Arrest of a monument in Ankara: imposing state-led citizenship upon public spaces

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FEDERAL STATE AUTONOMOUS EDUCATIONALINSTITUTION FOR HIGHER EDUCATIONNATIONAL RESEARCH UNIVERSITYHIGHER SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS

Field of study 39.04.01 SociologyMaster's program `Comparative Social Research'

Double Degree Track with EHESS `Sociology'

ARREST OF A MONUMENT IN ANKARA: IMPOSING STATE-LED CITIZENSHIP UPON PUBLIC SPACES

Faculty of Social Sciences

Kadir Can Çelik

name, surname signature

Moscow & Paris 2020

Abstract

This thesis examines how means of governmentality in the politically charged urban spheres function towards building a state-led form of citizenship against the emerging alternative forms of citizenship. In this sense, my research problem arises from a physical arrest of the monument of Human Rights that has been a metaphorical representation of the alternative forms of citizenship. Accordingly, control of politically charged urban spheres is investigated by combining various theoretical approaches related to police, state, public spheres, and citizenship to examine this picturesque. A comparative approach to different contexts is used to deepen the understanding of how different actors on the streets functioned towards each other. In this sense, a qualitative research design is used where I conducted field research in Ankara, Istanbul, and Diyarbakir. The changing perspectives of the actors with constant police intervention and surveillance to the politically charged public spheres are examined to study my research questions. In this way, the functionality and the changing perspectives towards the police practices of the actors are evaluated together under the concept of governmentality and subject formation. The research proved that, with the constant police intervention and closure of these public spheres, the actors' perspectives on the social entity changed and the social interactions weakened at some point. In this sense, the visibility of the alternative forms of citizenship models where the socialness of the streets became collective is displaced from these public spheres in various ways. Also, the research illustrated that the borders of control targeting these citizenship forms spread over the city, so the practices constructing the invisibility of the actors became visible all over the city. With the arising state-led citizenship upon the public spheres, a heteronormativity, where only the men are visible on the streets, is imposed. As a result of the routine of violence on the streets, a new routine for the inhabitants of the politically charged public spheres is imposed.

Key words: Citizenship, Public Spheres, Governmentality, Visibility, Subject Formation, Social Movements, Police

Résumé

citizenship monument ankara culture

Ce mémoire de maîtrise examine comment les moyens de gouvernementalité dans les sphères urbaines politiquement chargées fonctionnent pour construire une forme de citoyenneté dirigée par l'État contre les formes alternatives émergentes de citoyenneté. En ce sens, mon problème de recherche découle d'une arrestation physique du monument des droits de l'homme qui a été une représentation métaphorique des formes alternatives de citoyenneté. En conséquence, le contrôle des sphères urbaines politiquement chargées est étudié en combinant diverses approches théoriques liées à la police, à l'État, aux sphères publiques et à la citoyenneté pour examiner ce pittoresque. Une approche comparative des différents contextes est utilisée pour approfondir la compréhension de la manière dont les différents acteurs de la rue fonctionnent les uns envers les autres. Dans ce sens, un modèle de recherche qualitative est utilisé, dans le cadre duquel j'ai mené des recherches sur le terrain à Ankara, Istanbul et Diyarbakir. Les perspectives changeantes des acteurs avec une intervention policière constante et une surveillance des sphères publiques politiquement chargées sont examinées pour étudier mes questions de recherche. De cette façon, la fonctionnalité et les perspectives changeantes des pratiques policières des acteurs sont évaluées ensemble sous le concept de gouvernementalité et de formation du sujet. La recherche a prouvé qu'avec l'intervention policière constante et la fermeture de ces sphères publiques, les perspectives des acteurs sur l'entité sociale ont changé et les interactions sociales se sont affaiblies à un certain moment. En ce sens, la visibilité des formes alternatives de citoyenneté où la socialité des rues est devenue collective est déplacée de ces sphères publiques de diverses manières. De plus, la recherche a montré que les frontières de contrôle visant ces formes de citoyenneté se sont étendues à toute la ville, de sorte que les pratiques construisant l'invisibilité des acteurs sont devenues visibles dans toute la ville. Avec l'émergence d'une citoyenneté étatique sur les sphères publiques, une hétéronormativité, où seuls les hommes sont visibles dans les rues, est imposée. La routine de la violence dans les rues impose une nouvelle routine pour les habitants des sphères publiques politiquement chargées.

Mots clés: Citoyenneté, Sphères publiques, Gouvernementalité, Visibilité, Formation des sujets, Mouvements sociaux, Police

Acknowledgements

First of all, I would like to thank my scientific supervisors Prof. Nilüfer Göle and Assoc. Prof. Christian Froehlich for sharing their time during the hard times to supervise my thesis. Their constructive, enlightening, patient and helpful comments and approaches made this thesis possible. I also would like to thank Assoc. Prof. Lili Di Puppo for her supports during my study in the program. Also, I am sincerely grateful to Prof. Tahire Erman and Prof. Alev Çinar's support without borders and sharing their valuable times to brainstorm about my research from the very beginning of this project. Also, I would like to thank the directors of the studies at the EHESS; Françoise Daucé, and Elizabeth Kozlowski for being helpful and supportive to create a professional scientific environment during the time I spent in Paris. Thanks to the Comparative Social Research Program for creating various academic opportunities where I deepen my academic enthusiasm, I feel lucky to be around such a professional academic environment.

I also would like to thank my family for supporting me anytime anywhere to be able to finalize this master program, and my friends, and closed ones who have been also a part of this research with their contributions and comments. Lastly, special thanks to Süleyman Yiltirak, Ogün Demirci, and Deniz Çetin for the time they had to spend talking in very detail about this research, and their valuable comments on my work.

1. Historical Context of the Research

Especially after the coup attempt on 15^th July 2016 in Turkey, and with the declaration of the state of emergency, the AKP (Justice and Development Party / Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi) government intensified the control of urban spheres by increasing the physical police existence in the public spheres, and neighborhoods. Security became an obsession for the AKP government and it even started to intervene in people's habitual everyday life practices in particular streets, or urban spheres. This gradual increase in security and control of urban spheres practices intensified sharply in particular public spheres, which have been a ground place for social and political activities. After the declaration of state of emergency in 2016, a security zone is installed next to the monument of human rights located at the intersection of Konur and Y üksel Streets in Ankara. Besides, the monument of human rights, which has been a symbolic representation of alternative forms of citizenship that is entitled with the social entity, were surrounded by police barricades. My research problem arises from this metaphorical arrest at first place to explore how the visibility of the actors on the street changed by the police intervention. Considering the ideological representations of the inhabitants of the streets and the police, this politically contestant public space, where different forms of citizenship forms intend to arise, is examined with its actors. Thus, my research focus on the relationship between the means of governmentality and its functionality towards a state-led citizenship upon the politically charged public spheres can be examined.

The Konur and Yüksel Streets have been an open public space for political activism, social mobilizations since the 1990s. Especially with the installation of the monument of human rights and closing the streets to traffic, the social life intensified around this monument around the Konur and Y üksel Streets too. Since there are a lot of bookstores, bars, cafes, union buildings, theatres, cinemas, and political party offices, this urban sphere has been an intellectual attraction for the inhabitants of Ankara especially. As a result of this social and cultural environment, this place became an attraction for political activism and intellectual event sphere too. The more important point is, this place became an open public space with its history and social environments for different political groups. Even the most suppressed political groups were able to be visible in the public spheres as political or social actors. Especially in recent years, there have been intensified demonstrations including hunger strikes due to the delegated legislation (KHKs) enacted, during the state of emergency period of Turkey. As this symbolic public sphere became more politically active with the demonstrations and hunger strikes, beginning from 9^th of November in 2016, burgeoning from the delegated legislations, the government established constant security zone and located a police bus, which enables police surveillance constant, visible and permanent in the streets. After this stage, a prefabricated police station located next to the monument of Human Rights on the Y üksel Street, and the monument was surrounded by the police barricades (Figure 1). Accordingly, the social and political activities around the monument and on the streets started to be intervened. Moreover, the social entity that has characterized an open public place for different actors became under surveillance of the state mechanisms. In this research, the research problem arises from this physical arrest of the Monument of Human Rights located where Konur and Y üksel Streets intersect in the capital city of Turkey, Ankara (Figure 1). Thus, I intend to study how means of governmentality function towards erecting a state-led citizenship form and practices upon such politically charged urban spheres. While approaching to this public sphere to study, I do not limit the actors related to this social entity with particular political groups but consider a variety of them who have been a part of this place at some point.

Figure 1: The Monument of Human Rights located on the intersection of the Konur and Yüksel Streets in Ankara, Turkey (Photo taken from Birgün Gazetesi, 2017)

Çinar (2019) stated that the Gezi Park protests were also a denial of the monitored citizenship upon the public spheres (p.477). In addition to this, Göle (2013) stated that considering the building blocks of the Gezi Park movements, the public spheres became a place where the different voices came together, and it is possible to consider this as a new form of citizenship demand on the streets. I approach the Konur and Yüksel Streets with a similar approach since this place has been an open place for different political and social groups (Figure 2). Accordingly, the emerging alternative citizenship forms on this public sphere and the security practices of the AKP government should be evaluated together with a wide-angle perspective to be able to study these research questions. In addition to this, the actors of this alternative citizenship models are not only political activists but also the inhabitants of the streets since they formed up a collectiveness upon this public sphere. The establishment of the prefabricated police station next to this monument has brought a contestant agenda to these streets with the police as a new actor of the streets. In this case, I consider this contestant public spheres evolving between the actors of state and society as a metaphorical war upon the public sphere where they can define their forms of citizenship models and practices of it. That is why, I am interested in seeing the relationship between the means of governmentality's functionality in terms of monitoring, and advertising a citizenship model on the Konur and Yüksel Streets where the political activism intensely take place in Ankara. In this sense, the visibility of the actors by time after the intervention will be examined through considering the ideological perspectives of state and the alternative ways of citizenship emerging on these streets. In this case I question what is allowed to be visible on the public spheres with the establishment of the prefabricated police station, and what it means for the public spheres, actors, everyday life politics and citizenship forms.

Although my research focus on the Konur and Yüksel Streets, I find useful to compare similar intervention patterns and techniques to understand how the AKP government functions in different geographies, such as Diyarbakir and Istanbul, towards different mobilizations in terms of the research focus. As Tilly (1984) states that, the uniqueness of a case can be compared with similar pre-conditions, causes, similar patterns that can produce similar or different results that can be interpreted (p. 146). All these urban spheres that I take consider in this research have this social production of political activities, or socially and historically constructed territorial identity, which intends to maintain their socio-cultural appropriation in the public sphere. In addition to the Ankara case where I explained the Konur and Yüksel Streets, in Istanbul case, the police surveillance located similarly during and after the Gezi Park movement. The Gezi Park located next to the Taksim Square in Istanbul is being closed during particular times of the year by surrounding police barricades (Figure 3, Figure 4). In Diyarbakir¹, where the HDP (People's Democracy Party/Halklarin Demokratik Partisi) building is located there is also a political occupation where some families demand their children from the HDP, because they claim that the HDP kidnapped their children and sent them to the armed Kurdish guerilla movement against Turkey. When we look at the Konur and Yüksel Streets example, it has similar politically contestant public squares in these three cities since they are entitled to political activism in a way. In this sense, in these three different geography and contexts, there is a critical common they share. They are all politically contestant public spheres and police are one of these actors. There are actions and counter-actions, different methods of protest, occupation and surveillance which can be compared to understand how the research questions can be answered better. The difference here at first place is that the police barricades and shields surround a political party building this time instead of Human Rights Monument (Figure 1). Unofficial center of the Kurdish movement People's Democratic Party (HDP) is one of the strong elements of politics in Turkey, not only as the actor for peaceful resolution of the “Kurdish issue”, but also for the democratic, liberal opposition towards the AKP especially in these recent years.

Figure 2: A usual display from the Konur and Yüksel Streets when the different political groups use the streets together (Photo Taken from Sendika.org News)

Figure 3: A Practice of Closing the Taksim Square in Particular Days of the years to public (Photo Taken from Birgün Gazetesi, 2020)

Figure 4: In front of the HDP Building in Diyarbakir (Photo Taken from Budancir (2019), Arti Gerçek Newspaper)

2. Theoretical Frameworks of the Research

Public spheres have been open places for social activities, mobilizations, and political events. In the literature, these public spheres are considered as open places where the everyday life practices and appropriations of people shape the environment and social life which produce a social entity where all these social and political interactions take place (Lefebvre, 1991, p.16). In addition to this, conceptual constructs and re-constructs both everyday life activities and the environment reciprocatively with its social and historical construction are considered and named as habitus where all the social interactions touch each other metaphorically and physically (Bourdieu, 1990, p.53; Biesta & De Bie & Wildemeersch, 2013, P.80). Besides, they also have always been a place where state mechanisms and society face each other. Depending on this vibrant and changeable atmosphere of these places, controlling these public spheres by governments have been an issue since these places have played different roles resulted in a various change in social and political agendas. Accordingly, since the Konur and Y üksel Streets have been an open public space for different actors, and the monument of human rights became a symbolic representation of this collectiveness, it is also a social production of space where a social entity and a culture of resistance formed up as a result of the social and political interactions upon the public sphere.

In this research, while approaching this public space I combine various theoretical approaches such as; public spheres, social production of space, emerging citizenship forms with activism, governmentality, and subject formation. Thus, I am interested to study how and why the means of governmentality triggered a change in the understanding of citizenship in the politically charged public spheres. That is why it is important to see the relationship between the visibility of actors and the interactions of different political actors in the public spheres to understand how they are affected by a state-led actor police. Besides, it is important to ask what does it say in terms of citizenship question at each level of the study. In this sense, by looking at the change with constant police intervention and surveillance into a public sphere, I want to be able to discover what police as a means of governmentality has things to do in terms of the concept of citizenship or advertising a new form of citizenship in the public spheres as a result of their security practices. That is why, this study has gradual research questions while reaching to the main research point where I study how and why a change in the understanding of citizenship in particular public spheres are intended. In this case, it is important to consider what kind of state-led concept of citizenship and what kind of alternative ways of citizenship created politically contestant public space with the actors of the streets and government with all the theoretical approaches I conceptualize for each building block of this public sphere. There does not have to be a particular understanding of citizenship already on a public sphere I study, but a variety or alternative way of being in the public spheres. Referring to the approaches of Göle (2013) and Çinar (2019) while looking at politically contestant public spheres, I consider such kind of social production of space with activism and collectiveness as an alternative form of citizenship or denial of citizenship on the streets (p.14; p.477). That is why, I look at the Konur and Yüksel Streets in Ankara, where different political groups formed up a social entity and where the political activism usually take place in Ankara.

In this case, considering the metaphorical and physical arrest of the monument of human rights, that has been a symbolic representation of this alternative collectiveness' voice, has a deep political dimension considering the ideological mechanisms of the state. As Althusser (2006) stated too, the ideological mechanisms of the state are educatory in terms of the political ideology of the state (p.96). Accordingly, considering this ideological intervention of the state, the subjects of the public spheres are meant to be subjected to the political ideology of the state. Hereby, I refer Ong (1996) who sees citizenship as a subject formation process. In this case, subject formation is when people are targeted to be subjected to a state-led citizenship project that is monitored upon public spheres by means of governmentality, which is defined by Foucault (1991) as the practices of government to shape, guide or lead people's conducts over a territory. Ong (1996) states that being a citizen depends on how one is constituted as a subject who exercises or submits to power relations that shapes these dynamics (p.739; Lazar, 2013, p.80). Considering this relationship between state and individual with the public spheres of Turkey, Göle (2013) stated that Gezi Park protests had a secular building block inside, but this never represented authoritarian secularism but represented a life together where differences existed together upon public spaces (p.14). In addition to this, Çinar (2019) stated that, Gezi Park protests were the denial of a monitored model of citizenship which envisions individuals to speak with the voice of nationhood only (p.482). In this picturesque, the emerging forms of citizenship from different pre-conditions and the emerging ideological representations of the state upon the public spheres are investigated in terms of their affections. The AKP government suppressed such protests, that can be related also to the denial of the state-led citizenship upon public spheres, violently and put constant police watch over the related public spheres since it started to put security zones on the center of the cities specifically.

In this sense, this study seeks answers to the questions of how this kind of state intervention into public places, that are politically charged as oppositional or which can be a ground place for social/political activism, where the culture of resistance can emerge, triggers a change in the understanding of citizenship with the means of governmentality. In this way, this study questions the change with the intervention upon such public spheres by how and why interrogative adverbs. That is why, it is important to evaluate how this alteration in the understanding of citizenship is affected by police as a means of governmentality. While looking at the practices of the police that is located to the public spheres by the government, I refer Foucault's panopticon and governmentality concepts to understand how governmentality and territoriality of national boundaries, which also establish subject formation within, intersect in terms of disciplining the society by means of the state mechanisms to redefine a state-led citizenship model over a territory (Foucault, 1979, p.198; Foucault, 1991, p.89; Foucault, 1982, p.779; Lait, 2010, p.18; Burchell & Gordon & Miller, 1991, p.103). This can already be thought as citizenship is already something emerged as a result of a social contract between state and individual, however, in this case, if the individuals put themselves apart from what it is written in the contract, there is a contradiction that should be understood. As Foucault (2007) stated, the history of governmentality can be re-considered with the concepts of security, territory and population (p.378). In short, this means that security techniques upon a public space are inseparable from its population. In this case, what Ong (1996) and Lazar (2013) describe as cultural citizenship can be considered as it is constructed through the means of governmentality that functions with making its population subject to the ideological perspectives of the government in public spheres. Thus, in another way of saying, I study this re-appropriation and change process of state in these public spheres, where it constructs power mechanisms as representations of political power over a population and territory, to see how it functions towards monitoring a state-led citizenship upon public spheres that are charged as ground places of opposition against the governments.

In addition to this, it is also important to see how this state-led cultural citizenship constructed ideologically and culturally and where its building blocks burgeon from since the power representations of the AKP governmentalize the related territory and population under an ideological framework. It is studied that the AKP's ideological bases are constructed by a moderate Islamic, neoliberal understandings in the first place (Boratav, 2016; Blad & Koçer, 2012; Ate§ 2017). In this sense, the practical reflection of this ideological mélange upon the public spheres does not have to impose an explicit way of being a citizen in the first place, that is why, I study its outcomes “with” and “after” the intervention to the research field. In this sense, the perspectives of the inhabitants of the streets should be investigated by the time of police intervention, so that the changing understanding of citizenship can be interpreted from these new perspectives and new practices emerging on these public streets. Accordingly, there are various stages and practices of intervention into a public sphere theoretically. In this case, considering the visibility of ideological power representations and practices of the AKP government upon the public spheres can be evaluated with this everchanging population of the streets. In this sense, since there is an ideological citizenship contestation upon the public spheres, this led a lot of re-construction and transformation around the cities with their population under these debates of re-gaining the cultural fabric of the nation that also studied as `re- islamization' of the cities within the re-islamization of the state-ideology (Irem, 2014, p.141; Dorroll, 2016, p.58). As Emiroglu (2019) studied, even if it was impossible to define the AKP government as Islamist, the practices of Islamization and Ottomanization can be observed even in the architectures being located around the cities or from the metaphorical interventions to the cities (p.39). In this case, it is quite useful to look at the outcomes of erecting a power representation upon the public spheres by considering the social, cultural and political change activities within. Accordingly, the power representation's metaphorical existence and its practices should be interpreted with the concept of subject formation since the Konur and Y üksel Streets have been a place where the subjects are not subject to the political power with its social and political fabric. In this case, hereby, I question the roles of the subjects or actors on the public sphere, and how and why the state-led citizenship emerges practically and metaphorically with the process of subjectification and governmentalization of the population and territory (Foucault, 2007, p.378). In this case, regulatory practices of the government and the changing perspectives of different political representations emerging on these streets are crucial to understand the theoretical concept with the historical context of the research field.

To sum up, in this case study of the monument of Human Rights located on the intersection of Konur and Yüksel Streets, there are different actors in the field. The inhabitants who support political activism and the political appropriate the streets, on the other hand, there is a prefabricated police station located next to the monument of human rights, and the barricades surrounding the monument I mentioned above. Accordingly, I am interested in this politically contestant public sphere to study how means of governmentality function towards monitoring and promoting a state-led cultural citizenship that takes its ideological bases from the ruling government. In addition to this, I am interested in seeing the relationship between the visibility of actors on the street with the increasing visibility of state mechanisms. However, it is important to evaluate this politically contestant public sphere with the actors' ideological representations since I consider them as the first steps of different citizenship forms that are claiming the territory and the population around it. Thus, I expect to be able to answer and discuss the questions that metaphorically arrested or police barricaded squares and constant police existence on public spheres have to do with different forms of citizenship. Accordingly, this study intends to contribute to the literature on citizenship and urban studies mainly. Since this study intends to be explanatory in terms of studying citizenship in the public spheres by looking at the governmentality practices of the states, it will also contribute to the studies of state, because in this research, state as an abstract concept becomes concrete with its practices which exercise power to define a territory with a citizenship concept derived from its ideological bases.

3. Research Questions

How does the state define a territory and population with its regulatory mechanisms?

How do power representations of the government play a role in building a state- led citizenship understanding upon public spheres?

How does the constant police existence on the politically charged public sphere function towards promoting a state-led citizenship form?

How is the state-led citizenship defined on the Konur and Yüksel Streets in Ankara by means of governmentality? How did it affect the alternative forms of citizenship models?

How do the constant police existence and everyday intervention into the social entity in Ankara function towards state-led citizenship building efforts on the politically charged public spheres?

How does the routine of practical and metaphorical intervention function in terms of re-defining the territory with its entitled population?

4. Research Design

Data consisting of semi-structured interviews with the actors in the public spheres, news related to the public spheres, photographs and videos from the research field, was collected by the fieldwork, which lasted almost 3 years in Konur and Y üksel Streets. I started to collect data and observed the field before and during the monument of human rights surrounded by the police barricades. I spent time in the social environment of the Konur and Yüksel Streets, and also worked in two different bars on these streets as a parttime worker to have `an insider' aspect to the social entity which is socially produced around the monument. Apart from the Konur and Yüksel Streets, I also spent 2 to 4 months in Istanbul and Diyarbakir to observe how surveillance techniques and surveillance function in the field. By doing so, I collected data which can help me to discuss who is allowed to be visible or not in the public spheres. I limit the comparative approach of this study to a point where I only compare different actors' social interactions in different geographical and historical contexts since they are anthropologically impossible to compare, and may lead research unfocused to the research questions. Data collection considered how the visibility of actors are changed with the disciplinary mechanism's intervention to the public sphere and how this change affected the population and territory. Also, how the actors related to these public spheres social interactions changed is operationalized in the analysis. I collected the related data consisting of interviews and visuals from Istanbul and Diyarbakir to compare how security techniques are similar or different comparing to Konur and Yüksel Street case in terms of studying citizenship to deepen and to ground the understanding of different forms of citizenship models emerging by practice on these public spheres. However, my study mainly focuses on the Konur and Yüksel Streets.

Apart from the Ankara case, In Istanbul, the Gezi Park's and Taksim Square's closure in particular times such as 8 March Women's day, pride march day, 1 May celebrations day have a remarkable similarity between the arrest of the monument of Human Rights. Especially after the Gezi Park protests and also the 15^th July 2016 coup attempt, such open public spheres are being surrounded by police barricades to prevent people's gathering together for a social or political demonstration. It is quite interesting to see how barricading, which is surrounding a public place by police barricades to prevent access to the field, is also a practice in Ankara, where the social mobilizations are intensified on a particular public sphere. In addition to these particular time closures of this public sphere, there is constant police existence in the very center of the public sphere. In this case, when one looks at the Taksim Square and Gezi Park, in the picturesque, there is always a display related to police, anti-riot cars, and police barricades ready to surround a public sphere. The positioning of the police to a public sphere is interestingly or non-interestingly similar in this sense. In addition to these two contexts, and also while these things are happening, in Diyarbakir, there is a political occupation in front of the HDP building. The demand of the political occupants is particularly from the HDP, and the occupants are trying to occupy the in front of the building and its entrance while they are staging a sit- in protest. Since there is any kind of political mobilization, the police are also becoming a part of this picturesque and the similar displays with Istanbul and Ankara cases can be observed here too. However, the only physical difference here is a political party building is surrounded by police barricades and also being surveilled constantly.

I find it useful to compare how actors are affected by each other in three different public spaces, and how the security techniques played their roles towards cultural citizenship. That is why, even if the social and political mobilizations located on these public spheres have different pre-conditions and patterns, the techniques of security, outcomes of the constant police existence and intervention, and the change in the interactions of the actors related to the fields can be compared to operationalize data in terms of the study focus. Below, I explain what my data consists of, how I collected them, and how I relate them to the theoretical framework I presented in the introduction part, where I presented how this study approaches to study citizenship by looking at the techniques of governmentality such as the intervention of police and its regulatory practices. In this sense, I have interviews, and visual data from the related public spheres to operationalize.

4.1 Interviews

I conducted 30 interviews with a semi-structured interview protocol as Creswell (2007) presented in his book (p.164). The interviews held with the inhabitants, different political activists, people employed around the public sphere. The majority of the interviews are conducted in my main case study field, and the rest 5 interviews are held in the other fields than Konur and Y üksel Streets. The interviewees I talked to are the people who are related to the public spheres, or who became a part of the related constant public agenda consciously or not as an actor. In this sense, the interviewees are a part of the contestant routine that I study to understand how it is changing by the intervention. In the interviews, I never followed a particular, determined way to communicate with people, but gave the interviewees free time to talk about their experiences and feelings about the intervention and contestant agenda of the public spheres. I listened to the experiences of the actors related to the fields and tried to make them compare how this contestant agenda is affecting the accustomed routine of the related spheres by subquestions such as “How was it before and How is it now?”. I contacted some interviewees from time to time during the events, and tried to understand how the actors interpret the other actors related to the public sphere change by time. To be more specific, for instance, in Konur and Yüksel Streets, I met the majority of my interviewee way more than one twice in different time periods. The idea behind these different timed meetings was to observe how their perceptions towards the inhabitants or other actors such as street vendors, bar workers of the street changed or remained same. My analysis here focuses on the change that the interviewees may state. In this case, I would be able to analyze how the interactions between the actors are changed and how their way of experiencing the Konur and Yüksel Streets are affected, or transformed. Also, it is quite important to see how they interpret the change in the streets, cafes, and social relations between the different actors since the prefabricated police station located to next to the Monument of Human Rights. Their experiences with the police, the other inhabitants and also people who are not a part of this picturesque has a value of complementary scientific data in this sense, because it is important to see how the reactions, attitudes and routines are evolved with the intervention. In this sense, what the actors observed and heard from each other in the course of a conflictive event on the public sphere are important to understand what actors intend with their existences on the field too.

I find it important to look at what an actor observed and mentioned me about this observation related to the other actors' discourses, attitudes towards the interactions evolving around the related public sphere. For Istanbul and Diyarbakir cases, I considered this approach too, and I talked to the actors that have been related to these public spheres specifically. Although, in Istanbul, there is not such a physical political opposition on the Taksim Square or Gezi Park taking place recently, the issue of closure and barricading of these public spheres at particular days of a year by police is talked with the activists who denied and tried to use these public spheres at these particular times for a political declaration or a historical remembrance which used to be done in there. In Diyarbakir, since there was constant political occupation, I listened to their experiences with the other actors since I am only interested in looking at how the actors are interacted for Istanbul and Diyarbakir to see how actors' approaches changed the structures of the contestant public spaces. In this case, this comparative intention has two dimensions, first is to understand how the attitudes of the actors are affected with the interventions, and secondly, to understand which actors co-operate or conflict with each other.

The relation of this data with studying citizenship in public spheres has to find a devious way to emerge since I study abstract concepts over a real population and territory. As I mentioned in the introduction, the police practices which take a role towards particular actors related to the fields are crucial for this study. It is important to understand why did actors interact and interpret the events evolving around that way and why do they interact and interpret the environment like this at different times considering the period with police intervention and its previous times. Their all re-conceptualization of the public sphere, and the actors is considered and compared to understand how police intervention affected the interactions of people who already had a routine of social life that I interpret as an alternative or self-defined way of being a citizen in public spheres. Since I seek the question if a new citizenship model is monitored as a result of disciplinary and regulatory practices of police in Konur and Yüksel Streets, I find it important to see how people used to interpret the environment and how they interpret it now. In this sense, the relationships between the public sphere's old actors before and except police should be considered important to observe, because I want to learn how their relationships are affected by the regulatory, and disciplinary practices of police towards the actors related to the public sphere. That is why, the recent interpretations of the actors related to the public sphere are considered with the previous accustomed social entity or atmosphere of the Konur and Yüksel Streets, and the comparisons will be helpful to conceptualize which actors act in what way that outlines and gives a different result related to the fields.

It is confirmed that the interviewees' identities will remain secret due to the vulnerability of the issue. Several interviews were recorded with the consent of the interviewees; however; majority of the interviews were not recorded. Instead of recording, I took notes during and after the interviews. During my field research, I used the snowball technique to reach more people to talk about the change that they observe and the feelings that they had with these security and police intervention in these spaces (Biernacki & Waldorf, 1981, p.143).

4.2 Visual Data

Apart from the interviews, I used visual data including video records of all the police intervention to the street since the barricades surrounded around the monument of Human Rights, and also the photos. Particular social media accounts of the activists, bookstores and unions were followed in terms of examining the change the intervention by time.

Also, FOSEM (Laborers of Photograph and Movie), and Yüksel TV which played a big role for the Konur and Yüksel Street's visualization followed attentively. There is an online archive of the Konur and Y üksel Street's political declarations documented day by day by FOSEM, and Yüksel TV, makes daily live broadcasts during every political declaration. After the prefabricated police station located next to the Konur and Yüksel Street, the sit-down strikes were banned, that is why the activist took a decision to make political statement every particular time of the days which are 13:30 and 18:00. Each day videos are recorded by an activist or a journalist at 13:30 and 18:00, which are the exact times when the political statements are held in Konur and Yüksel Streets since the constant police existence in the streets. The videos mainly consist of more than 1250 days of video record of the actions of the activists and the counter action of the police. Considering this video archive, I divided them into different time periods to interpret comparatively. In this sense, I look at the videos from the beginning times of the protests after they intensified with the constant police intervention and existence, then I look at in the middle days of this time ruler, and finally, I look at the last days of the protests. I also considered the video records of particular days recommended by the interviewees. Thus, by looking at these videos, I tried to observe how the communication between the actors are evolved by time, and how the attitudes, actions of the individuals who just appeared in the videos are evolved. The evolution in the interactions between different actors are important to see for this study since I am interested to see how police intervention affected the social interactions of the actors who have already been a part of Konur and Yüksel Streets. The quantity of the actors in the videos are also considered since I look at any kind of change by time. In this case, how this change is related to a cultural citizenship is the key point here. For Diyarbakir and Istanbul, the visual data collected from main stream TV channels' social accounts, and from local newspapers. In addition to the visual data, the news related to the public sphere conflicts is also investigated since they also include different perspectives of different actors related to the fields for three of the cases too.

While operationalizing what I have here, it is important to observe how the actors' attitudes are changed in a different or similar way or how the environments' involvement in the events changed in cases where particular communications could be observed in the videos. The quantity of the actors during the related events is also important to see how a new routine -if there is- emerged or evolved. In this case, I look how the actors affected each other visibility in the Konur and Yüksel Streets, since I study how police as a power representation break or build a new routine or a way of socialization and mobilization upon the public sphere where they are the actors of monitoring a particular way of state- led citizenship with their punitive practices towards particular groups. However, more importantly, it is crucial to observe if the actors' social interactions are affected by the intervention of police since there has been a particular way of social structure that is socially emerged among the actors of the street before police became another actor of the field.

4.3 Titling and Graffiti

The political figures, statements and slogans graffitied on the walls are taken into consideration since there is a process of permanent removal of street art from the streets. In this sense, I find it useful to see how the intensity or quantity of the graffiti, banners and titling on the walls are replaced or removed or painted since the police intervention. In this sense, the visibility of activism related to street art is crucial to understand how change takes place in the streets. Since the public spheres are being monopolized or standardized via monitoring a way of being in the streets by different techniques that I will analyze in the analysis part, the street art's visibility should also be taken into consideration with the constant police existence in the Konur and Y üksel Streets. This kind of art can be observable on the streets or around public places such as bars, bookstores, political unions and so forth. In this case, I would like to see if there is a change in the visibility of the art in the public spheres. I separate the Konur and Yüksel Streets into two parts to see this change as outside and inside. The inside represents the bars, cafes' boards, or walls inside where the banners of the political groups, graffiti related to political figures and occupancies that can be evaluated with the research agenda, while the outside represents the graffiti, banners hanging over the streets where they are visible to everyone but not only the visitors of a café or bar.

4.4 Operationalization

Considering the political characteristics of the intervention, I intend to study how their control of urban spheres, that are politically charged in a particular way, with the means of governmentality where the police exercise regulatory, and disciplinary practices towards the actors functioned towards monitoring a new form of being on the streets. In this case, if there is such a correlation between these actors and concepts functioning towards the research problem, I am interested in seeing how the social interactions of the actors are evolved and how their perception of the environment and the street changed comparing to their past conceptualizations. Accordingly, for studying the research problem in the Konur and Yüksel Streets, the Diyarbakir and Istanbul cases that I use to enrich the study are the complementary cases to understand how police as a regulatory power upon the territories. By referring the similarities and differences of practices, interpretations or contextualization of the actors when it is necessary, I intend to deepen the understanding of how police as one of the actors in the public spheres function towards whom and how. For instance, in Diyarbakir, while police stand with the activists towards one of the political parties (HDP), whole main-stream media has news related to the field. However, in Istanbul and Ankara cases, the police stand against the activism and social mobilization around the public sphere and the only media documenting the conflict is local or activist media accounts. This positioning of the actors is crucial to see how the practices of governmentality and the other actors are contestant in terms of different understandings of citizenship. Also, the change in the perspectives of the actors are considered with these theoretical approaches to understand the research problem. Accordingly, the practices of police that are experienced by the actors has a crucial point to understand this study, because it is crucial to see how police intervention affected the inhabitant actors and their perspectives related to the public sphere and themselves. In this case, the change between the actors related to the public spheres will be considered in terms of analysis.

In addition to this, the visual data illustrates the reactions, the intensity of the reactions towards police by time since there is a video related to every single day since the intense intervention to this street. Accordingly, in the videos, I compare how the protests of the activists and the interactions of the actors in the streets, and the practices of the police change over time. Also, some videos include the conversations between the actors such as the police and the bar workers, or the police and the protesters, or the bar workers and protesters. In this sense, this data is meaningful in terms of the concepts I study since it is possible to observe how the tensions, interactions, and the intensity of the conflicts change by time. Also, it is possible to analyze which punitive practices target who and why, so that it can be studied if there is a particular way of being visible as a citizen as it is imposed in the public spheres. In addition to this, with this data, I am also able to study how particular way of visibility, which consists of attitudes or being in there as any kind of actor, in public spheres mean a particular way of citizenship. Apart from this, the graffiti and the banners that were visible in the street before started to disappear on the streets. In this case, also the change in the routine of the streets has answers for this study if a different understanding of being visible as a particular way of citizen change in a particular way with the intervention. Some of the visuals are used as descriptive data to give readers more detailed description of the research fields and the actors' everyday life and political declaration practices related to the study. Thus, the street art representing political figures and also the titling on the streets' walls, banners, flags hanged over the public spheres' visibility will be added to the analysis to analyze the visual change on these streets by the intervention in this particular time period.