The cost of empire’ unity in late imperial Russia
Average annual government revenue and expenditures in 1892-1895 and average annual direct taxes per capita in 1886-1895 by groups of provinces in Russia, excluding Siberia, Finland, and Central Asia. Rating of the regions by administrative expenditures.
Рубрика | История и исторические личности |
Вид | статья |
Язык | английский |
Дата добавления | 09.08.2021 |
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As one can see, the government pursued a policy one can place under the rubrics of internal colonialism, hegemony, and diffusion. The government also had in mind close economic and administrative integration and the mutual benefits flowing from that. But Russian leaders' main concern was to suppress any indications threatening the integrity of the empire. Even the thought of separatism was a nightmare for these leaders, as for all emperors, to say nothing of the dissolution of the empire.
The field of contemporary ethnopolitics proposes several concepts to explain the disintegration of empires. The concept of decolonization, according to which one must place the collapse of an empire in the context of decolonization processes: not the struggle of national movements for independence but the struggle against colonialism destroys an empire.
Structuralist theory exists in two variants. The first emphasizes the interaction between the center and the borderlands: as long as the periphery thinks it is deriving benefit for itself as it supplies the center with resources and receives defense, culture, and technology in return, while the center handles its role of mediator successfully in the borderlands' interactions among themselves, the empire maintains its stability. Exhaustion of the benefits the center provides, attainment by the borderlands of a sufficiently high cultural and economic level, and the equalization of the periphery and the center result in the weakening of the forces preserving the unity of the state. Accordingly, when benefits evaporate or become problematic, collapse occurs.
The second variant of structuralist theory places the center in first place. In large empires borderlands far removed from the center remain outside its reach, lying beyond the range of its influence. As a result, in the remote periphery their own relatively independent centers arise; hence empires appear as the least integrated societies, expressed in the minimal influence of an empire-wide culture and weak inclusion in general imperial law. An empire disintegrates when the Center loses control over the periphery. The incompleteness of the integrative processes in particular in the empire contributes to this outcome.
Constructivist concepts emphasize the artificiality of national communities. Cultural and political elites construct the nation. The intelligentsia of the small ethnic groups assumes the role of an ethnic core, around which the formation of the national idea begins. Their main goal is the awakening of the nation by restoring folk traditions, myths, and an historical past. “Radical constructivists” regard national movements as instruments in the struggle for power. One ought to describe the nation in relational, procedural, and dynamic terms, while nationalism is also possible without the “real” category of the nation. Nationalism and national identity arise not in the course of natural development but as a result of a sudden eruption. The nation becomes a category of nationalists' political practice through an event, not as the product of a lengthy process of development.
The leaders of the Russian empire had not heard of these theories, because in the imperial period these ideas did not yet exist. But officials acted as if they had studied these theories in universities, they worked out their strategy based upon these ideas, and they put them to use in their practical activities. The leaders foresaw all the dangers of the disintegration of empire these theories suggest and did everything possible to prevent and preempt such an outcome. The government's administrative resources proved too weak for this, however.
In sum, the analysis conducted in this article concludes that the center's relations with the borderlands in the imperial period at different times and in different regions were enacted in accordance with various strategies. More often than not, however, the government pursued a policy of hegemony and integration. Occasionally, one encounters elements of colonialism in the early stages of the acquisition of the borderlands. Close administrative, legal, and economic integration on the basis of mutual advantages continuously lies at the center of the government's attention. But the main purpose of the supreme authority and its government consisted of preserving the integrity of the empire. For this reason, they were prepared to make any sacrifices on the part of the Russians. In extreme cases, however, they required that other peoples of the empire also sacrifice their own interests for a time.
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