Stress factors and mechanisms to coping in modern Japan

Analysis of to the problem of contemporary factors of stress in modern Japan. Study of stress forms, its impact on individuals, and its reasons after the post-Bubble era. Characteristic of mechanisms of coping with stress in modern Japanese culture.

28.08.2016
836,2 K

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Ijime represents a complex collective mechanism of stress reduction, the functioning of which is based on the indirect psychological aggression, while its legitimacy is advocated by the non-personal nature of the occurring and the permanent shift of the participants' status. Considering the fact that in Japanese school children are predominantly taught to study together, to work together and to solve their conflicts together it is logical to suggest that they would also relief their stress on the collective pattern. From this point of view, ijime should be regarded as a complicated mechanism of collective stress reducing and coping.

Kireru demonstrates that in group-prone Japanese society an individual can release inner frustration in anti-social, anti-collective way, if such individual lacks connection to the group identification. This may be true for both childhood and adulthood stages, yet in student years the premises for kireru are postulated systemically by the peculiarities of domestic life and Japanese school system, i.e. untaught conflict solution skills, exalted self-restrain and inability to legitimately ease tension outside the group boundaries. All of this can provoke kireru, a spontaneous stress coping mechanism.

Hikikomori operate as an outstanding phenomenon, nearly a cultural paradox of group-oriented Japan. In a society where individuals are socialized to perceive themselves practically through the notion of collective, hikikomori neglects most communication with others and withdrawal from the common sphere to the most private space possible. Paradoxically, this abnormal behavioral pattern derives from the pillar Japanese concept, the concept of self-restrain, postulated through the family level. It indicates a break in the worldview of the generations before and after the Bubble collapse. Pre-Bubble generation may still consider long life employment as a normality, imposing this viewpoint on post-Bubble generation, while their children cannot bring such belief into realization because of Japanese economic troubles. Nevertheless, the practice of self-restrain accustoms hikikomori to cope with stress in the form of the extreme escapism, spreading this mechanism of stress coping to the whole life span of this Japanese individuals.

Amae possesses a complex dichotomy nature that is manifested through the categories of dependence and intimacy. Its basics are formed on the primary stage of socialization and generated through the interactions between mother and child. On the stage of adult life, amae is the most visibly postulated in the form of romantic relationship, presupposing the notion of intimacy as the pillar aspect of Japanese concept of romance. It produces an opportunity for Japanese individuals to behave in the individualistic, nearly egoistic way, neglecting a constant and stressful necessity to maintain one's public image.

Ibasho represents the necessity of obtaining the private emotional and physical space formulated on the primal stage of socialization through the realms of family and home that are indicated as secured locations for stress reduction. Lately, the demand for ibasho is postulated on the adult stage of life as well. Simultaneously with the degradation of the traditional Japanese social institutions that are capable for stress reduction, i.e. domestic and labor spheres, Japanese individual tend to produce new, nearly artificial models of ibasho. In such institutions the stress coping is achieved through providing the opportunity of satisfaction of private needs as well as by the means of simulation of basic components of intimate behavior.

This study generally approved my hypothesis that deep changes in the socio-cultural sphere of Japan from the 1990s till nowadays had a massive impact on Japanese individuals, forced them to face new, unprecedented factors of stress and, as a contraction, produce new mechanisms of coping. Japanese individuals found it complicated to adopt to those changes due to voluntary subjugation, perceived external locus of one's life, infantilism and other practices acquired through socialization and social control. Moreover, those changes questioned the purposes of already stressful Japanese educational sphere and devastated the Japanese labor system that remained practically unchanged since the period of post-war era. Consequently, the generation of frustration caused by them pushed individuals to cope with stress through group activities in the form of ijime, as well as in the form of kireru for those who were incapable to enter the group's boundaries. The inability to fit into group found its representation in hikikomori, a pure invention of post-Bubble Japan, that proposed coping with stress through severe escapism. Respectively, these changes also offended the sphere of domestic life, causing individuals to reach for intimacy and belonging in other social phenomena that appeared to be amae relationships and ibasho institutions.

This study may be used to develop a forecast on the further conditions of society in culture in Japan. The period between 1990s and 2000s was unofficially named a lost decade in Japan, when this country faced significant economic losses and social turbulences. Nowadays, the notion of the second lost decade, the one between 2000s and 2010s is becoming more and more widespread. Would the country and its population be able to adapt to those challenges? Or would the next ten years introduce a third lost decade? I believe that may research may be employed to elaborate on this issue.

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