Arrest of a monument in Ankara: imposing state-led citizenship upon public spaces
Emerging culture of resistance in public spheres. Visibility of power representations in public spaces. Territorial identity or a project for state-led citizenship. Monotype public spheres, removal of the street art. Arrest of a monument in Ankara.
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| Язык | английский |
| Дата добавления | 25.08.2020 |
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This subjectification process has a mechanical practice in this case, the visibility of the alternative forms of citizenship models are removed from the streets, and the cooperation or being a part of this kind of social entity is disciplined by means of governmentality economically, and legislatively (Foucault, 1977, p.78; Ong, 1996, p.378; Lazar, 2013, p.80). In this sense, the change in the understanding of the citizenship is not accomplished at first place but the actors are displaced from the public spheres and some of them are distanced to the social entity in terms of their economic vulnerability. Turkey's experience with a conservative ruling political party on the public spheres is constructed a new form on the public spheres in this sense. Considering the ideological bases of the AKP government, the citizenship models are disciplined through a particular economic, legislative and cultural constructions. In this case, the alternative forms of citizenship models are disciplined to be a neoliberal subject that has a vulnerability with government intervention, and also the everyday life politics and social interactions are regulated under a security discourse which only promotes a faithful citizen to state to sustain the eternity of the state at any condition. This self-sacrificing concept of citizenship burgeoning from these ideological bases formed up group of people in civilian attires on the politically charged public spheres where they are allowed to act and behave as a disciplinary mechanism in terms of the AKP's ideological bases. That is why, the women are being questioned by their existence on the streets, where they had never experienced such practice before, at particular times or the actors of the alternative citizenship models are verbally harassed while the police are taking them to police station. Besides the help of these civilians is also one of the crucial outcomes of this AKP-led citizenship promotion. Thus, pre-condition of being visible on the streets are measured with this ideological mйlange of the government and the regulatory and punitive policies produced against its contrast forms by means of governmentality.
In this sense, it is possible to say that this disciplinary project intending to redefine the territory with its population displaced some of the population from this particular place, and the social ties are not visibly observable as it was possible before. The picturesque that the AKP government built with this intervention diminished the frequency of the political activism and social ties of the actors, however, this can be interpreted with the displacement of the people who had been a part of this place before. As another result of this intervention, the street art is explicitly displaced from outside the buildings to inside the buildings. Even this displacement tells the same result that even if majority of the actors have not become subjected to the disciplinary policies, and the cultural citizenship project of the government, they are displaced and their ties with the social entity is weakened due to the different punitive actions of the police.
Conclusions
In this study, I approached the social entities defining a form of alternative citizenship with their visibilities as actors on the public spheres. Thus, I investigated the role of police and outcomes of the intervention of state to politically charged public spheres. In this case, I combined various theoretical concepts to examine the relationship between the intervention and its functionality towards constructing a form of citizenship upon politically charged public spheres. The roles that the actors took, the power representations and political figures related to the social entity of the Konur and Y ьksel Streets evaluated with the security practices of the means of governmentality. Accordingly, seeing the subject formation on the public spheres to the political power representations is related to the contestant and sometimes contrast forms of citizenship models that intend to own the streets and define the territory with their understandings. In this case, this politically contestant agenda between the forms of citizenship is investigated by examining the interactions of the actors on the public sphere, and the changing perspectives of the social entity entitled to it. In this way, with this research, I am able to conclude how the means of governmentality function towards constructing a state-led citizenship, and impose it in practice by disciplinary and regulatory security practices. In this sense, the research outlined dependent and gradual conclusions to understand this contestant citizenship war upon the public spheres. Considering the ideological bases of the AKP I discussed, I concluded particular changes from the related data I use for this research that is concluding that with the means of governmentality, a state-led or AKP-led form of citizenship promoted by discrediting and suppressing the other forms of citizenship that may emerge especially on particular public spheres that are politically charged by the government. In this sense, with the intervention, the change in the streets, in the understanding of citizenship is examined.
1. Visibility of the Actors
First of all, since I have been considering the visibility of the practices, power representations, and the actors on the public spheres as the representation of alternative forms of citizenship, with the state intervention, these public spheres became politically contestant. That is because of the police as one of the practical means of governmentality played a role towards reducing the visibility of other actors and political representations in the streets. By doing this, it became clear that a state-led citizenship found an open place since the police also played an educational role against the other forms of citizenship models by discrediting and regulating the roles of each actor on the streets as Althusser (2007) stated. Considering Foucault's (1977) visibility of trap concept for the panoptic power, the roles that are not defined by the AKP government are not allowed to be visible or be heard by the other actors of the streets or by the ordinary people visiting the public spheres. Since the visibility became a trap to the detriment of alternative social forms, the means of governmentality tried to regulate and re-define the roles of the actors on the Konur and Yьksel Streets by different disciplinary techniques.
2. Displacement of the New Other
Considering this approach of visibility, with the constant police existence and the establishment of the prefabricated / portable police station on the streets started to change the social entity and its social interactions. In this sense, at some points, even if the economic loss of the workplaces on the Konur and Yьksel Streets was related to the closure of streets, the actors and the monument of human rights are blamed by police and some of the inhabitants with regard to their economic lose. This disciplinary technique resulted in an economic loss of the inhabitants sharpened the relationships between the social entity's actors, because while some of the workplaces became subjected to political power and stop the collectiveness with the social entity, some of them continued their way of being even if they also had an economic lose. After a long process of intervention and routine of violence, the political actors of the streets are displaced from this public sphere. On the other hand, the actors who can be defined as a citizen with the ideological perspectives of the AKP became able to use the public spheres for political activism. In this case, the constant police intervention created a new other which was already created by the AKP government discursively, and they are displaced from such public spheres. Accordingly, pre-condition of being visible on the streets are measured with the ideological mйlange of the AKP government and the regulatory and punitive policies produced against its contrast forms by means of governmentality. In addition to this, political representations, figures related to the social entity that can be considered as an alternative form of citizenship visibility are removed from the walls of streets, on the other hand, this removed street art and the alternative political figures on the Konur and Y ьksel Streets took their places inside the buildings located on the streets. In this sense, displacement functioned in different ways too. Even if the social and political interactions between the actors are weakened, some of them became stronger, moreover, the culture of resistance stayed remain inside the buildings instead of being on the streets visibly. The actors related to political activism and the political representations on the walls of Konur Streets are displaced, instead of their visibility new forms of citizenship models started to emerge. SUBJECTS FORMATIONS
3. Arising State-led Citizenship Forms
In this case, as the interviewees stated, the actors related to the Konur and Yьksel Streets started to experience different practice that they do not get used to. As I analyzed how police selectively functioned towards different actors on the public spheres, the activities and actors that are allowed to be visible and be heard on the public sphere brought a deepening perspective for this research focus. Since the visibility of the actors and their practices are displaced from the streets, the state-led citizenship form found a place to exist upon the public spheres. In addition to this, the reduced interactions among the actors of the social entity of Konur and Yьksel Streets helped this form to raise reciprocatively. Considering the ideological bases of the AKP government led citizenship model, a heteronormativity started to be imposed upon the actors of the streets, this specific everyday life change represented the increasing conservative building blocks of the government on this public sphere. Apart from this, the people who become visible as an actor on the streets with their any kind of practice are put into an economic and legislative vulnerable situation where some of the actors had to stop being a part of the public spheres. In this way, the actors are subjected to the vulnerability of neoliberal economy since some actors lose their benefits from their jobs as a result of bein a part of the social entity. Lastly, the new actors started to appear on the public spheres with a motivation to help police against the protests. In this case, their practices towards the actors of the street illustrated that they also become a part of this governmentalization process in civilian attires.
4. Broadened Borders of Control
Referring to the arrest of the monument of human rights in Ankara, police barricading the entrances and surroundings of the buildings and parks in Istanbul and
Diyarbakir, the means of governmentality functioned consistently considering to the ideological bases of the government. In this sense, these interventions proved that by means of governmentality, a standard way of being on the streets, or being visible as an actor on the public spheres are described. That is because, the objects and subjects of the security techniques and surveillance are the representation of the different forms of citizenship. This politically contestant picturesque broadened after the removal of the police barricades and the prefabricated police stations from the streets. In this sense, even if there is not a physical existence of police wearing military equipment on the streets, the surveillance continued in civil attires. In addition to this, with the raise of state-led citizenship practices on the streets, the control of urban spheres took a two-sided dimension where the citizens also started to contribute to the process of governmentalization and subjectification of the territory and population.
To conclude, with the decreasing visibility of the alternative forms of citizenship models by means of governmentality, the state-led citizenship that is taking its references from the AKP's ideological bases started to be visible on the streets practically and metaphorically. Accordingly, by using various techniques the displacement of the alternative forms of citizenship as a result of the punitive policies brought the state-led citizenship models visibility into the light on the public spheres. The change that the actors expressed with the constant police intervention illustrated that the means of governmentality re-defined the roles on the public spheres with the AKP's ideological bases where the alternative forms of citizenship models are otherized. In addition to this, the state-led citizenship became visible on the streets as a result of constant control and surveillance upon the public spheres, disciplinary practices and arrest of public spheres. Considering the mechanics of subjectification on these public spheres, as Graham (2009; 2010) stated too, cities became war places where we experience a militarized, standardized way that always surveille its actors. Accordingly, this militarization and standardization functioned towards reducing the visibility of alternative forms of citizenship, while a state-led citizenship is also promoted at the same time. This process of governmentalization and subjectification of the territory and population re-defined the roles, put new political representation to the streets, and made them open places for only state-led forms of citizenship (Foucault, 1977;1982;2007; Ong, 1996). In this sense, the invisibility of other forms on the public spheres, and the routine of removal of particular ways of activism from the streets became the new normal for the inhabitants of the Konur and Yьksel Streets. Accordingly, as a result of this subjectification to political power by means of governmentality made politically charged public spheres open spheres where the state-led citizenship can take place metaphorically and practically. All the changing practices, actors, political representations, and displacements proves that even if the means of governmentality put a blockade against the visibility of other forms of citizenship models on public spheres, the state-led citizenship mostly remained as a political representation and disciplinary practice towards the new other. In this sense, it is possible to conclude that most of the actors did not adopt the imposed state-led citizenship form, but the visibility of their existence from the streets and public spheres are erased by means of governmentality.
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