Russia-ASEAN Strategic Partnership as ASEAN’s Priority in the Establishment of ASEAN Community

The purpose of the ASEAN organization. Institutions and mechanisms of economic and cultural cooperation. Development of strategic partnership with Russia. The importance of China, Japan and India in regional stability. Fighting terrorism and crime.

Рубрика История и исторические личности
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2.5 Conclusion

Following the topic of this research, focused on the practical impact of cooperation between ASEAN and its external partners, Russia in this case, on the advancement of ASEAN Community it makes sense to highlight the issues problematic for ASEAN Community but crucial to deal with, to designate the matters where cooperation is required.

ASEAN Community Challenges

Can be resolved with external resources

Can't be resolved with external resources

· Acute need for the development of cyber security

· Terrorism

· Threat of dependence in different sectors and loss of centrality in regional integration processes

· Economic rift among ASEAN member states

· Lack of readiness to the technological revolution

· Undeveloped infrastructure and other non-tariff barriers

· Environmental problems

· Pandemics

· Lack of unity on some crucial issues among ASEAN member states

· Changing world structure, not corresponding to ASEAN principles

· Entanglement of great powers' interests and threat of their expansion

· Internal territorial disputes

· Lack of common ASEAN identity

· “Spaghetti bowl” of bilateral agreements

· Rising nationalism

· Weak governance

· Insufficient social protection

3. Russia- ASEAN Strategic Partnership

3.1 Historical context and interim results

After the Cold War and years bipolar rivalry splitting up the world into two camps the rapprochement between Russia and ASEAN was instituted in 1994 by the establishment of consultative partnerships within the ASEAN Regional Forum, which was elevated to Full Dialogue Partnership in 1996. Thus, it laid the foundation to the multifaceted relations between Russia and the Association formatting them within the official regulatory framework.

In 2003 the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation and ASEAN signed a joint Declaration on Partnership for Peace and Security, and Prosperity and Development in The Asia-Pacific Region (APR) desiring to strengthen the cooperation in promoting the harmonious co-existence of the states in the APR, responding to the posed by globalization Joint Declaration of the Foreign Ministers of The Russian Federation and The Association of Southeast Asian Nations on Partnership for Peace and Security, and Prosperity and Development in The Asia-Pacific Region. (2003). // https://asean.org/joint-declaration-of-the-foreign-ministers-of-the-russian-federation-and-the-association-of-southeast-asian-nations-on-partnership-for-peace-and-security-and-prosperity-and-development-in-the-asia-pac/ as well.

In 2004 Russia acceded to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia (TAC), which determines the fundamental basis of peace and stability in the region. In this context ASEAN and Russia also adopted the ASEAN-Russian Federation Joint Declaration on Cooperation in Combating International Terrorism. Also the Parties initiated a dialogue on this issue at the senior officials and expert level. The first ASEAN-Russia Joint Working Group on Counter-Terrorism and Transnational Crime (JWG CTTC) was convened in 2009. Russia organised several capacity building activities for ASEAN on the issues of combating terrorism, arms smuggling, drug trafficking, cybercrime, etc.

The importance of milestone carried the first Russia-ASEAN summit held in December 2005 in Kuala Lumpur, during which the Parties signed the Joint Declaration on Progressive and Comprehensive Partnership and adopted the Comprehensive Programme of Action 2005-2015 to detail and deepen the goals and objectives set out in the Joint Declaration. The Programme was aimed at enhancing cooperation to assist ASEAN in community building. Also the important intergovernmental Agreement on Economic and Development Cooperation was signed this year.

Russia and ASEAN established in 2007 the ASEAN-Russian Federation Dialogue Partnership Financial Fund with initial contribution of US$ 500,000 to finance the joint projects. However, subsequently Russia increased annual contribution up to US$1.5 million.

In 2009 the Russian permanent representative to ASEAN was instituted. However, the second Russia-ASEAN Summit was convened only in October 2010. During this Summit ASEAN and Russia signed the ASEAN - Russia Intergovernmental Agreement on Cultural Cooperation.

Another step was the endorsement of the ASEAN-Russia Trade and Investment Cooperation Roadmap in 2012, comprising five key areas as follows: High-level policy dialogue; Consultations at the Senior Economic Officials level; Sectoral dialogues between officials; Trade and investment facilitation; Enhancing dialogue with business.

In 2015 the ASEAN-Russian Ministerial Meeting was marked by the establishment of ASEAN-Russia Eminent Persons Group (AREPG) to analyze the relations and provide recommendations for their further advancement. AREPG presented its report the next year during the summit in Sochi.

Numerous documents were adopted regarding cooperation in energy sector, science and technology, including ASEAN-Russia Plan of Action on Science, Technology and Innovation (ARPASTI) 2016-2025, disaster management, tourism, cultural cooperation, etc.

Cooperation in science and technology formally started with the establishment of the ASEAN-Russia Working Group on Science and Technology (ARWGST) at the first ASEAN-Russia Joint Cooperation Committee (ARJCC) Meeting in 1997. In 2015 adopted the 7th the Working Group adopted ARWGST Work Plan (2016-2025).

In 2016 ASEAN and Russia celebrated the 20th anniversary of the Dialogue Partnership with a Commemorative Sochi Summit. The outcome was the Sochi Declaration “Moving Towards a Strategic Partnership for Mutual Benefit”. However, the goals and formats mentioned in the Declaration are general and abstract. Among the itemized are intention to enhance high-level engagement and cooperation within the framework of the ASEAN-Russian Federation Dialogue Partnership and ASEAN-led mechanisms, such as East Asia Summit (EAS), ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), and ASEAN Defense Ministers' Meeting Plus (ADMM Plus); to explore the possibility of cooperation among ASEAN, EAEU and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). And ASEAN will only consider Russia's proposal to launch a joint feasibility study of a comprehensive free trade area between ASEAN and EAEU Sochi Declaration of the ASEAN-Russian Federation Commemorative Summit to Mark the 20th Anniversary of ASEAN-Russian Federation Dialogue Partnership “Moving Towards a Strategic Partnership for Mutual Benefit”. (2016). // https://www.asean.org/storage/2016/05/Sochi-Declaration-of-the-ASEAN-Russia-Commemorative-Summit-Final.pdf.

On the occasion of the Sochi Summit the Foreign Ministers of ASEAN and Russia adopted the Comprehensive Programme of Actions (CPA) to Promote Cooperation between ASEAN and the Russian Federation 2016-2020. Thereby the ongoing cooperation is being undertaken under the framework of the CPA, aimed at enhancing relations particularly through assisting ASEAN in Community building. In this context ASEAN-Russia Business Forum was held as part of the Summit.

ASEAN and Russia have created diversified multi-tiered system of numerous institutions and mechanisms for the cooperation. Among them can be mentioned:

· ASEAN-Russia Joint Cooperation Committee (ARJCC) and the Joint Planning and Management Committee (ARJMC). These coordinating bodies work on the efficiency of current state of relations as well as on the identification of promising areas and forms of cooperation. ARJCC also elaborates recommendations to the state authorities, considers and approves measures and programmes of cooperation;

· Russia-ASEAN Senior Officials Meeting (SOM);

· Of key importance are the annual conferences of Foreign Ministers in the ASEAN + 1 format, as well as consultations of Economic Ministers;

· Russia-ASEAN Business Council, which analyze the economic climate in the Southeast Asia and provides assistance to Russian businesses to enter ASEAN market, etc.

· Russia-ASEAN Business Dialogue within the Eastern Economic Forum (EEF).

· ASEAN Moscow Committee composed of ambassadors of the Association countries in Russia;

· Only in 2017 Russia launched a Permanent Mission to ASEAN in Jakarta.

· Since 2014 when Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia acquired the status of an ASEANAPOL full partner Russia takes part in the Conferences of the organization combating with such global threats as terrorism, transnational crimes, illegal migration, human trafficking, etc.

· ASEAN Centre in MGIMO-University the MFA of Russia conducts joint and individual scientific projects and researches, supports humanitarian exchanges and people-to-people contacts among the academic and NGO representatives from Russia and ASEAN.

Apart from the bilateral initiatives Russia is also engaged in ASEAN-led and ASEAN-centric formats of cooperation such as ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), where Russia has played a proactive role since the inception of the Forum in 1994, having participated in numerous activities at the Working Group level like the Inter-sessional Support Group Meeting on Confidence Building Measures and Preventive Diplomacy ;ASEAN Defense Ministers` Plus Meeting (ADMM-Plus), Post Ministerial Conferences and East Asia Summit (EAS). Notwithstanding, since Russia became a member of the EAS in 2010 President of Russia attended the Summit again only in 2018.

Over the past years Russia and ASEAN have managed to build dialogue mechanisms almost from scratch. So the prerequisites and the official frameworks for the Russia-ASEAN cooperation have been created. But to make premature conclusions about the achieved success would be naive as political will is the indispensable condition but not single. Sometimes the official intentions and proclaimed plans do not go beyond the discussions and bureaucracy that is why the analysis of practical outputs is also required.

In 2018 Russia was the 8th ASEAN trading partner accounting approximately for 0, 9% of total ASEAN foreign trade ASEAN Statistical Yearbook 2019 // https://www.aseanstats.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/01/ASYB_2019.pdf. Electrical machinery and equipment and parts thereof, etc. accounted for 32, 9% of ASEAN export to Russia and only 0, 5% of total ASEAN Export. Among top exported commodities also are animal or vegetable fats and oils and their cleavage products; prepared animal fats; animal or vegetable waxes (9, 8%), nuclear reactors, boilers, machinery and mechanical appliances; parts thereof (8, 2%) and vehicles; other than railway or tramway rolling stock, etc. (7, 2%). The main import items were mineral fuels, mineral oils and products of their distillation; bituminous substances; mineral waxes (60, 5% of total import from Russia and 3, 8% of total ASEAN import), iron and steel (14, 8%), cereals (8, 6%) and fertilizers (5, 6%) Ibid..

Speaking about the commodity structure of trade between Russia and ASEAN, on should point out that Russia's exports are mainly raw-material oriented, whereas imports are dominated by finished industrial products. Russia's imports are much more diversified than its export to ASEAN. Another trend is that the volumes of Russia's trade with individual countries are extremely unbalanced Kostyunina G. M. (2019). Russia-ASEAN foreign trade: key development trends. Russian Foreign Economic Bulletin. №3. 2019. pp.43-59. // http://www.rfej.ru/rvv/id/500492F50/$file/43-59.pdf. The main importer of Russia's goods is Singapore and the main exporter - Vietnam, while there is almost no trade with Brunei.

Russia is the largest supplier of arms to Southeast Asia, accounting for 26% of all deliveries of major arms to the region in 2014-2018 years Siemon T. Wezeman. (2019, December). Arms Flows to Southeast Asia. SIPRI. // https://www.sipri.org/sites/default/files/2019-12/1912_arms_flows_to_south_east_asia_wezeman.pdf with 61% of total going to Vietnam. Among the other largest buyers of Russia's arms are Indonesia, Malaysia and Myanmar. Sometimes the deals are conducted through barter transactions like with Indonesia's order for 11 Su-35 combat aircraft when half the payment will constitute agricultural and other products.

However, it is still unclear whether the US CAATSA will to some extent obstruct Russia's arms sales to the region. Indonesia and some other states have already experienced US pressure and are hesitant about future deals with Russia like Philippines bypassing cheaper Russian helicopters in 2018 Ibid..

Low trade performance between ASEN and Russia is due to several reasons. Not to mention the drawbacks of Russia's internal economy and density of external players' interests in ASEAN, the primary reason is Russia's reluctance to upgrade its external relations for the benefit of business. Economic cooperation of Russia with the external partners is based mainly on interstate agreements and state contracts, since the Soviet Union times. Nowadays conditions of market economy imply that private enterprises should become if not the drivers, then active participants of external economic relations. While the conditions for business stay unfavorable and the mechanisms for cooperation are underdeveloped private business in economic relations with ASEAN countries will remain on the sidelines, this Russia will not be entrenched into the in Southeast Asia.

Russia experience shortage of export resources competitive to those already present in the regional market. If the weapons and commodities are relatively demanded, other segments of Russia's export are insignificant. The nomenclature of Russian export is scarce comprising only a few varieties of goods. Russia relies on the trade with traditional partners, neglecting the opportunities of cooptation with the others. Therefore, Russia is limited in the foreseeable opportunities of its economic expansion in the region, while ASEAN countries lack Russia's intentions to cooperate with them.

The third reason is that Russia acts on the ad hoc basis being deficient in its own production chains. Russia does not participate in regional integration project in Southeast Asia, while Russia's mega-projects, involving ASEAN, have not caused any fascinated reaction and their implementation have been postponed Rogozhin A.A., Rogozhina N.G. (2019) South East Asia - In the Priorities of Russian Policy “Pivot to Asia”. Outlines of Global Transformations: Politics, Economics, Law, vol. 12, no 1, pp. 185-203 (in Russian). DOI: 10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-1-185-203. P. 197.. For example, Russia's brainchild Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and Vietnam in 2015 signed free trade agreement which could serve EAEU as an entry point into ASEAN markets. In 2019 similar agreement was signed with Singapore. Russia reckons to establish free trade zone between EAEU and ASEAN. Besides, Russia is eager to materialize its mega-project Greater Eurasian Partnership conjugating the EAEU, ASEAN and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). This intention was even marked in Russian Foreign Policy Concept 2016 claiming that “Russia is determined to form a common, open and non-discriminatory economic partnership - a space for joint development of the ASEAN, SCO and EAEU member states in order to ensure complementarity of integration processes in the Asia-Pacific and Eurasian regions Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation (approved by President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin on November 30, 2016). // http://www.mid.ru/foreign_policy/news/-/asset_publisher/cKNonkJE02Bw/content/id/2542248 .

Relatively low profile to these initiatives is due to ASEAN amalgamating its existing free trade zones with the five major partners into a single framework of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RPEC). Against this background, to establish new free trade zone with Russia could be of less the importance and rather distracting for the Association because of quiet sophisticated regional economic structure.

Russia's energy companies are interested in commercial deals and projects in the Southeast Asia. LUKOIL through its trading company LITASCO SA cooperates with Malaysia, Thailand, Singapore, Indonesia, Cambodia, supplies one shipments to Philippines.

Gazprom Neft in consortium with Malaysian company Petronas develops the Badra field in eastern Iraq. Gazprom Neft is a project operator, holding 30% stake, while Petronas holds 15%.

Gazprom together with PetroVietnam established on a parity basis joint operating company Vietgazprom, conducting geological exploration in blocks 112 and 129-132 on the Vietnamese continental shelf. Since 2013 Gazprom and PetroVietnam have been carrying out commercial gas and condensate production at the Moc Tinh and Hai Thach fields of offshore Vietnam. In 2015 joint venture focused on the use of natural gas as a vehicle fuel PVGAZPROM Natural Gas for Vehicles was registered.

Rosneft has offshore projects on the exploration and production of hydrocarbons in Vietnam. Since 2013 together with PetroVietnam Rosneft as an operator has been realizing project on coastal shelf (Block 06.01). Rosneft also drills production wells within the framework of the Block 05.3/11 development.

Zarubezhneft JSC is another Russia's company having projects in Vietnam. On parity basis with PetroVietnam Zarubezhneft owns its most effective projects joint venture JV Vietsovpetro operating on the coastal shelf since 1981.

In October 2019 Rusatom Overseas and the Philippines signed Memorandum of Intent and agreed to conduct a pre-feasibility study on construction of nuclear power plant based on small modular reactors. In May 2018 Rusatom Healthcare (subsidiary of ROSATOM) signed with Beta Gamma Malaysia a Project Development Agreement on construction of network of irradiation centres in Malaysia. And in September Rusatom Healthcare and Asian American Medical Group signed a Memorandum of Understanding to develop a Nuclear Medical Centre in Johor Bahru in Malaysia.

Rosneft and Indonesian company Pertamina in 2016 established joint venture PT Pertamina Rosneft Pengolahan dan Petrokimia to develop refinery and petrochemical complex in Tuban, Indonesia. Rosneft claims that this project is crucial for the implementation of company's strategy of creating goodwill and to strengthening its positions in the high-margin market for petroleum-based products in the region.

Some energy companies from Russia have projects in Southeast Asia providing the region with electricity and renewable energy. For example, Inter RAO started the elaboration of the hydroelectric power plant Sekong-5 project in Lao PDR, planning to cooperate with Thailand as well. Russian Energy Agency cooperates with Thailand on the issues of clean energy and others, intending to launch a pilot project on implementation of an automated energy management system in Thailand. This system allow to monitor online energy consumption, subsequently to analyze and forecast resource consumption, as well as evaluate the economic efficiency of measures aimed at improving energy efficiency. LLC Hevel is interested in construction of solar power stations in Indonesia and nuclear hybrid (sun-diesel) power plants in remote territories. Company Innovation systems supplies wind turbines to Vietnam and assists in the local production of wind turbine units.

Russia's companies consider Southeast Asia as a prominent direction for robust cooperation. Nonetheless, Russia is only 8th major supplier of ASEAN crude oil in 2018 (in 2014 ranked 5). Plenty of memorandums signed between Russia's companies and their partners from Southeast Asia still remain on the paper. Many companies express their interest to enter ASEAN market, but still are only negotiating or searching for the niches to occupy. At the same time, Russia lacking its goodwill in the region, has managed to gain a foothold for the future beneficial for itself as well as for ASEAN.

As to cooperation in investment field, it is inhibited due to unfavorable investment climate in Russia and by the inexperience of Russia's businessmen in commercial activity in the Southeast Asia markets and vice versa. Russia's private business is poorly presented in Southeast Asia and often is overwhelmed by more experienced competitors. Therefore, major part of the investment operations made by Russia in ASEAN is of public sector companies. And, as it was already noted, Russia has neither available resources, nor political will to compete in the investment area without support of the official intergovernmental agreement. Thus Russia's FDI account only for 0, 04% of total inward flows in ASEAN ASEAN Statistical Yearbook 2019 // https://www.aseanstats.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/01/ASYB_2019.pdf, directed mainly in Thailand and Vietnam.

One of core events fostering the deepening and building up ASEAN-Russia partnership was the business forum in Sochi attended by over 500 businessmen from Russia and ASEAN countries. During the event ASEAN leaders met with the entrepreneurs. The discussions showed that the participants are eager to increase commodity circulation, enhance business ties and developing joint projects in the field of energy, agriculture, and high technology.

As a paramount milestone was a result of the 3rd Russia-ASEAN Summit in Singapore in November 2018, to be precise a Joint Statement on Strategic Partnership, what reassured ASEAN and Russia's high level of mutual trust, value of the partners and commitment to bolster the content of cooperation. Alongside with the status upgrade Summit was noteworthy because of a Statement of the Russian Federation and ASEAN on cooperation in ensuring the information security and the information and communication technologies themselves.

Apart from this on the sidelines of the Summit the Eurasian Economic Commission and ASEAN signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on Economic Cooperation witnessed by the leaders of ASEAN member states and Russia. The level of MoU shows that the relations are the starting point; however, it indicates the interests to further coordination in the outlined direction.

Some may argue that cooperation with Russia is of low importance for ASEAN as economic content of the cooperation leaves much to be desired. However, actually it is not so true because of the following reasons. Russia has not been a longtime partner of the Association thus lacking well-established ties and goodwill the country is to craft them and embed itself in the regional structure. Being on the way despite the obstacles Russia makes a steady progress, while ASEAN representatives express their interest through numerous contacts, agreements and official statements.

Moreover, stating its intentions to act globally playing more decisive role in the world issues and being the driver and hub of integration and progress, ASEAN has to broaden the range of its foreign relations, seeking for cooperation not only with the traditional partners but also with the new ones. The Association strives to preserve its centrality hence has to balance the other ambitious actors expanding their influence on the ASEAN domain.

Revitalization of Russian participation in regional relations, including ASEAN-led multilateral mechanisms, happens simultaneously with the collision of regional projects of China and the United States as Southeast Asia lies in the intersection of great powers' interests. The contradictions among them can hinder the effectiveness of ASEAN initiatives. However, this situation creates new opportunities for Russia. Although Russia is not able yet to offer as much as China and the US it has no expansionist intensions towards Southeast Asia. Hence in contrast to the other's Russia's agenda is more cooperative and equitable. As tensions of interests between China and the US are unlikely to be reconciled soon Russia could be considered as a possible balancer welcomed by ASEAN countries committed to hedge their bets.

Against this background, ASEAN has definite motivation to develop cooperation with Russia as there are other areas and issues of strategic concern that could and have to be secured through mutual aspirations and collaboration.

3.2 Russia's goals and challenges in Southeast Asia

The creation of ASEAN was driven by the common for the Southeast Asian countries fear for communism. Thus till the dissolution of the USSR the group was in opposition to the “red threat”, except for Vietnam and those being influenced by him, Laos and Cambodia. Russia's presence in the Asia-Pacific international relations for a long time was based on the ideological and military instruments. But with the end of the Cold War Russia's political influence in the APR has greatly weakened Akaha, T. (2012) A Distant Neighbor: Russia's Search to Find Its Place in East Asia, Global Asia. 7(2): 1-14. . The independent Russia going through hard times was deprived of enough resources even to maintain ties with its regional partner. As a result Russia has been alienated from the region not being perceived as its part and has failed to develop network of partners. Hence integration with ASEAN countries is exacerbated by the lack of political and cultural background.

There are no Russian diasporas in Southeast Asia. Thereby Russians are treated like strangers even in the commercial deals. The situation is exacerbated by the low level of labour migration between Russia and ASEAN. Do not contribute to Russia's successful identification and efficient activity in the region poor Russia's awareness of the regional business conditions and lack of understanding of regional mentality.

The landscape of Southeast Asia is crossed by many production chains. Up to this moment Russia has been absent in the structure of production relations in the region. Relatively low level of Russia's economic participation in the affairs of the region limits its integration potential Koldunova E. (2016). Russia's Involvement in Regional Cooperation in East Asia. Opportunities and Limitations of Constructive Engagement. Asian Survey. Vol. 56. № 3. pp. 532-554. // https://mgimo.ru/upload/iblock/a0a/AS5603_06_Koldunova.pdf. Apart from this the insufficient development of transport and port infrastructure in the Far East complicates the communications increasing costs. That is why Russia may be perceived as an inferior partner of the Association compared with the others.

For China this region is of particular importance due to its location, as well as prospects of economic growth, which largely depends on the Southeast Asia. USA within the policy of "rebalancing" has stepped up its activities in Southeast Asia, carrying out so-called “pivot within the pivot”, from Northeast to Southeast Asia Tsvetov A. ASEAN and Russia: the search for economic synergy and political consensus // Carnegie Moscow center, 2016. URL: https://carnegie.ru/2016/05/19/ru-pub-63618 . Thereby while China and the US have noticeably settled themselves in the structure of Southeast Asia, Russia still needs to find its niche in the region.

Modern military-political situation in the APR is characterized by limited stability. Due to strengthening economic competition, unresolved territorial disputes and the growing regional ambitions of some states, tensions in interstate relations and the conflict potential of the region are increasing Russia in the Asia-Pacific Region: the role, interests and priorities of regional security and accelerated economic development, Sevast'yanov S.V., Volinchyk A.B., Vladivostok, Ojkumena, 2016, 240p. URL: http://ojkum.ru/images/knigi/Rossia-v-ATR.pdf ISBN 978-5-7444-3933-0. P. 153. Asian states are now actively seeking self-identification and self-assertion, heating up state nationalism and complicating relations between neighbors. In the absence of direct threat to Russia's security in the APR, the key challenges in this area are the potential destabilization of the situation and the interference of the United States in regional security structure.

If the South China Sea or East China Sea problem escalates, China will most likely be the reason of the conflict. Such scenario, despite the absence of allied obligations between the Russian Federation and the PRC, may still require Russia's participation. At present Russia does not support any territorial claims, standing for political and diplomatic methods and for adherence to the norms of international law. In April 2016, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov proclaimed that Russia does not support the internationalization of disputes in the SCS. This position was welcomed by China, but caused serious tension in Vietnam Tsvetov A. ASEAN and Russia: the search… // https://carnegie.ru/2016/05/19/ru-pub-63618. Moscow's rhetoric about non-intervention of external actors in disputes in the SCS responds to Western narrative, according to which Russia, burdened by sanctions and weakness of its economy, politically dependent on Beijing, will be forced if not directly support China, then at least abstain from responding in case conflict escalates in the military phase Ibid..

The neutrality of the Russia's position on territorial disputes in the South China Sea is offset by conducting joint exercises with China and supporting Beijing non-recognition of the Permanent Court's of Arbitration decision in 2016 on territorial claimsTsvetov A. Russia and multilateral mechanisms in the Asia Pacific region // INF, 2018. URL: http://russiancouncil.ru/analytics-and-comments/analytics/rossiya-i-mnogostoronnie-mekhanizmy-v-atr/. In the face of growing Chinese economic opportunities and political influence in the APR, Russia will most likely have to make concessions in the interests of maintaining good relations with the PRC Russia and the US in the Asia-Pacific. (Transl. from Engl.) - Moscow, IMEMO, 2016. - 45 p. ISBN 978-5-9535-0470-6 URL: https://www.imemo.ru/index.php?page_id=645&id=3456, negatively affecting relations with other states.

Even without real dependence, closer cooperation between Russia and China may entail reputational costs, as Russia's relations with China may seem asymmetric and Russia is not always perceived in Asia as an autonomous actor of international relations. In any case, Russia will have to prove to the ASEAN states the independence of its foreign policy Tsvetov A. Southeast Asia 2019-2024: Old Wounds, New Uncertainties, the Global Forecast 2019-2024 // RIAC, 2019. URL: http://russiancouncil.ru/2019-southeastasia.

Against this backdrop it is extremely important for Russia to maintain strategic partnerships with China and Vietnam. Vietnam's military-technical cooperation with Russia means for China the increased costs of a hypothetical armed conflict. The continued supply of Russian weapons to Vietnam may reduce the risk of a conflict entering the military phase, provided that Sino-Vietnamese political dialogue exists. This form of Russia's involvement in the situation in the South China Sea currently seems promisingTsvetov A. ASEAN and Russia: the search… // https://carnegie.ru/2016/05/19/ru-pub-63618 .

Military-technical cooperation is not decisive in terms of foreign policy orientation, although it does influence it. However, in Southeast Asia, it was arms exports that gave impetus to cooperation with Russia in the countries of the region. When territorial disputes in the South China Sea and East China Sea escalate, the political weight of the military-technical cooperation increases. In this regard, the attractiveness of Russia as a potential partner for hedging security is growing. This was most noticeable in the relations with Vietnam.

More active actions of Russia in Asia can cause discontent of some regional players, in particular under the pressure of the United States. For example, the majority of industries in the APR where Russia is involved are dominated by large state-owned companies, many of which are under sanctions Tsvetov A. Southeast Asia 2019-2024…// http://russiancouncil.ru/2019-southeastasia, hindering their activity.

It is also possible that as China's actual control over the South China Sea is strengthened, pressure on countries that operate within the Chinese nine-dash line will increase Ibid.. That will cause negative consequences for Russia, whose energy projects will be threatened, in particular, joint development of offshore oil and gas fields with Vietnam.

Alongside with the proclamation of the eastern vector of Russia's policy, China has begun to develop the western direction, e.g. by the means of the “Belt and Road Initiative” (BRI). China's interest towards the West is to some extent determined by the US pivot to the Asia. The new strategy of the United States, even having obvious anti-Chinese character, may contribute to the further development of China Spanger H. J. Russia's Pivot to the East, the Turn of China to the West: Cooperation and Conflict Along the Silk Road // Russia in Global Affairs, 2016. URL: https://globalaffairs.ru/valday/Povorot-Rossii-na-Vostok-povorot-Kitaya-na-Zapad-vzaimodeistvie-i-konflikty-na-Shlkovom-puti-18208. The PRC values ??its relations with the United States, considering them as an instrument of economic and technological development. In this regard, profound deterioration in relations with the United States and other Western countries is disadvantageous for China. Thus, Russia should not count on the unconditional Chinese support.

However, in case of the simultaneous conflicts of the United States with China and Russia, Southeast Asia risks becoming an arena of systemic confrontation. Russia may find itself in a situation where it will have to increasingly support the PRC ?in prejudice of its own bilateral relations with the US allies in the region Gabuev A. Why it is important for Russia not to lose Japan from radar // Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 2018. URL: https://carnegie.ru/2018/09/27/ru-pub-77409.

Russia's integration into the ASEAN Community is hampered by the fact that some ASEAN countries are allies of the United States or are hugely influenced by them Tsvetov A. ASEAN and Russia… // https://carnegie.ru/2016/05/19/ru-pub-63618. It is proved by the accession of these countries to the US sanctions against Russia Gabuev A. The Overturn to the East // Carnegie Moscow Center, 2018. URL: https://carnegie.ru/2018/09/07/ru-pub-77202, the refusal of the Philippines to purchase Russian Mi-171 helicopters and protracted negotiations on the purchase of Su-35 fighters by Indonesia. In addition, the Rosatom NPP project in Vietnam announced in 2010 was frozen in 2016: officially due to the changed needs of the national economy of Vietnam, but most likely for political reasons as well Koldunova E. (2018). ASEAN, EAS and APEC: What Russia Achieved in 2018, ASEAN Centre, Moscow State Institute of International Relations (University). CSCAP Regional Security Outlook 2019. // http://www.asean.mgimo.ru/en/111/37-eng/news/2018/803-asean-eas-and-apec-what-russia-achieved-in-2018.

It is not yet clear whether the conflict between the United States and Russia will spread to Southeast Asia, or the United States will be relatively tolerant to Russia's actions in the region Tsvetov A. Southeast Asia 2019-2024… // http://russiancouncil.ru/2019-southeastasia. Today the activities of Russia in the region are seriously limited by the system of US bilateral military alliances. The “hub and spoke system” is impossible to be eliminated in foreseeable future, and therefore Russia proposes to incorporate alliances into inclusive regional security platform like the OSCE, but the United States rejects the Russian suggestion Ibid..

The US attempts to lure the ASEAN countries into deterring China along with the weakness of the regional security agencies could deepen the split in ASEAN, undermining its fundamental principles. Such deterioration of the regional environment will further reduce ASEAN's ability to effectively coordinate multilateral negotiations and complicate interaction with partners, including Russia Kanaev E., Korolev A. (2018). Re-Energizing the Russia-ASEAN Relationship: the Eurasian Opportunity. Asian Politics and Policy. Vol.10. No.4. pp. 732-751. // https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/aspp.12426.

Russia's desire to involve ASEAN in its turn to the East, and in particular the megaproject of the Greater Eurasian Partnership, raises the question of the ratio and superposition of other integration initiatives, whose participants are located in Southeast Asia. The limited political resources of these countries hinder them in participating fully in all initiatives simultaneously. China is most likely to remain the dominant external force in Southeast Asia in the near future. To compete with the PRC Russia has neither political will nor resources. For this reason, the bulk of Russia's relations with regional partners is likely to continue to develop in the format of individual interaction through implementation of sporadic projects, various "soft" agreements and memorandums Tsvetov A. Russia and multilateral mechanisms in the Asia Pacific region // INF, 2018. URL: http://russiancouncil.ru/analytics-and-comments/analytics/rossiya-i-mnogostoronnie-mekhanizmy-v-atr/.

There is no historical tradition of stable alliances and institutions in the strategic culture of Asia for the sake of deepening integration Bordachev T.V. What can Russia give Asia? // Valdai International Discussion Club, March 04, 2019. URL: http://en.valdaiclub.com/a/highlights/rossiya-dlya-azii/. The historical legacy, numerous territorial disputes and confrontation of great powers are likely to create conditions in which the APR states will hardly delegate their sovereignty in the foreseeable future to any supranational body Akaha, T. (2012).  Op.cit.. Despite ASEAN efforts to facilitate cooperation and create more peaceful and stable atmosphere in the region by strengthening mutual interdependence and promoting its potential advantages ASEAN mechanisms are non-binding thus incapable of being guarantors of stability.

The rapid economic rise of China has caused ASEAN countries fear that the East Asian Summit will become a transmitter of Chinese interests. Russia and the United States were to act as a counterbalance of the PRC. However, their participation in the Summit led to the competition of the issues for consideration. Despite the fact that Russia's accession to the EAS was approved in 2010, the President of the Russian Federation took part in it for the first time only in 2018. As the most significant reason for such delay can be considered the priority in the EAS's agenda of territorial disputes in the SCS, in which China and Vietnam, Russia's strategic partners, are involved as rival parties.

As another challenge for Russia can be regarded the uncertainty of the future regional order due to the existence of competing paradigms. In November 2017 at APEC summit the US announced “Free and Open Indo-Pacific Region” ? a regional “rule-based order”. The core of the IPR should be the Pacific Quad Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, comprising the US, Japan, Australia and India;

Koldunova E. (2019). Russia and the Turbulent Waters of the Indo-Pacific, ASEAN Centre, Moscow State Institute of International Relations (University) CSCAP Regional Security Outlook 2019, January 9 // http://www.asean.mgimo.ru/en/111/39-eng/news/2019/822-russia-and-the-turbulent-waters-of-the-indo-pacific. It turns out that the guarantor of the supremacy of international law in the region will be not multilateral mechanisms with universal and equal membership, but semi-closed coalitions.

The IPR project will inevitably attract interest of other states, primarily Singapore, Indonesia, Vietnam, and Thailand. Southeast Asian countries may view this format as means of deterring China's ambitions, for example, in territorial disputes in the South China Sea Tsvetov A. Indo-Pacific Front: why did a new region appear on the geopolitical map and what does it promise Russia? // Carnegie Moscow Center, 2018. URL: https://carnegie.ru/commentary/75706.

From the position of Russia, it would be logical to assume that this concept contradicts its interests since it was developed and promoted by Russia's competitors. The implementation of the IPR concept may lead to the marginalization of Russia in the region. The idea of ??the Indo-Pacific mega-region was revived at the time when Russia seeks to integrate into the already complicated system of international relations in the APR. In addition, Russia's support for traditional ASEAN-centric multilateral security formats in Asia was a key element of the country's position precisely because Russia has neither the will nor the ability to ensure security in the region by other means ? a strong military presence or significant economic interdependence. If the IPR is objectified, Russia will be forced to use more hard power and economic opportunities in Asia, which will burden its resources or cause the risk of irrelevance Tsvetov A. (2018, April 17). What Does Trump's Indo-Pacific Strategy Mean for Russia? The Diplomat. // https://thediplomat.com/2018/04/what-does-trumps-indo-pacific-strategy-mean-for-russia/.

Modern Russia's relations with the states of the Asia-Pacific region can be characterized as fragmented and low-dynamic. Being generally progressive, they are still unsystematic. The position of Russia in relations with ASEAN was initially weaker than of the other Association's partners. Under these conditions, Russia may be considered as an additional partner, whose participation in the regional processes should to some extent act as a deterrent against the growing ambitions of regional powers. Despite the visible progress made by Russia in recent years, Russia's relations with the Southeast Asia countries are still lacking a level of development comparable to the intra-regional ones.

Nevertheless, despite numerous obstacles Russia is interested in cooperation with ASEAN, being the Strategic partner of the Association. Hans-Joachim Spanger believes that Russia's turn to Asia is a kind of defensive maneuver aimed at neutralizing the efforts of the collective West to isolate Russia in the international arena and mitigate the effects of economic sanctions. In this context Russia strive not only to solve the existing tasks, but also to hedge the potential risks through diversification of its foreign relations. Consequently, reinforcing its influence and embedding its presence in the regional affairs Russia also may count on the possibility of neutral position or even support of Southeast Asia countries in some issues.

As ASEAN is considered to be an intermedium with its principle of centrality and membership of the member states in most of the dialogue and multilateral platforms in the Asia-Pacific (APR) region the cooperation with the Association, effective and constructive policy regarding ASEAN Community in particular, could help Russia to become entrenched in the structure of the regional international relations.

Along with this, Russia's turn to the East corresponds to the goal of Russia proclaimed by V. Putin at the Munich Security Conference to build a multipolar world free from US dominance Spanger H. J. Op.cit.. Today another rising if not to say great power seeks for hegemony in the Asia Pacific region and in the world at large. China is, on the one hand, economic giant with the urgent need for economic expansion, and, on the other hand, obviously a “predator” Predation theory of IR. E.g. Aaron L. Friedberg. (2005). The Future of U.S.-China Relations: Is Conflict Inevitable? International Security. 30(2). pp. 7-45. with revisionist intentions toward both regional and world order, although China's officials often deny the political and security implication of its projects. Hence developing partnership with China at the same time Russia has to guarantee itself the opportunity to choose partners and areas of cooperation in the future.

ASEAN countries demonstrate economic growth and are vigorously intended to maintain the development. Russia, on the contrary, experiences problems and low economic growth The increasing role of the internal reforms in the context of worsening forecast on world economy, 42d Report on Russia's economy, December 4, 2019, World Bank Group. URL: http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/782731577724536539/pdf/Weaker-Global-Outlook-Sharpens-Focus-on-Domestic-Reforms.pdf in its economy. Thus Southeast Asia could serve as subsidiary resource for the support and development of Russia's economy and its expansion into the new markets. With the imminence of China monopolizing Russia's pivot to the East, development of economic relations with ASEAN may be seen as an alternative for the beneficial cooperation and as a means to provide healthy balance in Russia's relations with the eastern partners.

In these circumstances, Russia may intend to modernize the potential of Eastern Siberia and the Far East through the interaction with ASEAN with the focus on the Territories of Advanced Development.

Southeast Asia is an area of paramount strategic importance being crossed by the maritime roots connecting Russia's Far East with its European part. That is why Russia is extremely interested in the peaceful and stable atmosphere in the region.

Russia will have to integrate into this uneasy and changing configuration of intra-regional international relations in order to ensure the realization of its tasks in the Southeast Asia. Currently, a niche, adequate for Russian interests and potential, is only vaguely marked as “a worthy place in the Asia-Pacific region” Larin V. New geopolitics for Eastern Eurasia // Russia in Global Affairs, 2018 URL: https://globalaffairs.ru/number/Novaya-geopolitika-dlya-Vostochnoi-Evrazii-19739.

Russia's goals

Challenges

— To use economic growth of Asian countries for the development of Russia's economy and its expansion on the new markets;

— To diversify international relations with the purpose of maximization of profit and risk hedging;

— To counteract US and China's domination in the region and in the world at large, contributing to the multipolarity;

— To guarantee the political support of Asian countries in some issues;

— To weaken the detrimental effect of the crisis in the relations with Western countries;

— To facilitate development of Siberia and the Far East;

— To guarantee safety of the strategically important maritime routs.

· Russia has not occupied any particular niche in the regional relations;

· Lack of historical background of the presence in the region;

· Russia does not have its own production chains in the region and does not participate in the existing ones;

· Absence of Russia's diasporas in the Southeast Asia;

· Rising China;

· The system of the US alliances;

· The threat American sanctions;

· The uncertainty of the future of the region.

3.3 More areas for cooperation

Speaking about the areas where Russia can mostly cooperate with ASEAN to support the sustained development of ASEAN Community were identified the energy sector, security, including counter-terrorism, arms supplies, etc. However, it makes sense to identify how Russia can be useful for ASEAN in strategic perspective, at the same time revealing its completive advantages.

At the third Russia-ASEAN Summit, where the Joint statement on Strategic Partnership Joint Statement of the 3rd ASEAN - Russian Federation Summit on Strategic Partnership. (2018, November 14). // http://en.kremlin.ru/supplement/5360 took place, the parties officially agreed to cooperate in the security sphere, emphasizing the readiness to promote the implementation of the Statement of ASEAN and the Russian Federation on Cooperation in the Field of Security of and in the Use of Information and Communication Technologies (ICT)Statement of ASEAN and the Russian Federation on Cooperation in the Field of Security of and in the Use of Information and Communication Technologies. (2018, November 14). // http://en.kremlin.ru/supplement/5361.

To this end Russia has proposed to establish Dialogue on ICT security. As the prime minister of Russia D. Medvedev repeatedly designated the digitalization of the economy and cyber security as the most required and promising areas in which ASEAN and Russia should in the foreseeable future make joint efforts. He also highlighted the need to de-monopolize hi-tech industry to foster healthy competition as the important condition guaranteeing the variety of new ideas and solutions. D. Medvedev stressed that states which do not posses their own developed digital technologies Dmitry Medvedev attends the Business and Investment Summit of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). (2019, November 3). // http://government.ru/en/news/38266/ will be behind the general progress, while growing digital disparity may lead if not to the loss of sovereignty, then to the lack of opportunities. Hereby he advocated joint preemptive solutions to the common challenges brought about by fourth industrial revolution.

...

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