Joseph Broz Tito: social project of the sfry through the prism of visual analytics and social systemology in international relations (part 2)

Features of the creation of a primitive leadership dictatorship, which, thanks to Tito's internalized Austro-German identity, made it possible to combine centralization in politics with significant self-regulation in the economy and cultural sector.

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Joseph Broz Tito: social project of the sfry through the prism of visual analytics and social systemology in international relations (part 2)

YU. V. Romanenko

Doctor of Sociological Sciences, Professor, Professor at the Department of International Media Communications and Communication Technologies Institute of International Relations of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv

It's noted that the state-forming potential of Tito was able to unfold thanks to the introduced identities, which were fragmentarily assimilated by him in inter- cultural communications in Austria and Germany. The inculturation of the designated identities allowed Tito to “reconcile” irreconcilable Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, Montenegrins, while mixing Yugoslav communism and nationalism. Politically, Tito succeeded in creating a primitive patrimonial dictatorship, which, due to Tito's internalized Austro-Germanic identities, made it possible to combine centralization in politics while allowing significant self-regulation in the economy and the cultural sector. The competition of ethnic and social identities in Tito's character created a stable focus on the “combination of the incompatible”: corruption and limited legality, a planned economy and an economy of mass consumption, the ideology of the cult ofpersonality and cultural pluralism, state atheism and freedom of religion and hidden clericalization, etc.

It's noted that on the whole, the victory of Titoism and the deployment of the Yugoslav social project became possible to a large extent under the influence of the partial internalization of the narcissistically redundant German-Austrian identities, which allowed Tito, in the regime of personal power he built, not to resort to unlimited repression and to deliberately intensify the torture component of everyday life following the model of Stalin's and neo-Stalinist USSR.

Titoism also presented a kind of model for reconfiguring historical memory, which allowed the SFRY to withstand the contradictions between Serbia, Croatia, Slovenia and Montenegro for some time, as well as to allow the coexistence of a unifying metanarrative of unity and regional separatist discourses in the ideological space of Yugoslavia.

It's specified that as a native of a peasant-proletarian environment and as a bearer of its social identities, in his characterology, Tito turned out to be a highly developed hysterical psychopath who skillfully played his own game of using the military resources of the USSR while at the same time drawing closer to England and the United States. In the field of non-verbal communications, the environment created from various objects of material and spiritual culture, defects and gaps in Tito's cultural capital appeared, which he, as a representative of the new ruling class of neo-feudal society, filled and replenished with the political capital of the system he had built and the appropriation of economic assets that previously belonged to the feudal elites...

It's noted that in his professional identity, Tito took place as a metalworker and a typical representative of the industrial / proletariat, “distracted” within the framework of the communist movement for social construction. Tito's Croatian-Slovene (autochthonous) identities exerted the greatest influence on him in the sphere of family relations, where the marshal vacillated between hysterical sensibility and public interest, in which he was also a “foreigner” in his country. As a result, masculine patrimonialism and the politics of Tito's inner circle contributed to the complete repression of his sensuality. The latter circumstance was one of those (along with corruption) that slowly and steadily contributed to the decay of Tito's health through bad habits and deviations in eating behavior. Oral regression, which affected Tito as a representative of the war generation, became one of the factors in the loss of economic rationality and the formation of a credit economy of consumption and hedonism.

It's stated that in the characterological profile of Tito, hysterical psychopathy is identified with elements of oral regression in the last 15 years of life. The partially inculturated social identities of the feudal social groups of the disintegrated Austria-Hungary were manifested in the visually observable behavior of Tito in the form of lakshurism and exhibitionism, which, due to the social imitation of the Yugoslavs, were broadcast in society in the form of disproportionate economic demands and the real standard of living. At the same time, the planned-dirigistic type of economy created by Tito with elements of petty-bourgeois self-regulation allowed the regime itself, like its leader, to retain a positive historical memory about itself, associated, first of all, with limiting the repressiveness of the political system mainly by politics (while maintaining a significant degree of freedom in the sphere of culture) and overcoming the torture character of Soviet life, which was a common place for the “orthodox” socialist way of life.

Key words: social project of the SFRY, Tito, titoism, visual analytics, cultural and social systemology, sociology of international relations, identification of identities, identification of body characteristics and observed behavior, physiognomic identification, identification of non-verbal communications, visual symbols of social spaces and environments, identification of everyday actions and social practices.

Романенко Ю. В. Жозеф Броз Тіто: соціальний проект СФРЮ крізь призму визуальної аналітики та соціальної системології в міжнародних відносинах (Частина 2)

В статті зазначено, що державотворчий потенціал Тіто зміг розкритися завдяки введеним ідентичностям, які фрагментарно асимілювалися ним у міжкультурних комунікаціях в Австрії та Німеччині. Інкультурація визначених ідентичностей дозволила Тіто «примирити» непримиренних сербів, хорватів, словенців, чорногорців, змішавши югославський комунізм і націоналізм. У політичному аспекті Тіто зміг створити примітивну вождистську диктатуру, яка, завдяки інтерналізованій Тіто австро- німецькій ідентичності, дозволила поєднати централізацію в політиці із значним саморегулюванням в економіці та культурному секторі. Конкуренція етнічних і соціальних ідентичностей в образі Тіто створила стійкий фокус на «поєднанні несумісного»: корупції та обмеженої законності, планової економіки та економіки масового споживання, ідеології культу особистості та культурного плюралізму, державності. атеїзму і свободи віросповідання та прихованої клерикалізації тощо.

Зазначено, що в цілому перемога титоїзму та розгортання югославського соціального проекту стали можливими значною мірою під впливом часткової інтеріоризації нарцисично надлишкових австрійських та американських ідентичностей, що дозволило Тіто перебувати в режимі особистої влади, яку він побудував, не вдаючись при цьому до необмежених репресій і свідомого посилення тортуральної складової повсякденного життя пересічних людей за зразком сталіністських та неосталінських суспільств.

Тітоїзм також представляв своєрідну модель реконфігурації історичної пам'яті, що дозволило СФРЮ деякий час протистояти протиріччям між Сербією, Хорватією, Словенією та Чорногорією, а також дозволило їм співіснувати в рамках метанаративу єдності та регіональних сепаратистських дискурсів в ідеологічному просторі Югославії.

Уточнено, що, як вихідець із селянсько-пролетарського середовища та як носій його соціальної ідентичності, за своєю характерологією Тіто виявився високорозвиненим істеричним психопатом, який вміло грав у власну гру використання військових ресурсів СРСР при одночасовому зближенні з Англією та США. У сфері невербальних комунікацій виникло середовище, створене з різноманітних предметів матеріальної та духовної культури, виявилися вади та прогалини культурного капіталу Тіто, які він, як представник нового панівного класу неофеодального суспільства, заповнював і поповнював. за допомогою політичного капіталу створеної ним системи та привласнення економічних активів раніше приналежних феодальним елітам.

Зазначено, що у своїй професійній ідентичності Тіто мав місце як слюсар і типовий представник індустріального/пролетаріату, «відволікався» в рамках комуністичного руху за соціальне будівництво. Хорватсько-словенська (автохтонна) ідентичність Тіто справила на нього найбільший вплив у сфері сімейних відносин, де маршал коливався між істеричною чутливістю та суспільними інтересами, в яких він також був «іноземцем» у своїй країні. В результаті маскулінний патримоніалізм і політика найближчого оточення Тіто сприяли повному придушенню його чуттєвості. Остання обставина була однією з тих (поряд із корупцією), що повільно й неухильно сприяли розпаду здоров'я Тіто через шкідливі звички та відхилення в харчовій поведінці.

Оральна регресія, яка стала маркером економіки проїдання, торкнулася Тіто як представника військового покоління, і стала одним із чинників втрати економічної раціональності та формування кредитної економіки споживання та гедонізму. тіто візуальна аналітика ідентичність

Встановлено, що в характерологічному профілі Тіто істерична психопатія ототожнюється з елементами оральної регресії в останні 15 років життя. Частково інкультурована соціальна ідентичність феодальних соціальних груп Австро-Угорщини виявилася у візуально помітній поведінці Тіто у формі лакшуризму та ексгібіціонізму, які через соціальне наслідування югославів транслювалися в суспільстві в формі неспівмірних із доходами економічних запитів і реального рівня життя. Водночас створений Тіто планово-дирижистський тип економіки з елементами дрібнобуржуазного саморегулювання дозволив самому режиму, як і його лідеру, зберегти про себе позитивну історичну пам'ять, пов'язану, насамперед, з обмеженням репресивності політичної системи переважно в політиці (при збереженні значного ступеня свободи у сфері культури) та подолання тортуральних виявів радянського життя, які були «спільним місцем» для низки «соціалістичних» суспільств.

Ключові слова: соціальний проект СФРЮ, Тіто, титоїзм, візуальна аналітика, культурна та соціальна системологія, соціологія міжнародних відносин, ідентифікація ідентичностей, ідентифікація характеристик тіла та спостережуваної поведінки, фізіономічна ідентифікація, ідентифікація невербальних комунікацій, візуальні символи соціальних просторів і середовищ, ідентифікація повсякденних дій і соціальних практик.

Formulation of the problem

This article acts as a thematic continuation of the first part of the article devoted to the visual-analytical portrait of Joseph Broz Tito in terms of the structure of his character, physiognomic features, non-verbal communications, the specifics of visual symbols of social spaces and environments, everyday actions and social practices. The indicated components and levels of identification are micro-recursions of the leader's identities and the cultural, social, political and economic order he creates. For cultural and social systemology and visual analytics and the sociology of visual symbolism, the character represented in body image and observed behavior, non-verbal communication, numerous symbols in social spaces and environments, as well as his everyday actions and social practices reflect the cultural and identity of the leader as a representative of one or several ethnic societies. Understanding the relationship and interdependence between them is an important theoretical and empirical problem for sociology and interdisciplinary research.

Analysis of recent research and publications

The literary sources of the first block devoted to the SFRY, according to the subject-thematic criterion, are represented by studies on historical Balkan studies and Yugoslav studies, biographical works dedicated to the personality of Joseph Broz Tito and numerous political and journalistic works thematically focused around Tito and Titoism [28-30; 32-33].

A. Evans, I. Banac, V. Dedier, E. Matonin, R. West, M. Djilas, V Winterhalter, R. West and other researchers present from different sides the biography of Tito both in connection with the history of Yugoslavia and communist movement. It is these sources that provide extensive psychobi- ographical material that can be used for further visual-analytical portraiture. In the visual-analytical portrait of Tito, both psychophysiological and pathopsychological typologies are used, the application of which is based on the six-level algorithm of visual-analytical identification of identities described in the author's works [21-26].

In portraying Tito and identifying his identities, the author used the key provisions of cultural and social systemology, focused on the development of functionalist and neofunctional theory of identity by T Parsons,

N. Luhmann, S. Eisenstadt, E. Schills [10; 16-17; 37]. Understanding the personality as a “collapsed” (single) recursion of identities, and the recursion of identities - as “expanded” in the culture and society of the personality presupposes the identification of markers of recursion in the mental and bodily characteristics of the personality, and the mental and bodily characteristics of the personality (in the circumstances of the macrosocial influence of such a personality) - in projections on the social institutions of society and the features of its everyday life.

In the article are used the techniques of psychoanalytic identification and the appropriate methodology presented in the political psychoanalysis of S. Freud, E. Fromm, W. Reich, G. Lassuel and E.-V Wolfenstein [8; 14-15; 18-20].

Purpose of the article

The aim of the article is a visual-analytical portrait of the personality of Joseph Broz Tito on 3-6 levels as a recursion of the identities of the Yugoslav society in connection with the socio-political order built during his regiment.

Statement of the main provisions. Identification of bodily-morphological, psycho-behavioral and physiognomic features

The psychopathic component of Tito's character. Somatotonic, phallic-narcissistic, psychopathic features of Tito are described by Jilas [35, p. 135], when he speaks of Tito's extremely high physical stability and endurance during partisan marches. Titov's will to power, expansion, including the seizure of real estate belonging to the feudal elites of Yugoslavia marks psychopathic behavior. The ability of psychopaths to gain drive from situations of risk and uncertainty in which they manage to establish omnipotent control manifested itself in the conflict between Tito and Stalin. Tito had to, after a series of purges (which had, however, not at all the scale that in the USSR) in the Stalinist way to deal with the Stalinists, building the famous concentration camp on Goliy Ostrov.

According to the description, the psychopathic component of the character was combined with the oral-depressive one (which corresponded to Tito's oral habits - obsessive smoking, including smoking cigars, up to gangrene and diabetic obliteration, demonstrative alcoholism, preference for fatty and viscous food with a pronounced “antipathy” to salads [43]) ... Sparkling manic humor, psychopathic instinctuality with weak inhibition of affect, phallic-narcissistic competitiveness with the use of luxury goods, combinatorial psychopathic thinking, which is a continuation of omnipotent control and a reflection of the experience of object relations, in which there was a lot of chaos, poverty, reproaches, crowding, squabbles and little comfort could serve as a continuation of the analytical portrait of Joseph.

However, Maclean's description of instinctive national pride, combined with a maneuvering strategy, reveals Austro-German identity both in terms of its value components and specific provincial nationalism. Keeping in a state of balance highly conflict relations between Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, Macedonians, Montenegrins, part of mixed sub-ethnoses with a dual religious and ethnic identity.

The strength of the psychopathic character, whose superstructural value identities are the identities of the societies of the West and North of Europe, are the strength, obsession, rigidity of overvalued ideas. At the micropsychic level, a large number of psychopaths, in the absence of institutions that provide the necessary sublimation and integration, undermine the foundations of the cultural and social order. However, in the crisis moments of the development of society, the era of raging relativity and chaos approaching the borders, psychopathic tenacity in defending overvalued ideas and the corresponding agonal philosophy become important factors in the socio-his- torical survival of the community.

So, the strength, obsession, rigidity of the overvalued ideas of the Finns allowed the latter to restrain the powerful military machine of the USSR, which had stalled not only from its own internal corruption and lack of ideology, but also from the unyielding syntonic-psychopathic fanaticism of Finnish snipers who stood for their own ideas in spite of the murderous reality that screamed about delivery. In their animality, psychopaths undoubtedly reveal to society the infernal depths of cruelty and destructiveness. In their sublimations and redirecting libido to higher cultural goals, they become leaders who form role models and the era of socio-historical transcending. A psychopathic character, if you allow yourself a metaphor from the field of physics, is like a nuclear fuel in a power plant or a nuclear explosion, depending on the cultural, value and social identities that “control” psychopathy from above.

In Tito's psychopathy, the imposed Austro-German value identities competed with Croatian ones, the lord, conqueror and occupier fought with the provincial peripheral of the occupied land, preventing the latter from defeating Tito and creating a Yugoslav federation based on pan-Croatian- ism. However, it would be unreasonable to underestimate also the school of compulsive restraint that Tito passed through his contacts with the British military.

The hysterical component of Tito's character

Tito's behavior shows pronounced hysterical features, starting from adolescence. R. West, referring to Dedier, Tito's biographer, cites a number of episodes related to the deprivation of the need to look decent among the villagers. Tito's first trauma turned out to be his uncle, who frustrated him not only in maintaining a decent image, but also in trusting people. The very trust was undermined by the actions of his uncle, who, having promised Tito to buy him normal shoes, not only did not keep his promise, but also took Joseph's old shoes, “on which there were jewelry, he repaired them for his son,” and ... he gave him “in return a pair , even worse than the old ones. “It is not surprising that Joseph developed a persistent fear “that other people are trying to rob him” [27, Ch. 3].

The desire to have respectable clothing is logical to consider as part of the hysterical sexualization / eroticization of one's own image, which, thanks to the fashionable design of clothing items, acquires additional attractiveness. At the same time, at the expense of clothing, the need for cathexis is satisfied, at an imaginary level (due to the experience of pleasure from the possible envy of the environment, both in relation to the clothing itself and general seduction) and in focusing the attention of observers on oneself. The subsequent weakness of Marshal Tito for a uniform with gilded embroidery, fashionable styles of English costumes, along with oral habits, will acquire the form of stereotypes that are remembered in the media.

Tito's biography presents several travels (to Laibach (Ljubljana) and Trieste, where his obsessive hysterical exhibitionism and aestheticism manifested itself. Tito, as West describes, walked for three days on a tedious path through deep snow “...in a suit. It's easy to imagine how significant he was the image of the grandiose mirrored Tito self in a suit, if he decided to use it as clothing for traveling in the mountains. In this aspect, Tito's weakness for panache manifested itself in the borderline part of the diagnostic continuum. paths ... a cow in search of salt tore “his suit while he was sleeping” [27, Ch. 3].

The continuation of hysterical exhibitionism, due to the influence of Tito's social identity, occurred on his return to Slovenia; Tito found himself a job at a metalwork factory in the small town of Klinik. There he joined the local gymnastics club “Sokol”, which was dominated by a patriotic, anti-Habsburg spirit. However, the Falcon attracted Tito for other reasons: “I loved their brightly colored uniforms and their feathered hats. I bought them for myself in installments and took part in every parade, marching with a gallant step behind the orchestra” [2, p. 22].

The hysterical sexualization and eroticization of clothing is partly related to the magical-oriented children's consciousness, which prefers easier (more often imagined than real) ways of gaining superiority in the world of adults and the powerful. It is clear that the psychic system that remains infantile inside itself uses such magical methods both in childhood and in a later image, which can be expressed in an obsessive desire to “live beyond our means” and on credit, feeding its own vanity.

However, Tito strove to be brilliant, luxurious and pompous not only in clothes. Hysteria also manifested itself in expensive jewelry, dachas, palaces and villas, which he himself “appropriated” and reserved. In Tito's non-stop race to demonstrate luxury and shine in public space, he was held back exclusively by the deterioration of his reputation and the formation of a negative image in the foreign media. Djilas [35, p. 29] recalls how the American “Life” published at the end of 1949 his photographs - with dachas, horses, salons, dogs..., “while the author of the article likened Tito to a” Latin American dictator. “After a conversation with fellow party members Kardel and Djilas, who pointed out this circumstance to him, Tito blushed, having changed little in his behavior, except for a decrease in the number of contacts with foreign reporters.

Fueling vanity on a Yugoslav scale will become noticeable in the 70s and 80s, when Tito and his team will actively cooperate with the IMF to obtain more and more loans, which, however, are spent not on strategic investment, but on idle consumption. Magically oriented consciousness as part of the hysterical character is quite compatible, as noted above, with aesthetic maximalism and rejection of the slightest external imperfection.

The extent to which such a psyche is blind in a strategic perspective, it also becomes pretentious, picky, impatient and irritated when it detects any minor flaws in the aspirant to the ego ideal. Tito recalls that when he “was a little boy,” he “desperately wanted to become a tailor - which was a natural continuation of the desire of every Zagorsk peasant to wear good clothes.” He goes on to give an example of the “loss of a particle of respect” by an engineer visiting his area. The authority of the engineer was, in the eyes of Tito and his fellow villagers, partially lost when they noticed a patch on the back of his pants.

Not showing much zeal in the profession of a waiter, Tito moved to Sisak, where he managed to get a job as an apprentice with a blacksmith and mechanic. Hysterical fantasy and imagination of Tito's own greatness continued in line with the hysterical sexualization of the image in clothing with its aesthetic attributes. V. Reich notes the weakened possibility of individuals with a hysterical character “to use the genital libido and form reactive formations”, which later manifested itself in Tito's relations with Djilas and Dedier. Since both the first and the second will allow themselves criticism of Tito, he will not forgive neither the first nor the second such betrayal, since he will be unable to transform hatred into love, that is, to start a reactive formation. Tito's weak ability to sublimate was manifested as much in his indifference to ideological discussions, as in the consumerist orientation of Yugoslav socialism with the predominance of consumption over accumulation.

As Reich further notes, Tito, as a bearer of a hysterical character, was unable to form a “hard characteristic shell” because his “fully developed genital arousal” was amenable to “only direct gratification”, interfering with the “sublimation of other libidinal drives” and providing these drives with “unnecessary energy.” Therefore, in Sisak, Tito “read stories about Sherlock Holmes, bred rabbits and pigeons, and also indulged in dreams of a “beautiful life” - wine, women, smart clothes. In his autobiography, he says that he also read leftist newspapers, admired the Social Democratic Party and passionately dreamed of joining a trade union” [27, Ch. 3].

In general, Tito's genitality, in full accordance with the theory of Freud and Reich, attached “special importance”. It is quite possible that, against the background of the Oedipus complex and the idealization of his own mother, Tito's marriage or his cohabitation could have been realized in the scenario of maternolatric monogamy, but the latter prevented both the disappointment and frustration of the genital libido, and the fall of the image of the woman-mother from the moral pedestal.

But it is more obvious that a certain amount of libido is involved in the excitement of the genital area. The genital apparatus must provide orgasmic discharge; this is a mechanism that is not intended for any other impulses. For this reason, in terms of libidinal economics, it is vital. This, of course, contradicts certain ethical concepts, but this is exactly the case, and not otherwise. The disgust often associated with these facts is easy to understand: their recognition would be revolutionary.

However, Tito's hysteria also had a shadow side, which allowed for the distortion and embellishment of some episodes of his biography, in which the marshal, as they say, “lost face” or “fell out of character”. Reich states in this regard that “the suggestibility of a hysterical character disposes him both to passive hypnosis and to the flight of imagination. He needs to somehow use the hypertrophied ability for sexual interests, most often of an infantile nature. Living imagination easily turns into pathological, since imaginary experiences can be accepted and retold as real” [20, p. 120].

So, in one of the episodes of negotiations with Churchill, which concerned the landing of Allied troops in Yugoslavia from Istria and the return of King Peter. In Tito's version, Churchill, after Tito mentioned his son and his sending to the front, “burst into tears.” In Churchill's version, such sentiments and “lyrical digressions” were not recorded. Churchill himself presents history as purely “businesslike”, that is, in a pragmatic modality.

In describing the episode with Operation Rossellsprung by Tito, the Germans made a big mistake, not throwing their forces into the assault on the mountain, although they heard Tito's dog barking and even started shooting. In the version of fellow party members Tito Rankovic and Zhujovic, the episode looks less performative and, to a greater extent, impartial for Tito himself: wearing his marshal's uniform, he was preparing to surrender to the Germans, but Zhujovic shamed him by forcing him to get out of hiding and retreat. At this time, the soldiers of the security battalion died one after another, and Tito ran away from the Germans with a crowd of his secretaries [11, p.119].

Tito's reckless demonstrativeness became a real risk trigger in the Uzhitskaya Republic, when, while working and sleeping in the bank, he placed a shining partisan star on its roof, which did not go unnoticed by the German air squadrons [27, Ch. 7]. With regard to panache and decoration of military uniforms, Tito also did not “betray” his own hysterical exhibitionism, giving the latter, according to West, “unremitting attention” and ordering a Soviet cap, later called “titovka”, made it “an integral part of the uniforms of the soldiers of the national liberation army of Yugoslavia”.

Tito's genitality also manifested itself in official promiscuity, which alarmed the “puritanical” Jilas. The latter was very concerned about the cynical statements of Mithra's wife about the promiscuity of Tito and his entourage, who kept pretty secretaries with them. However, Tito clearly did not share the pseudo-Puritanism of Jilas and, having a hysterical component, could not overcome the enmity towards Jilas that arose between them after the conquest of power. The statements of Jilas himself, however, turned out to be the same idealizations of Tito, as did Tito's arguments about the fighting and moral qualities of the soldiers of the Red Army.

In such idealization, the narcissistic person sees a kind of “credit” that she gives to her environment, unconsciously hoping that this environment will not notice the narcissistic emptiness and drug dependence of the narcissistic nature (in its borderline manifestations) from positive strokes.

However, Tito's narcissism, as will become noticeable later, will not acquire the features of that malignant expansion, which he acquired, for example, from Stalin and Hoxha. In his narcissistic expansion, Tito was more of a benign hedonist than a torturer and destroyer who at all costs sought his exaltation, praise and exaltation. With the ambition found in Tito, he, nevertheless, did not show paranoiac vindictiveness and rancor. The described differences between Tito, Stalin and Hoxha reflected both the peculiarities of his set of identities, which gave him in sufficient quantity both value-cultural (in particular, moral) and ethnic narcissism. The leading identity in this set should be recognized as the Austro-German, which was associated with his service in the Austro-Hungarian army and receiving the award personally from the hands of one of the Habsburgs. Unlike Stalin, Tito was not a criminal, although he resorted to a number of despotoid practices. Stalin, however, was inculturated not just in the criminal environment, but treated the Georgians as an ethnic group with hyperthymic characteristics.

The combination of ethnospecific imbalance with criminal tendencies to concealment became one of the factors in the development of psychotic paranoia in Stalin with an accompanying delusion of grandeur, which was practically not manifested in Tito. At the same time, unlike Hoxha, Tito was not a pseudo-Puritan, nor was he (possibly) a latent homosexual. In Albania, as follows from the data of a number of authors, especially among Gegs, homosexuality was a fairly widespread phenomenon against the background of ethnospecific misogyny.

Physiognomically, the profile of Tito's face before the early 50s reveals specific sharpening. In the photo taken during interrogation in the Lepoglava prison [45], the chin protrusion reveals a pronounced sharpening, corresponding to the goal-setting voluntariness and the qualities of the “breakthrough” will. A photograph of 1942 [44] identifies a Roman nose profile corresponding to pronounced narcissism; the profile line of the forehead makes it possible to identify predominantly evaluative (emotionally contaminated) thinking. In combination with pursed lips, the deficit of verbal expression and the processing of toxic emotions by Tito suggested a scenario of silence / response, which could not but affect the preference for fatty and sweet dishes, heavy smoking, which became factors in the development of diabetes, obliterating endarteritis and gangrene.

Tito's curly hair marks complex motivational programs, a pronounced emotional coloring of his motives (since any emotions, one way or another, complicate the motives).

Djilas, albeit at the level of speculation, but very reasonable, voiced the idea of the image of the Nordic race manifested in Tito's anthropophysiognomic features, and in our understanding - as the bearer of Austro-German ethnic identities. Portraying Tito, Jilas characterizes him as a hysterical psychopath, with strong muscles and bones, who displayed tremendous physical strength and biological magnetism, especially during military campaigns, and served as a standard of beauty “from a female rather than a male point of view.” In some ways, despite the seeming artistry of reasoning, the author is undoubtedly right. Hair belonging to the blond group, the specific relief and sharpness of the profile lines, the tenacious “steel” psychopathic look, the combination of high energy and physical strength would rather contrast with the phenotype of a Croat or Slovenian than complement it.

Subsequent photos indicate a pronounced pycnization of both Tito's body and face. The specific profile sharpening is replaced by a smooth roundness of physiognomic contours. In the documentary film “Tito” by D. Glogovac [38], the main character in most of the video footage reveals peripheral obesity in the abdomen, thickening and weighting of the neck and lower extremities. Tito ignored the prohibitions of doctors on the use of grilled meat with sauces [38], and in general he loved to abuse fatty and sweet. During official receptions, overeating was one of the typical patterns of his eating behavior, so that his body weight steadily increased: for example, during one of the official receptions in honor of the Queen of England on Brijuni, Tito staged a real grill fest, at which, according to the grill server , he and the queen ate and ate fried meat and were “very satisfied” [38].

To “disguise” the picnic, Tito preferred to fashionable costumes embroidered with gold and decorated with numerous awards, the marshal's uniform in white or blue. In Tito's physiognomy, biographers state the use of a quartz lamp for bronze tanning, hair dyeing and snow-white artificial jaws [35, p. 128], which should have created an Americanized juvenile image of a brave ruler, an adventurer of the “Wild West” and a cowboy. Tito's addiction to smoking reflects not just a tribute to the war and the peculiarities of a generation that had to solve the problems of food deprivation and stress with the help of tobacco, but also an imitation of a cinematic character - a dashing guy, a cowboy or a gangster, constantly blowing out puffs of tobacco smoke around him.

Identification of non-verbal communication. Tito was a master of posture and posing, and as a bearer of the hysterical component of the character structure, he paid increased attention to his public exis, even in extraordinary circumstances, being like a histrionic personality in an image. As noted by Djilas, “Tito always and in everything guarded his dignity, his exclusiveness. Never, even during the war, during stops in the forest and on night marches, I have not seen him in any inappropriate position and have never heard of him using obscene expressions” [35, p. 35].

The hysterical ability for reincarnation was observed in Tito during his stay in Moscow, where he carefully monitored his non-verbal communication, in particular, his proximities, trying even not to physically approach those who were compromised in front of the Comintern. After Tito's final victory at official receptions, he adjusted his chair so that every visitor, when greeting him, had to bend / bow, which also manifested a latent imitation of the feudal nobility.

Tito's costumes were distinguished by their high cost and versatility. Tito's fantasies about a business career could not but be reflected in his clothes. When the marshal turned 60, he posed in a photographic lens as “an elegant socialite, either in military uniform or in superbly tailored fashionable suits,” more like a prosperous businessman than a revolutionary and communist” [13].

Yugoslavia of the Titoist period, in fact, turned out to be such a collective “businessman”, whose high standard of living was based on significant credit resources. West rightly notes that “like Ceausescu in Romania and Marcos in the Philippines, Tito took huge loans from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), but unlike others, he did it so that the rest of the population benefited from these loans. In the 70s, all of Yugoslavia spent money recklessly” [28, Ch. 18].

Luxurious suits made of English fabrics and military uniforms were complemented by a variety of expensive accessories: gold belt buckles, gold feathers and cigarette cases, tie pins. In general, hesitating in the choice of style of clothing between the classics and the military, Tito in costume preferred the high cost and flashiness characteristic of hysterical personalities. Thus, Maclean describes Tito's first meeting with Churchill, which took place at the Villa Jumbo. Tito came to her in an incongruous weather uniform with red stripes and gold braid ... One of the officials, Dixon, remarked that “Tito was careful, agitated and sweated heavily in his absurd marshal's uniform made of thick fabric ...” [28, Ch. 9] ... During international meetings, Tito introduced the practice of changing clothes several times, which, in the unconscious perception of the bearer of peasantproletarian identities and hysterical character, was supposed to add erotic charm to the image.

Tito's facial expressions reflect the static / statuary not so much of the face as of the hysterical structure of character, which is characterized by mask-like behavior. A. Lowen in his study “Physical dynamics of the structure of character” [9, p. 131-158] focuses on the mask-like frozen face of a hysterical personality, which reflects pride as a basic emotion.

In his pantomime, Tito shows a penchant for two bodily repertoires: semi-statuary and proletarian familiarity. In documentary shots at official receptions, Tito constantly uses directive-pointing gestures with the index finger (a gesture of power), which in his performance can hardly be considered something original. At meetings with various work collectives, Tito shortens the distance, being in the midst of those who meet him and invariably communicating with a pipe in his teeth.

Identification of visual symbols in objects of material and spiritual culture, spaces and environments

The narcissistic deficit of the poor peasant and the proletarian with an accompanying complex of social inferiority in the sector of spiritual and educational capital for Tito resulted in a love of luxury goods: palaces, art objects, cars. At the same time, this deficiency changed due to ethnic identities towards benign narcissistic expansion, which can hardly be considered his “merit”, but definitely should be attributed to the advantages of titoism.

Tito restored the royal palaces on Dedinje and, not having the ability to directly privatize them, ordered their restoration. The utensils (furniture and dishes) that were in them were preserved, therefore Tito took both the white palace of Prince Paul and the palace of King Alexander, later adding several neighboring villas and vegetable gardens to them, and, having created such an administrative architectural ensemble, surrounded it with a stone wall. Every now and then rebellious murmurs from among the hypocritical “ascetics”, such as Hebrang (who himself did not give up luxurious things), complained about Tito's interest in palaces, which in terms of volume competed only with military operations on the fronts. However, the murmur was caused not by the very fact of possessing luxury, but, rather, by Tito's desire to become like the feudal nobility, bypassing the “party comrades” who also made themselves co-opted into non-nobility.

In Tito's Yugoslavia, there was a restructuring and reconfiguration of social space. Zones of a privileged “feudalized” space, typical for the party nomenclature, arose: closed special distribution shops, in which quality goods were sold at reduced prices especially for the apparatus; holiday homes were created from appropriated villas and mansions of the feudal nobility. On the Brion Islands, Tito built a zoo in his summer residence and, using state budget funds, bought numerous art objects.

The social identity of yesterday's poor peasant, which manifested a recursion of imperial (Austro-Hungarian) ethnic identities (or, to put it more precisely in the words of V. Pareto, the residents of the latter) and who finally received the longed-for dictatorial power, poured into the fruits of pleasure as from projects of great construction , and from “deserved” luxury. But, unlike the party nomenclature class in the USSR, the ethnic (primarily Austrian) residues of Tito's identities affected the level of visual feudalization of the architectural space used and the official attributes of the marshal. As noted by Djilas, “Tito's court did not lag behind the royal court in anything, and surpassed it in luxury. Only extravagance in jewelry and luxury - and more of Tito himself than servants or diplomatic protocol - remained unchanged. Tito's forms were more gilded than all others; everything that belonged to him had to be “authentic” and “unique”: the belt buckle with the coat of arms was made of massive red gold, and the belt from its weight fell off a little. Tito wrote most often with a massive gold pen” [35, p. 128].

The image imitation of the feudal nobility was also manifested in the creation of special hunting grounds, which should be considered a common place for the countries of socialist feudalism (or feudal socialism). At his disposal were all the best hunting reserves, where bears, wild boars, deer and most species of flying game were found [28, Ch. 11].

“Tito's son Joschka Broz counted 167 copies in the collection of marshal's hunting rifles ... According to Tome Fule, it has long been known that one of the most valuable presidential watches has disappeared. About twenty of them were stolen ... at an exhibition in Belgrade, but there are suspicions that a few more are missing. Brose was known as a great lover of wristwatches, and his collection was decorated with some of the most valuable pieces of Rolex, Philip the Duck, Meissen, Longin ... Various state commissions made only three lists of what was left behind Brose. The most valuable property is from the above-mentioned fourth list, which is controversial and which has remained secret for three decades. It contained everything that the former socialist elite did not want to give to Jovanka - from jewelry and paintings, to a collection of folk costumes, to Tito's car fleet, his jewelry, golden carriages and 40 horses. These things were previously estimated at $ 50-60 million ...” [36].

Titoism for Yugoslavia became the era of the economy of the consumerist lifestyle, which corresponded to the practice of positive narcissistic expansion of the elites by attracting foreign investment to the country and improving the quality of life of ordinary citizens. This confirms the more harmonious, in comparison with Pavelic, ethnic centering of Tito as a leader, which ensured interethnic peace in the country in the presence of a real ethno-cultural rift. According to E. Matonin, by the end of the 1960s, per capita income in Yugoslavia was 800 US dollars. This was about three times less than in developed European countries. The number of unemployed in 1969 was 331 thousand, and the number of Yugoslavs working abroad was 700 thousand. Later, their number increased to a million. Although the FRG broke off diplomatic relations with Belgrade in 1957 after Tito's recognition of the GDR (they were restored only in 1968), thousands of Yugoslav guest workers continued to work in West Germany and send foreign currency to their relatives in Yugoslavia [11, p. 359].

At one time a poor, but now the richest man with dictatorial power, Tito, with examples of his insatiable consumerism and appropriation, launched a real chain reaction for the development of a society of mass consumption in Yugoslavia. The desire to live as in the neighboring FRG, albeit on credit resources, was so significant that the population invested them in real estate, the purchase of goods and services, which, of course, did not in any way correlate with the profitability of the planned economy.

V.V. Kostenko and A.A. Novak note that “Tito managed to make Yugoslavia almost the official leader of the non-aligned countries, and the “skillful maneuvering” of the Tito elites between the West and the former USSR brought dividends in the form of huge loans and preferences for Yugoslav enterprises. “There was money in the country. It is not clear where, and how it all functioned, but there was money in Yugoslavia. And there was a lot of money” - such a refrain sounds in almost all the interviews we have recorded. The SFRY pursued a policy of free trade and close economic ties with a number of states, including Asia. A wide range of goods from Japan, China, Korea and other countries were presented on the shelves of Yugoslavian stores. Students from Asia came to Yugoslav universities to study, and the Yugoslavs themselves could freely travel to a number of Asian countries as tourists - this was facilitated by both the visa liberalization policy and the high incomes of Yugoslav citizens [6, p. 113].

It is logical to refer to the objects of spiritual culture propaganda metanarratives, which, according to the research of D. Efremenko and E. Meleshkina, fluctuated between supranational Yugoslavism and ethno-nationalism of individual republics. As the authors note, Tito, in his interpretation of Yugoslav unity, made it clear that Yugoslavism, in principle, does not pose any threat to ethno-national identity. Combining in itself the image of a harsh dictator (and not being such, but actually acting as a dictatoid) and “suppressing nationalist protests (including the Croatian spring of 1971)” in some cases - repeated), Tito simultaneously added fuel to the fire of republican separatism in Serbia, Vojvodyno and Kosovo, granting, in accordance with the newly adopted Constitution of 1974, additional powers to the republican party elites and thereby strengthening centrifugal tendencies in the state structure [3, c. 86].

Explaining the contrasts between the Tito era and the current decline in the standard of living in Bosnia, Serbia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro, political scientist A. Vadishevich notes that these republics live “although not bad, but to the countries of Western Europe in terms of economic development they are like the moon.” And, of course, the author continues, “these states do not mean anything at all, they are considered either as puppets or as parasites who constantly beg for loans and subsidies from the EU. Under Tito's rule, the economy of Yugoslavia was considered the best in the “socialist bloc”: young families were given an apartment for free, salaries were stable and constantly increased.”

The pseudo-puritanical censorship in the USSR complemented the wretchedness and torture of everyday life and the deficit of the USSR economy, as the political scientist notes, “in the Soviet Union there was severe moral and material socialism” (but not for the party nomenklatura and its servitarians - my Yu.R.'s note), “and here (in Yugoslavia - Yu.R.) everything was simpler. “This simplicity corresponded to Tito's hedonistic and consumerist worldview: “films with explicit erotic scenes were free in cinemas, beaches were opened for nudists, anyone could go to Germany or France without a visa, private shops and hairdressers were operating: only large factories were state-owned. So people think why they changed the awl for soap” [12].

Identifying visual symbols in everyday social practices. In everyday social practices of Tito, several groups of habits and hobbies draw attention to themselves.

The first group is associated with hobbies for animals, in particular, dogs and horses. Tito's preferences for individual animals make it possible to identify the significance, on the one hand, of individual basic instincts, and on the other hand, his preferred personality traits in party comrades-in- arms and friends. Tito considered caring for horses “from an early age, the greatest pleasure” for himself. “I already knew how to ride, when I could barely reach the horse's belly with my head ... In those days I learned that the better you take care of it, the better it serves you. During the war, I always dismounted from my horse Fins, when we went up the hill, and urged my soldiers to keep horses for the plain” [28, Ch. 3].

The preference for horses marks at the same time the relation to spatial- territorial instincts (instincts of territoriality), and on the other hand, to sexual instincts. Both the first and the second correspond to personality traits: general mobility / mobility and reactivity / lability and sexual plasticity / debility. Tito's attraction to the unbalanced Zdenka and Iovanka Budislavlevich-Broz reflected, in part, a psychobiographical transference, but to a greater extent it was a manifestation of social imitation of aristocratic groups, among which female shyness, intractability, moral rigidity was valued much higher than frivolity, accessibility and compliance.

Tito's rejection of conditionally plastic wives correlated his addiction to horses and their training. Tito tried to train both his women and horses, but the latter more for social prestige. Tito was also attached to dogs, which corresponded to his own qualities, the mirror self and self-concept. Taking a servile position in relation to his own environment and professing the life philosophy of unconditional fidelity, Tito simultaneously projected doglike qualities onto the environment, and demanded these canine qualities from the environment.

...

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