of origin does not necessarily have a prominent identity function (Forms of linguistic integration n.d.);

- proper mastery of the majority language in one's linguistic repertoire; a foreign language is freely incorporated and used naturally, with the speakers shifting between languages depending on the social situation. In this case, the following variations are possible: the migrant retains his languages of origin as a value marker of identity, but the language of the majority, which he uses for civil purposes, also receives equal identity status (two joint languages of identity). Over time, the assimilation of a foreign language occurs, which leads to a value regression of the language of origin, its gradual disappearance, and the identity is formed around the rearranged repertoire that now matters.

As the JCB service is convinced, the choice of language strategies depends on the migrants themselves, on their understanding of their life goals and guidelines. In any case, linguistic integration is an immediate issue for them. The role of language training, as well as the policy of the host country in general, is to explain to them the possible consequences of their choice.

As follows from the forms of linguistic integration presented above, identity adjustment will still occur, and it is inevitable. Migrants, regardless of their level of language training, will have to learn to master the language of the host country and develop models of coexistence with the native population. As we indicated above, the native community - should also make on itself an effort to coexist with "others" and "strangers". However, in this adaptation to "others", an adjustment of personal beliefs and group and national identity is also inevitable. Migrants may gain a new identity, but at the cost of undermining their previous identity; they can withdraw into their original identity, but this will cause difficulties in social interaction and will also lead to suffering and conflict. The members of the host society may also experience difficulties. New forms of diversity that bring in the languages of outsiders - migrants, refugees, and others, and thereby change (or think they change, or even corrupt) the traditional linguistic diversity of their home territory - can cause anxiety and fears about the future of their national identity and safety of their linguistic unity.

In the spirit of the key principle of "The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development" to "leave no one behind", societies that receive migrants should, first and foremost, "facilitate orderly, safe, regular and responsible migration and mobility of people, including through the implementation of planned and well-managed migration policies" (International migration n.d.). However, along with migrants, the citizens of national communities themselves should not be forgotten (and not abandoned). After all, migration and state policies, in general, are aimed at consolidating the nation, protecting national interests and ensuring the security of the state, achieving the socio-economic well-being of citizens, as well as regulating migration flows to overcome their possible negative nature, etc. That is, regulating relationships in society directly depends on the effectiveness of political measures, including migration ones, and additionally, on the political and social atmosphere itself. Modern media play an important role in the creation of a particular cognitive, ideological, psychological, and moral atmosphere in society, and the formation of certain public attitudes and behavior. The author of the article has previously attempted to provide a critical analysis of the role of the media in the context of information coverage of the migration crisis, based on European reports (Шоріна 2017, 87-92).

Social literature has long found a correlation between the influence of left-wing majority governments in a country and the anti-immigrant attitudes of the people in that country. The political climate and language acquisition by migrants are related through a similar connection (Gil-Clavel, Grow, and Bijlsma 2023, 475). It should be noted that public attitudes towards immigration themselves have become a major societal issue, which means they also influence policymakers. At the same time, public attitudes themselves are subject to how public policies are framed. And not only that. The role of the mass media is also crucial. They provide political commentary, analysis, and event descriptions. Then, in particular, how immigrants are depicted in the media and by politicians is important. As Maykel Verkuyten, an analyst at the European Research Center on Migration and Ethnic Relations, shows, it matters whether newcomers are described as a potential threat to the host society or rather, as making a valuable contribution and requiring help. One more remark of this researcher is helpful: "subjective perceptions" are often decisive in people's consciousness and behavior; they “are much more important for people's attitudes than actual changes and events” (Verkuyten 2021, 133).

Discussion

This once again emphasizes the significant role of the media in shaping people's perceptions of reality and transmitting these perceptions to society. Together with political forces, they create the ideological code of texts and connect citizens across states and the globe. The UNESCO publication on migration issues (2018) aimed to track how the media presents increasing migration movements worldwide and their far-reaching repercussions. The authors hoped to promote a common understanding of the importance of fostering socially inclusive societies for refugees and migrants in connection with this study (Prescott 2018, 12). One of their conclusions has indicated that dominant narratives were often too simplistic and failed to capture the complexity of migration, its causes, and the different paths it takes. This led to misunderstandings, misinterpretations, and a disregard for the needs and aspirations of those affected (Prescott 2018, 6). This conclusion is not new and is consistent with previous reports by UNESCO, such as those from the 2016 conference "Migration for Sustainable Development: Social Transformations, Media Narratives, and Education" (Migration for Sustainable Development 2016). These reports also highlighted the negative trend of overemphasizing the challenges faced by destination countries and failing to recognize the positive contributions of refugees. The traditional media have been accused of promoting these misconceptions and false expectations due to a lack of objective information. UNESCO representatives are concerned about these negative attitudes and connotations, as promoting human rights and freedom of information is a cornerstone of their activities based on the Organization Statute principles.

The negative trend, unfortunately, remains in force. A 2023 new report by Saskia Smellie for the UK examined migration narratives in the British media. The author concluded that, in general, the reported media did not include anything that did not largely correspond with established public and political discourses on immigration in the UK (Smellie 2023, 73). Just as in other countries, as they experienced the consequences of the "migration crisis" since 2015, in the UK, the migrants were objectified and often blamed for the problems. Moreover, the role that migrants played in dominant media stories was determined many times by predetermined ideas about who belonged and who did not belong to the national community. Thus, despite the European policy of non-discrimination between countries and various communities, unfortunately, in practice, through the media, biased attitudes towards national minorities, less developed and frankly backward countries, towards vulnerable groups such as migrants and refugees can be maintained. All this again points to the degree of responsibility of political ideology language in democratic societies. This language, essentially, is "threaded across fostering ideology in human thought and behavior" (Abysova and Antipova 2019, 2663).

Conclusions

Migration integration involves two parties - governments and host communities on one hand, and groups of migrants on the other. To achieve the common good, each party must recognize the rights and advantages of the other. They should avoid blaming each other for their own mistakes and difficulties. Instead, they should work together to build a competent policy, starting from the local level, to search for successful options for the integration of migrants. Migrants themselves are also obligated to recognize the leading principles and values of the host society. They should strive to integrate themselves into the society and culture of their new home. On the other hand, the society should provide a supportive environment for the migrants to settle in and should communicate its values and principles to them. The media plays an important role in facilitating communication between different social groups and authorities. It can help to promote understanding and tolerance between migrants and the host community. The role of language training is to inform migrants about the consequences of linguistic policy choices. Migration must necessarily involve a process of identity adjustment that should be managed with pluralism and blending rather than nostalgic rigidity. Typical signs of successful integration are a reduction in differences between migrants and non-migrants in terms of employment, education, health, social and linguistic integration, among other areas. Since today the concept of a typical migrant is blurred, language policy must take into account this social, culturally and linguistically diversity of migrant populations. In this regard, the previous practice, which suggested just one type of language course for adult migrants or to impose the same language requirement on everyone, will be unpromising. Modern learning activities for adult migrants should be developed taking into account the analysis of migrants' language, and the needs of the migrants themselves. And migrants themselves must take part in this pedagogical process. In light of modern multicultural realities, linguistic integration should be aimed at creating a balance between welcoming linguistic and cultural diversity and helping migrants to learn the language of their host country.

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