Trade Activities and the Spread of Christianity by Portugal: Port of Faifo (Vietnam)

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Trade Activities and the Spread of Christianity by Portugal: Port of Faifo (Vietnam)

Truong Anh Thuan

Nguyen Thi Vinh Link

Abstract

In the 16th and 17th centuries, Faifo (Hoi An, Quang Nam province) emerged as one of the busiest international trading ports in Southeast Asia in general and in Vietnam in particular. At the same time, in Europe, Portugal and its formidable navy discovered a new maritime route to Asia. Using this knowledge, the Portuguese became one of the first Western states to explore this part of the world and laid the foundation for trade and missionary activities in a number of different countries and locations there. Among them, Faifo (in Vietnam) was a notable example. In fact, for almost a century (from the second half of the 16th century to the middle of the 17th century), the Portuguese had established business relationships and played an important role in trading activities in Faifo. Meanwhile, the Portuguese Crown strongly supported the Jesuit priests, aiding them in becoming the first Catholic missionary force based in Vietnam, thereby allowing for the introduction and spread of Christianity in Faifo as well as in other locations around Cochinchina. However, at the end of the 17th century, for a number of different factors, Portugal gradually lost its important role in trading and missionary activities in the port of Faifo. This article examines the Portuguese commercial and missionary activities in Faifo in the 16th and 17th centuries. It also aims to make a specific contribution to clarifying the relationship of exchange between Vietnam and Portugal in the 16th and 17th centuries.

Keywords: Faifo, the Jesuits, Portugal, commerce, missionary, Cochinchina, Vietnam.

Торговая деятельность и распространение христианства Португалией: вьетнамский порт Файфо

Чыонг Ань Туан, Нгуен Тхи Винь Линь

Аннотация

trade missionary vietnam portugal

В XVI-XVII вв. Файфо (город Хойан, провинция Куангнам) стал одним из самых загруженных международных торговых портов в Юго-Восточной Азии в целом и Вьетнаме в частности. Тогда же в Европе Португалия и ее грозный флот открыли новый морской путь в Азию. Используя полученные географические знания, португальцы стали одними из первых представителей Запада, кто заложил основу для торговли и миссионерской деятельности в этой части света. Ярким примером явился вьетнамский порт Файфо. Фактически в течение почти столетия (вторая половина XVI -- середина XVII в.) португальцы установили деловые отношения с Вьетнамом и играли важную роль в торговой деятельности в Файфо. Тем временем португальская корона последовательно поддерживала священников-иезуитов, помогая им основать во Вьетнаме первую католическую миссию, тем самым заложив фундамент для введения и распространения христианства в Файфо, а также в других местах вокруг Кохинхины. Однако в конце XVII столетия Португалия постепенно утратила здесь свою роль в торговой и миссионерской деятельности, что и анализируется в статье, призванной внести конкретный вклад в изучение обменных отношений между Вьетнамом и Португалией.

Ключевые слова: Файфо, иезуиты, Португалия, коммерция, миссионерство, Кохинхина, Вьетнам.

Introduction In the process of searching for and collecting data and sources to analyze for this article, we found that the trade relationships between Portugal and regions or countries outside Europe in the 16^th and 17^th centuries were one of the primary areas of interest which has attracted the attention of scholars around the world. This topic is discussed either directly or indirectly in a number of scholarly works such as: “Sino-Portuguese Trade from 1514 to 1644: A Synthesis of Portuguese and Chinese Sources” by Tianze Z. (1933); “The Portuguese Seaborne Empire: 1415-1825” by Boxer C.R. (1969); “The Portuguese in India: Being a History of the Rise and Decline of Their Eastern Empire” by Danvers F.C. (1988); “Trade and Finance in Portuguese India: A Study of the Portuguese Country Trade, 1770-1840” by Pinto C. (1994); “Portuguese Cochin and the Maritime Trade of India, 1500-1663” by Malekandathil P. (2001); “The Survival of Empire: Portuguese Trade and Society in China and the South China sea 1630-1754” by Souza G.B. (2004); “Portuguese Trade in Asia under the Habsburgs, 1580-1640” by Boyajian J.C. (2008); “The New Cambridge History of India. Vol. 2: European Commercial Enterprise in Pre-Colonial India” by Prakash O. (1998); “A History of Portugal and the Portuguese Empire: From Beginnings to 1807” by Disney A.R. (2009); and “The Portuguese Empire in Asia, 1500-1700: A Political and Economic History” by Subrahmanyam S. (2012), etc. Along with commercial activity, the missionary work of the congregations under the Padroado (Patronage) of the Portuguese Crown has also been examined by international scholars. Research on this topic has generally followed two trends. The first explores the activities of the Portuguese congregations as part of the general history of the spread of Christianity around the world (mainly focusing on Asia), exam-ples of such works include: “A History of Christianity in India: The Beginnings to A.D. 1707” and “A History of Christianity in India, 1707-1858” by Neill S. (1984 and 1985); “Christians in China: A.D. 600 to 2000” by Charbonnier J. (2007), and “A History of Christianity in Asia (vol. II)” by Moffett S.H. (2007), etc. The second research trend generally examines the activities and role of the Portuguese Jesuits in the process of establishing Christianity's influence in Asian and East Asian countries, such as “The Jesuits, the Padroado and East Asian Science (1552-1773)” by Saraiva L. and Jami C. (2008) and “Journey to the East: The Jesuit Mission to China, 1579-1724” by Brockey L.M. (2009), etc. From studying the contents of these works, it can be seen that international scholars have only focused on researchig Portuguese commercial and missionary activities in Asia in general or in India, the Far East, in particular. In addition, the trade and spread of Christianity by the Portuguese in Vietnam in the 16^th and 17^th centuries have generally only been mentioned sporadically or indirectly in the research works of some Vietnamese scholars, such as “Lich sd chut Quoc ngQ (1620-1659)” [History of the Romanized Vietnamese script (1620-1659)] by Do Q.C. (1972); “Pho cang vung Thuan Quang (Hoi An -- Thanh Ha -- Nddc Man) the ky XVII-XVIII” [Port-Cities in Thuan Quang region (Hoi An -- Thanh Ha -- Nuoc Man) in the XVII-XVIII centuries] by Do B. (1996); “Dong Ten trong xa hoi Dai Viet 1615-1773” [The Jesuits in Vietnamese society 1615-1773] by Do Q.C. (2008);“Lich sh phat trien Cong giao d Viet Nam” [History of Catholic development in Vietnam] by Truong B.C. (2008), and “CU dan Faifo -- Hoi An trong lich sh” [Resident of Faifo -- Hoi An in the History] by Nguyen C.T. (2010), etc. Therefore, it can be said that Portugal's commercial and missionary activities in Faifo (Cochinchina) in the 16^th and 17^th centuries is still a very new topic, which needs to be studied more deeply and systematically in order to contribute to a broader and more accurate understanding of Portuguese trade and missionary activities in Asia in general and in Vietnam in particular during the 16^th and 17^th centuries. Historical method and logical method are considered the two main and indispensable means in studying history. In particular, the historical method helps scholars to “restore” the full picture of historical events and phenomena through the lens of relevant historical sources as accurately as possible. On that basis, historians will review, evaluate, and draw out the nature, rules or trends of movement and development of historical events and phenomena. That is the manifestation of the application of the logical method in the study of History.

From the late 15 th century to the early 16 th century, advances in maritime technology allowed Portugal to become a pioneer of geographical discovery. This opened up many new opportunities for the Portuguese to explore and conquer countries in the Far East. At the same time, in Cochinchina (Vietnam), the port of Faifo also entered a golden age as an important link on the international maritime route. Faifo became a commercial center which attracted Western merchants, among whom the Portuguese were one of the pioneering forces, to purchase goods. Along with the merchants on Portuguese ships, there were also the Jesuit missionaries who received patronage from the Portuguese kings. The goals of these two forces were very clear: “pepper and soul” Plattner F.A. Quand l'Europe cherchait l'Asie: Jesuites missionnaires (1541-1785). Paris, 1954. P. 11., “meaning abundant goods and spices from the East and the faith of people of the kingdoms in this area” Truong A.T. Processes of Receiving Western Astronomy in China and Vietnam // Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History. 2020. Vol. 65, issue 2. P. 471.. In fact, in the 16th and 17th centuries, commercial and missionary activities, which were administrated directly or indirectly by the Portuguese in Faifo, achieved positive results. Beginning with their initial contacts in the 16th century, the Portuguese gradually increased their commercial activity in Faifo in the first half of the 17th century. At the same time, under the patronage of the Portuguese Crown, the Jesuit missionaries also laid a solid foundation for the introduction and development of Christianity in Cochinchina in general and in Faifo in particular. All these activities had a significant impact on the development of the port of Faifo at that time.

The Portuguese and Faifo: the first contacts

After the expedition of Vasco da Gama (1460-1524) in 1497, the Portuguese Crown established important commercial firms in Goa and Diu (India) Pearson M.N. The Portuguese in India. New York, 2008. P 31-35; Disney A.R. A History of Portugal and the Portuguese Empire: From Beginnings to 1807. Vol. 2. London, 2009. P. 128-130; Diffie B.W., Winius G.D. Foundations of the Portuguese Empire, 1415-1580. Vol. 1. Minneapolis, 1977. P. 240-254. in the early 16th century. From these two bases, Portugal focused its attention on Southeast Asia, which was one of the most significant spice trading centers in the world at the time. Believing that “to gain commercial supremacy over the Indian Ocean it was necessary to seize and control the main strategic points and drive a trade which should provide a revenue adequate for the maintenance of irresistible power” Hall D.G.E. A History of Southeast Asia. New York, 1955. P. 216., in April 1511, Afonso de Albuquerque (1453-1515) decided to invade Malacca Ricklefs M.C. A History of Modern Indonesia since c. 1300. London, 1991. P. 23. which was then ruled by the Sultan Mahmud Shah (14881511). After many fierce battles, on August 24, 1511, Malacca was completely defeated by Portuguese military forces. In their book, “Foundations of the Portuguese Empire 1415-1580”, historians Bailey W. Diffie and George D. Winius stated that the occupation of Malacca, which was achieved with a force of nearly 900 Portuguese and 200 Indian soldiers, was an outstanding event in the history of European expeditions, which was no less impressive than the invasion of Tenochtitlan by Hernando Cortes Diffie B.W., Winius G.D. Foundations of the Portuguese Empire, 1415-1580. Vol. 1. P. 256..

The successful establishment of Portuguese domination in Malacca created favorable conditions for their penetration into Southeast Asia to establish trade relations and seek new opportunities to connect with Chinese merchants. During that process, the first contacts between the Portuguese and the Vietnamese in Cochinchina in general and in Faifo in particular were made.

In February 1516, the governor of Estado da India dispatched a fleet under the command of Fernao Peres de Andrade, departing from Goa and sailing to Southeast Asia. After landing in Malacca, this fleet continued on to Cochinchina Bay and arrived there in August Danvers C.F. The Portuguese in India: A. D. 1481-1571. Vol. 1. London, 1894. P. 337.. Thus, the year 1516 marked the first contact between the Portuguese and the Vietnamese in the trading port of Faifo Manguin P.Y. Les Portugais sur les cotes du Viet-Nam et du Campa: Etude sur les routes maritimes et les relations commerciales, d'apres les sources portugaises (XVIe, XVIIe, XVIII siecles). Paris, 1972. P. 3.. In 1523, a Portuguese navigator Duarte Coelho Pereira first set foot in Cochinchina when his ship sailed through Touron Bay (Danang city) and stopped at Pulo Campello -- an island located off the coast of Faifo about 16 km to the east Donoghue J.D. Cam An: a fishing village in central Vietnam. Washington, 1962. P. 3.. At Pulo Campello, he engraved the cross into a stone piece with “INRI” word (Ieus Nazarenus Rex Iudaeorum), his name of “Coelho”, and the year of “1523” Pinto M.F. The Travels of Mendes Pinto. (Edited and translated by Rebecca D. Catz). Chicago; London, 2013. P 632.. Seventeen years later (1540), a Portuguese ship departed from Patani (Malaya) under the command of Captain Antonie de Faria to dock in Faifo. Fernao Mendes Pinto (1510-1583), one of the crew members, recorded this memorable journey, including some interesting details about Pulo Champeilo and Faifo: “The following Wednesday we left the Varela River, otherwise known as the Tinacoreu, and from there the pilot thought it best to head for Pulo Champeilo, which is an uninhabited island at the entrance to the Guft of Co- chinchina at latitude fourteen degrees and a third to the north” Ibid. P 74..

Thus, based on the documents quoted above, it is clear that during the first half of the 16th century, the initial contacts between the Portuguese and the Vietnamese in the port of Faifo were made. However, during this period, contacts were not regular because there were relatively long periods (1516-1523, 1523-1540) when no Portuguese merchants or missionaries set foot in this port. The actual number of contacts was not that high (only 3 times in the first half of the 16th century), and the length of time of each visit when Portuguese people stayed in Faifo was not very long. Despite this, these first contacts laid the groundwork for the development of Portuguese trade and missionary activities in the major trading ports in Cochinchina from the second half of the 16th century to the first half of the 17th century.

Monsoon trade and the absence of established commercial firms: characteristics of commercial activities of the Portuguese in Faifo

In the first half of the 16th century, despite being the first Western country to arrive in Faifo, Portugal did not make any attempt to promote trade there. This is because at the time the Portuguese were focusing most of their attention on important trading ports on the intra-Asian and trans-Asian maritime routes, such as Goa (India), Cochin (India), Malacca (Southeast Asia), Macao (China), Guangzhou (China), and Nagasaki (Japan), to monopolize the trading and distribution of spices as well as east Asian luxury goods traveling to Europe. It was not until the second half of the 16th century, when Macao was established in 1557 Pearson M.N. The Portuguese in India. P. 33; Diffie B.W., Winius G.D. Foundations of the Portuguese Empire, 1415-1580. Vol. 1. P. 390., that the Portuguese started to be interested in commercial activities in Faifo.There are three primary reasons for this:

First, the abundance of goods in Faifo became a major draw which attracted many Portuguese traders to this port. Le Quy Don in “PhU bien tap luc” (ЙЙНіі: Miscellaneous Records of Pacification in the Border Area), noted that by the 18th century, Faifo had the largest concentration of goods in Cochinchina which served the purchasing needs of ships from other countries. Goods from many different localities in this area were being carried by ships, boats, and horses, by land and by sea to Faifo Le Q.D. Phu bien tap luc [Miscellaneous Records of Pacification in the Border Area]. Hanoi, 2007. P. 294-295; P. 419.. Christophoro Borri in the report “Relation de la nouvelle mission des peres de la compagnie de Jesus au royaume de la Cochinchine” also noted that Faifo was the largest and most beautiful port of Cochinchina. The number of foreigners gathered there was very large. The community in Faifo regularly organized well known fairs Borri C. Relatione della nuova missione delli PP. Della Compagnia di Giesu al Regno della Cocin- cina. Roma, 1631. P. 94-96. where a wide variety of indigenous goods and products were traded.

Secondly, the Shuinsen policy (^Epfn: Red-seal ships) Polenghi C. Samurai of Ayutthaya: Yamada Nagamasa, Japanese warrior and merchant in early seventeenth-century Siam. Bangkok, 2009. P. 18-19. along with the drastic prohibition of Christianity by the Tokugawa shogunate government Higashibaba I. Christianity in Early Modern Japan: Kirishitan Belief and Practice. Leiden; Boston; Koln, 2001. P. 139. in the first half of the 17th century led to the concentration of Japanese merchants in ports in Cochinchina, especially in Faifo. Realizing this, the Portuguese government in Macao decided to establish relationships and maintain their presence to develop trade in Faifo. Additionally, the Portuguese in Macao wished to become an important “bridge” in the commercial relationship between the Chinese and the Japanese, which brought many benefits but at the time it seemed to be completely “frozen” by the Haijin order Von Glahn R. Fountain of Fortune: Money and Monetary Policy in China, 1000-1700. Berkeley; Los Angeles; London, 1996. P. 116; Li K.Y. The Ming Maritime Trade Policy in Transition, 1368 to 1567. Wiesbaden, 2010. P. 3-4. (Ш^: Maritime prohibition) by the Ming dynasty (China).

The third reason was the changing commercial roles of the Japanese and the Chinese in Faifo. The Shuinsen policy, which was implemented by the Tokugawa shogunate in the early 17th century, created a golden age for Japanese merchants' activities in many trading ports in Southeast Asia Diaspora entrepreneurial networks: Four centuries of history / eds I.B. McCabe, G. Harlaftis, I.P. Minoglou. Oxford; New York, 2005. P. 82., including Faifo. However, that prosperity did not last long. From the years 1633 to 1639, the shogunate successively issued decrees to implement the Sakoku policy Kreiner J., Meohwald U., Olschleger H.D. Modern Japanese society. Leiden; Boston, 2004. P 255; Laver M.S. The Sakoku Edicts and the Politics of Tokugawa Hegemony. New York, 2011. P. 16-52; Dreyer J.T. Middle Kingdom and Empire of the Rising Sun: Sino-Japanese Relations, Past and Present. New York, 2016. P. 24.. As a result, nearly all foreign visitors to Japan were barred from entering the country, and common Japanese people were kept from leaving the country; this policy also called for overseas Japanese to return to their motherland. Therefore, the number of the Japanese leaving Faifo began to increase day by day Do B. Pho cang vung Thuan Quang (Hoi An -- Thanh Ha -- NUbc Man) the ky XVII-XVІІІ [Port-Cities in Thuan Quang region (Hoi An -- Thanh Ha -- Nuoc Man) in the XVII-XVIII centuries]. Hue, 1996. P. 69-70; Nguyen C.T. CU dan Faifo -- Hoi An trong lich sU [Resident of Faifo -- Hoi An in the History]. Hanoi, 2010. P. 91-93; Faurea G., Schwab L. Japan-Vietnam: A Relation Under Influences. Singapore, 2008. P. 7-10., gradually reducing their commercial role in the trading port. In this context, a new commercial force emerged and took a leading role in Faifo -- the Chinese. Beginning in the second half of the 16th century, the Chinese began to arrive in Faifo Nguyen C.T. CU dan Faifo -- Hoi An trong lich sU [Resident of Faifo -- Hoi An in the History]. P. 74; Do B. Pho cang vung Thuan Quang (Hoi An -- Thanh Ha -- NUbc Man) the ky XVII-XVIII [Port-Cities in Thuan Quang region (Hoi An -- Thanh Ha -- Nuoc Man) in the XVII-XVIII centuries]. P. 69-70; Li T.N. Nguyen Cochinchina: Southern Vietnam in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries. New York, 2018. P. 68.. After the collapse of the Ming Dynasty in China (1644), there were many Chinese, including mandarins and subjects loyal to the former dynasty, who accepted exile for political reasons, and one of the destinations in Southeast Asia chosen by them was Faifo. This immigration process took place followed by two main trends: they either established assembly halls speaking the original language or obtained Vietnamese citizenship as part of a group who set up Minh Huong commune Nguyen C.T. CU dan Faifo -- Hoi An trong lich sU [Resident of Faifo -- Hoi An in the History]. P. 75; Trung tam quan ly bao ton di san van hoa Hoi An [Hoi An Center for Cultural Heritage Management and Preservation]. Di san Han-Nom d Hoi An, tap 3 [Han-Nom Heritage in Hoi An, vol. 3]. Danang, 2017. P. 10-19.. The growth of the Chinese community in Faifo when the Japanese were losing their role in commercial activities did not only make Faifo a bustling port for maritime trade but also played an important role in attracting Portuguese traders from Macao to the area.

When looking at the entire history of commercial activities of the Portuguese merchants in Faifo from the end of the 16th century through the first half of the 17th century, some researchers recognize the following two salient features:

First, the Portuguese ships came to Faifo to trade relying on the monsoon winds. Thus, from March to May, the northeast wind would bring Portuguese ships from Macao to Faifo to exchange goods. In July and August, when the southwest monsoon was still blowing to signal the stormy season, Portuguese ships began to leave this port returning to Macao on a 9-day voyage or coming to Malaya on a 20-day voyage Hoang T.A.D. Hoat dong thUOng mai -- truyen giao cua Bo Dao Nha va Phap d Viet Nam (the ky XVI-XVIII) [The trading-missionary activities of Portugal and France into Vietnam (the 16^th century -- the 18^th century)]. Hue, 2017. P 32.. Thus, the time to open transactions in Faifo almost coincided with the Lunar New Year and lasted for six or seven months (from February to September of solar calendar). Upon arriving in Faifo to trade and then leaving to return to Macao or Malacca, Portuguese ships had to pay taxes to the Nguyen Lord's government Nguyen C.T. CU dan Faifo -- Hoi An trong lich sU [Resident of Faifo -- Hoi An in the History]. P. 98-99.: the import tax was 8.000 quan (for European ships) or 4.000 quan (for Macao ships), and the export tax was 800 quan (for European ships) or 400 quan (for Macao ships), which was higher than the tax imposed on the Chinese ships Le Q.D. Phu bien tap luc [Miscellaneous Records of Pacification in the Border Area]. P. 291.. Portuguese ships heading from Macao to Faifo at the beginning of the trade season often carried goods, such as chinaware, porcelain, silver, sulfur, low lead, and blue and red felt to sell to Vietnamese people Nguyen C.T. CU dan Faifo -- Hoi An trong lich sU [Resident of Faifo -- Hoi An in the History]. P. 98-99.. Besides, copper coins Manguin P.Y. Les Portugais sur les cotes du Viet-Nam et du Campa. P. 237., gold bullion and silver were also commodities that attracted the interest of Portuguese merchants and brought them a significant profit. In 1615, Portuguese merchants exported 120.000 taels of copper coins to Cochinchina Souza B.G. The Survival of Empire: Portuguese Trade and Society in China and the South China sea 1630-1754. Cambridge, 2004. P. 118. through this area's main port, which was Faifo.

In addition, the confrontation with the Trinh Lords in Tonkin that lasted for 46 years in the 17th century (1627-1672) forced the Nguyen Lords to strengthen their military capabilities in order to maintain their long-term dominion in the Cochinchina area. In fact, the Cochinchina government managed to solve this problem through commercial relations with the Portuguese.

In the years 1613-1614, the Nguyen Lord respectfully welcomed the Portuguese merchant -- Fernandes da Costa, and at the same time he allowed the Portuguese to monopolize trade in Faifo Tran A. The Historiography of the Jesuits in Vietnam: 1615-1773 and 1957-2007 // Jesuit Historiography Online. 2018. URL: https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/jesuit-historiography-online/the-historiography-of-the-jesuits-in-vietnam-16151773-and-19572007-COM_210470 (accessed: 21.06.2021); Tran N.T. Quan he giQa chua Nguyen vbi Bo Dao Nha d Dang Trong (th the ky XVI den the ky XVII) [The relationship between the Nguyen Lords and Portugal in Cochinchina (from the 16^th to the 17^th centuries)] // Tap chi Nghien cdu Lich sU [Journal of Historical Studies]. 2012. No. 7. P. 39.. In 1658, at the time when the 5th battle (1655-1660) between the Cochinchina and Tonkin armies was taking place, the Nguyen Lord gave a Jesuit priest -- Pedro Marquez -10.000 silver pieces to go to Macao to buy cannons from the Portuguese gun foundry, which would contribute to strengthening his army Chappoulie H.A. Aux origines d'une eglise: Rome et les missions d'Indochine au XVIIe siecle. T. 1. Paris, 1943. P. 237.. Meanwhile, realizing that a great commercial opportunity was created by the Trinh-Nguyen war, the Portuguese decided to trade in a precious commodity -- cannons. Pierre Poivre, a merchant from the French East India Company who came to Cochinchina in 1749, described seeing around the Nguyen Lord's palace 1200 cannons, all of which were made of brass. Among them, there were many cannons of different sizes bearing the Portuguese and Spanish markings. They were brought to Faifo by European merchants, mainly Portuguese, and were sold to the Nguyen Lords Southern Vietnam under the Nguyen: Documents on the Economic History of Cochinchina (Dang Trong), 1602-1777 / eds T. N. Li, A. Reid. Singapore, 1993. P. 70-71; Maybon C.B. Histoire moderne du pays d'Annam (1592-1820). Paris, 1919. P. 99; Cordier H. Voyage de Pierre Poivre en Cochinchine // Revue de l'Extreme-Orient. 1887. T. 3. P. 90.. In return, the goods in Faifo, which were purchased by Portuguese traders, were also quite abundant. Portuguese traders strongly preferred items originating from Quang Nam area where the port was situated. These items often included commodities, such as golden silk, wood, agarwood, sugar, musk, cinnamon, pepper, and rice Maybon C.B. Histoire moderne du pays d'Annam (1592-1820). P. 52-53.. Portuguese traders expressed interest not only in popular commodities of the period but also in Calambac -- a kind of high quality frankincense: “It is black and contains oil, and is worth fifty cruzados a catty among the Portuguese, while in its own kingdom it passes weight for weight with silver” Li T.N. Nguyen Cochinchina. P. 79; Manguin P.Y. Les Portugais sur les cotes du Viet-Nam et du Campa. P. 246..

Second, although the commercial activities of the Portuguese in Faifo were not comparable to those taking place in Macao or Malacca, they still achieved some remarkable success. The establishment of peaceful relations was a prominent feature of Portuguese trade in Faifo. As far as the local government was concerned, the Nguyen Lords granted Portuguese merchants a special favor. In order to strengthen the Portuguese's belief in a lasting commercial relationship in Cochinchina, in response to the request of the Portuguese merchant -- Fernandes da Costa, the Nguyen Lord's government expelled Dutch merchants trading in the area Borri C. Relatione della nuova missione delli PP P. 98-99; A Collection of Voyages and Travels. Vol. 2 / eds A. Churchill, J. Churchill, J. Locke. London, 1732. P. 741; Views of Seventeenth-Century Vietnam: Christoforo Borri on Cochinchina and Samuel Baron on Tonkin / eds O. Dror, K.W. Taylor. New York, 2006. P. 134..

The unfriendly demeanor of the Nguyen Lord's government towards the Dutch continued for many years. In particular, in 1643, the escalating tensions between Cochinchina and the Netherlands reached a new level when the two sides' naval forces clashed in the Thuan An estuary De Rhodes A. Histoire du Royaume de Tunquin. Lyon, 1651. P. 19.. This event put an end to the relationship between Cochinchina and the Netherlands. After that, the Portuguese became the only Western force that had a close relationship with the Nguyen Lord's government and came to Faifo for trade. In order to retain the Portuguese merchants, the Nguyen Lords actively granted them land near this port, and similarly to the case of the Chinese and the Japanese, they helped them to establish their offices and residences Borri C. Relatione della nuova missione delli PP. P. 98-99; A Collection of Voyages and Travels. Vol. 2. P. 741; Views of Seventeenth-Century Vietnam. P. 135.. However, Portuguese traders did not found a permanent commercial agency. Instead, they rented offices and residences and used brokers (Japanese, Chinese or Vietnamese) to buy goods in Faifo during the “trade season”. Despite this, the commercial scale of the Portuguese contingent of merchants in Faifo was quite large. Li Qingxin in his work entitled of “Maritime Silk Road” said that the Portuguese “office” was larger than all other houses in Faifo with the front for business, the back for goods and living Li Q.X. Maritime Silk Road. (English translated by William W. Wang). Beijing, 2006. P. 157.. In fact, the Portuguese played an important role in trade in Faifo during the first half of the 17th century. However, by the end of the 17th century, the weakening of the Portuguese trading network throughout Asia Disney A.R. A History of Portugal and the Portuguese Empire: From Beginnings to 1807. Vol. 2. London, 2009. P. 168-171; Newitt M. A History of Portuguese Overseas Expansion 1400-1668. London and New York, 2004. P 207-209, 211-212, 230. resulted in a gradual decline of their commercial activities in Faifo before they eventually ceased altogether.

From caring for the spiritual life of Japanese Catholics to conquering the faith of the Vietnamese: Missionary activities of the Portuguese Jesuits in Faifo

At the beginning of the 15th century, Portugal as one of the pioneering countries in Europe in the development of maritime technology also became a dominant force on the sea. Portuguese ships sailed along the west coast of Africa and conquered a great deal of formerly Muslim territory. The power of the Portuguese was further enhanced when the Roman Church granted them a number of special privileges. In particular, the Pope recognized their right of the Portuguese Crown in the areas they occupied and assigned them to administer missionary activities there. However, in 1492, with the backing of Spain, an expedition led by Christophe Colombus was organized. They sailed to the west across the Atlantic arriving in October of 1492 in the New World. Thus, Spain became one of the most powerful competitors of Portugal. To resolve the conflict between the two countries, in 1493, Pope Alexander VI (1431-1503) signed the decree of Inter Caetera, dividing the scope of the missionary activity between Portugal and Spain Johansen B.E., Pritzker B.M. Encyclopedia of American Indian History. Vol. I. California, 2008. P. 208; The Spanish Empire: A Historical Encyclopedia. Vol. 2 / eds H.M. Tarver, E. Slape. California, 2016. P. 19-21.. Accordingly, the 300th meridian from north to south pole passing through the Portuguese Azores archipelago became the dividing line. Territories to the west of this demarcation line were administered by Spain, and to the east of the demarcation line -- were under Portuguese influence. Thus, commercial and missionary activities in Africa and Asia, including Vietnam, were controlled and patronaged by the Portuguese Crown.

In fact, to promote evangelization in Asia, Portugal set up a number of missions on the continent. This period marked by the birth of the Archdiocese of Goa (1534) Annsaes do Conselho Ultramarino (Parte nao official). Lisboa, 1867. P 455; Neill S. A History of Christianity in India: The Beginnings to A.D. 1707. Cambridge, 2004. P. 117. and its two dependent dioceses, Malacca (15 58) Annsaes do Conselho Ultramarino... P. 455; Annaes Maritimos e Coloniaes. Lisboa, 1843. P. 314. and Macao (1576) Moidrey P.J. La hierarchie catholique en Chine, en Coree et au Japon (1307-1914). Changhai, 1914. P. 8.. In addition, the Portuguese strongly supported Jesuit missionaries allowing this religious order to become one of the most significant forces sowing the seeds which gave life to Christian communities in many Asian countries, among which Cochinchina (Vietnam) was no exception. However, albeit under the administration of the diocese of Macao, from 1576 to 1614, the Portuguese Jesuits in Macao exclusively focused their attention and their efforts on promoting missionary work in China and Japan. Therefore, the conversion of Vietnamese people to Catholicism seemed to be given low priority. In 1615, when the first Jesuit congregation which was led by the priest Francesco Buzomi, arrived in Faifo, the Portuguese Jesuit missionary work in Cochinchina in general, and in Faifo in particular, officially began. Nevertheless, when Portuguese Jesuit missionaries were sent to Faifo, the initial aim of the diocese of Macao was to tend to the spiritual needs of the Japanese Christians who had been forced to flee to Cochinchina after the Japanese Emperor decided to prohibit Christianity in the years 1613-1614.

In Japan, from the second half of the 16th century, with the constant efforts of Francis Xavier, Alessandro Valignano, and other Portuguese Jesuit missionaries, Christianity had gradually penetrated into “the land of the rising sun” and was initially tolerated by all classes of Japanese society Walker B.L. Foreign Affairs and Frontiers in Early Modern Japan: A Historio-graphical Essay // Early Modern Japan. 2002. Vol. 10, issue 2. P. 46; Nosco P. Secrecy and the Transmission of Tradition, Issues in the Study of the Underground Christians // Japanese Journal of Religious Studies. 1993. Vol. 20, no. 1. P. 1.. However, the period of peace and development of the Japanese Catholic Church did not really last long. At the end of the 16th century, the government of Toyotomi Hideyoshi began to feel concerned and suspicious about the involvement of Christianity in the expansion of Western countries in Japan Cooper M. Rodrigues the Interpreter = An Early Jesuit in Japan and China. New York, 1974. P. 160. as well as about the great contradictions and differences between this religion and traditional Japanese culture Eckel P.E. The Far East since 1500. New York, 1947. P. 131-133; Elison G. Deus Destroyed: The Image of Christianity in Early Modern Japan. Cambridge; London, 1973. P. 54, 64.. Primarily, it was this reason that led to the promulgation of an edict banning Christianity in 1587 Nosco P Secrecy and the Transmission of Tradition, Issues in the Study of the Underground Christians. P. 5.. By the beginning of the 17 th century, the rise of fierce competition from the Dutch began to have a negative impact on the missonary work done by Portuguese Jesuit missionaries in Japan. In order to achieve the goal of completely eliminating the Portuguese influence in this country, the Dutch attacked, denounced, and deliberately denigrated and distorted Christianity which was spread to Japan by the Portuguese Jesuits Goodman G.K. Japan and the Dutch 1600-1853. London; New York, 2000. P. 10-15; Cobbold G.A. Religion in Japan: Shintoism, Buddhism, Christianity. London; New York, 1894. P. 92-93.. Dutch activities combined with the resistance of the indigenous religions gradually made the Japanese rulers negatively change their attitudes towards Christianity. The policy of banning Christianity and expelling missionaries was enacted in 1614 Higashibaba I. Christianity in Early Modern Japan. P. 139. as a consequence. Japan became one of the earliest countries in the Far East where the persecution of Christians took place. In that context, a group of Japanese Catholics chose to leave their homeland in order to seek refuge in a number of different locations throughout Southeast Asia Global History and New Polycentric Approaches: Europe, Asia and the Americas in a World Network System / eds M.P. Garcia, L. Sousa. Singapore, 2017. P. 175-176., including Faifo -- which was the busiest commercial port in the Cochinchina (Vietnam) Rhodes A. Histoire du Royaume de Tunquin. P. 56-58.. Japanese Christians chose Faifo because there were many of their compatriots who had already come to trade and settle there before 16 1 4 Nguyen C.T. CU dan Faifo -- Hoi An trong lich sU [Resident of Faifo -- Hoi An in the History]. P. 88-91; Corfield J. The History of Vietnam. London, 2008. P. 15; Li T.N. Nguyen Cochinchina. P. 63-64.. Moreover, at that time, the local government implemented an open policy towards accepting foreigners in general and Japanese people in particular. As the ban on Christianity in Japan led tensions to escalate within the country, the number of Japanese Christians emigrating to Faifo continuously increased, eventually leading to the formation of a large Christian community. Faced with this situation, the Jesuit Superior in Macao felt that it was necessary to send priests to Faifo who had experience in spreading Christianity in Japan or were fluent in Japanese to tend to the spiritual lives of the local congregation and to strengthen the faith of this new Christian community. On January 18, 1615, the first Jesuit congregation led by Francesco Buzomi, arrived in Touron (Danang city) and a few months later moved to Faifo Do Q.C. Lich sU chut Quoc ngQ (1620-1659) [History of the Romanized Vietnamese script (1620-1659)]. Saigon, 1972. P. 21., where a large number of Japanese Christians lived. Thus, in 1615, the presence of Jesuit priests in Faifo was mainly to serve the Japanese Christian community.

In the process of operating in this commercial port, the Jesuit priests came to recognize an opportunity for expanding the influence of Christianity to the native people in the area. Therefore, instead of just tending to the spiritual needs of Japanese Christians as had been their original purpose, Francesco Buzomi and his colleagues began to preach Christianity to local Vietnamese as well. Only one year after arriving in Faifo (1616), Jesuit priests converted 300 Vietnamese from among those who were living in the port or living in the surrounding areas Do Q.C. Dong Ten trong xa hoi Dai Viet 1615-1773 [The Jesuits in Vietnamese society 1615-1773]. Hanoi, 2008. P. 64; Nguyen C.T. CU dan Faifo -- Hoi An trong lich sU [Resident of Faifo -- Hoi An in the History]. P. 270.. Faifo also became the first missionary residence (residen- tia) that was established by Portuguese Jesuit priests in Cochinchina (Vietnam) Do Q.C. Dong Ten trong xa hoi Dai Viet 1615-1773 [The Jesuits in Vietnamese society 1615-1773]. P. 64.. Before 1618, the Faifo residence administrated the missonary work in Cochinchina. Following their initial success, from 1618 to 1625, a number of Jesuits priests from the diocese of Macao arrived in Faifo to promote missionary activities to the Vietnamese in the trading port as well as in the surrounding areas. Conversion of the local people around Faifo continued to bring positive results. In 1619, the Jesuit priest Pedro Marques converted 40 people to Christianity and built a chapel in Faifo Truong B.C. Lich sU phat trien Cong giao d Viet Nam, tap 1 [History of Catholic development in Vietnam, vol. 1]. Hanoi Noi, 2008. P. 42.. In a letter dated December 17, 1621, the Jesuit priest Gaspar Luis reported that in Faifo, two Jesuit priests, Francisco de Pina and Pedro Marques, had baptized 82 natives and 27 Japanese. At the same time, they compiled a catechism in Nom characters (Chinese characters used to write in Vietnamese) in order to aid in spreading the Gospels and teaching doctrine to Vietnamese Christians Luis G. Histoire de ce qui sest passe en Ethiopie, Malabar, Brasil, et les Indes Orientales. Paris, 1628. P. 127-128.. In 1625, out of a total of 15 Jesuit priests preaching in Cochinchina at that time, there were 6 priests living in the Faifo residence, which amounted to more than one-third of the total number of priests in the area. In the same year, priests baptized 325 indigenous people in Faifo Do Q.C. Dong Ten trong xa hoi Dai Viet 1615-1773 [The Jesuits in Vietnamese society 1615-1773]. P. 65..

However, like the Catholic Church of Japan, the seeds of Christianity which had just germinated in Faifo and other area in Cochinchina, had to face the storm and challenges. In 1625, influenced by the accusations, slander, distortion and fabrication of the anti-Christian forces given the absence of Portuguese ships, which were in Macao purchasing needed goods for the local government, the Nguyen Lord decided to promulgate a decree. This decree requested that the Jesuit priests should gather in Faifo and leave Cochinchina when the Portuguese ships arrived to trade and then returned to Macao. At the same time, the government also banned Christians in Cochinchina from wearing crosses, rosaries, and hanging images of Jesus Christ and Virgin Mary in their homes Rhodes A. Divers Voyages et Missions. Paris, 1653. P. 76-77, 93.. As a result, Faifo was one of the first places in Cochinchina in the period in question to witness and suffer the negative impacts of the religious decree made by the Nguyen Lord.

A large number of priests were arrested and extradited to Faifo for deportation, and all the churches in the area were destroyed Vu K.T. Les missions jesuites avant les Missions etrangeres au Viet Nam, 1615-1665. Paris, 1956. P. 271-272..

Having already caused great harm to the Christian community in Cochinchina in general and in Faifo in particular, the Decree of 1625 was only the “prelude” to a long “symphony” which was entitled “Prohibition of religion” and would be “performed” by the local government. In 1639, the Nguyen Lord continued to promulgate an order for the destruction of the church and the expulsion of missionaries Rhodes A. Divers Voyages et Missions. P. 116-117.. In such circumstances, the number of Portuguese Jesuits visiting Faifo and other localities of Cochinchina was no longer as large as it had been previously. Thus, during between 1628 and 1639, there were no priests who were sent by the diocese of Macao to Cochinchina at all De Montezon F., Esteve E., De Rhodes A., Tissanier J., Saccano M. Mission de la Cochinchine et du Tonkin avec gravure et carte geographique. Paris, 1858. P 386-388.. In 1640, the Portuguese Jesuits' activities received support from the diocese of Macao when two new Jesuit missionaries arrived in Faifo: the priest Alexandre de Rhodes and the priest Pierre Albert Rhodes A. Divers Voyages et Missions. P. 120-124.. From 1640 to 1645, despite having to operate secretly and illegally because of the ban on Christianity by the policy of the Nguyen Lords, with tireless efforts of Alexandre de Rhodes and other Portuguese Jesuit missionaries in the Cochinchina still brought about some positive results Cardim A. F Relation de la province du Iapon. Tovrnay, 1645. P. 105-112; Rhodes A. Divers Voyages et Missions. P. 120-322; De Rhodes A. Relation des progrez de la foy au royaume de la cochinchine vers les derniers quartiers du levant. Paris, 1652. P. 5-132.. In particular, the birth of the indigenous catechist associasion in Faifo in 1643 Rhodes A. Divers Voyages et Missions. P 156, 160-161; Do Q. C. Dong Ten trong xa hoi Dai Viet 1615-1773 [The Jesuits in Vietnamese society 1615-1773]. P. 498. was considered one of the important events which contributed to the development of the Cochinchina Catholic Church. However, Alexandre de Rhodes was not permitted to continue preaching for long in this trading port. On July 9, 1645, he was permanently expelled by the Nguyen government Rhodes A. Divers Voyages et Missions. P. 269; De Rhodes A. Relation des progrez de la foy au royaume de la cochinchine vers les derniers quartiers du levant. P. 132.. Faifo became the last place in Nguyen controlled territory which Jesuit priest Alexandre de Rhodes visited before departing back to Macao.

Despite understanding the difficulties and challenges stemming from the policy of banning Christianity by Nguyen Lord, the Portuguese Jesuits did not give up their effort to spread the Gospel in this important area. From 1646 to 1665, there were seven Portuguese Jesuit missionaries who came to Cochinchina Truong B. C. Lich sU phat trien Cong giao d Viet Nam, tap 1 [History of Catholic development in Vietnam, vol. 1]. P. 95., among whom four priests were working directly in Faifo: Metello Saccano, Charles de Rocca, Pedro Maquez, and Francois Rivas. At the time, because the Nguyen Lord still held a negative view of Christianity, the activities of these missionaries were strictly controlled, and they were only permitted to preach in Faifo Launay A. Histoire de La Mission de Cochinchine, 1658-1823. T. 3. Paris, 1925. P. 494.. In this context, the missionary work of the priests (outside Faifo) could also only take place in secret and with the constant fear of being discovered. In a letter dated by September 21, 1646, the priest Metello Saccano said that in Faifo he worked more indoors than outside. Nor did he dare to travel outside the Japanese neighborhood in Faifo for fear of being expelled from Cochichina, which made his work of converting local people impossible Vu K.T. Les missions jesuites avant les Missions etrangeres au Viet Nam, 1615-1665. P. 404-406.. Despite this, the missionary activities of the priests in Faifo achieved some results. In 1646, two Jesuit priests, Metello Saccano and Charles de Rocca, baptized more than 600 adults Launay A. Histoire de La Mission de Cochinchine, 1658-1823. T. 3. P. 494.. In order to avoid the scrutiny of the Vietnamese authorities, Christians came to the home of the missionaries in Faifo at night to receive the Confession and the Eucharist Vu K.T. Les missions jesuites avant les Missions etrangeres au Viet Nam, 1615-1665. P. 404-406.. Everything was done quietly and discreetly Launay A. Histoire de La Mission de Cochinchine, 1658-1823. T. 3. P. 494. to prevent the priests from being expelled and the Christians -- from facing persecution. However, in 1654, the Nguyen Lord ordered the arrest and permanent expulsion of two priests, Metello Saccano and Charles de Rocca Vu K.T. Les missions jesuites avant les Missions etrangeres au Viet Nam, 1615-1665. P. 419-420.. After this, missionary work in Faifo depended only on a group of native catechists. In 1655, the diocese of Macao sent two more Jesuits to Faifo, Pedro Maquez and Francois Rivas. Like their colleagues in the previous period, the two priests were not allowed to leave Faifo. In order to receive the sacrament, Christians from other localities were forced to travel to Faifo to meet the priests. In 1659, a Portuguese ship arrived in Cochinchina full of goods and armaments that the Nguyen Lord needed Tissanier J. Relation du voyage du P. Joseph Tissanier de la Compagnie de Jesus depuis la France Jusqu'au Royaume du Tonkin. Paris, 1663. P 81.. The importance of obtaining these goods led the Nguyen Lord to begin to change his attitude towards Christianity in a positive direction. For a short period of time in Faifo, the Jesuit priests were allowed to operate openly Truong B.C. Lich sU phat trien Cong giao d Viet Nam, tap 1 [History of Catholic development in Vietnam, vol. 1]. P. 102.. However, from 1661 to 1664, the local government once again implemented a policy of strict prohibition of Christianity Launay A. Histoire de La Mission de Cochinchine, 1658-1823. T. 3. P 506-516; De Montezon F., Esteve E., De Rhodes A., Tissanier J., Saccano M. Mission de la Cochinchine et du Tonkin avec gravure et carte geographique. Paris, 1858. P. 218-220.. In Faifo, the government placed crosses all over the roads and asked people to step over or step on these crosses. Those who refused to comply were considered Christians and imprisoned. The soldiers also searched any family home that did not have a tlan (an outdoor altar); families who did not have an altar were considered to be Christian and harassed Launay A. Histoire de La Mission de Cochinchine, 1658-1823. T. 1. Paris, 1923. P. 20-22.. In addition, the Nguyen Lord also ordered all foreign born priests to gather in Faifo in order to be expelled from Cochinchina. On February 9, 1665, Pedro Maquez, a Jesuit priest in this trading port, and his colleagues were forced to board a ship to Siam De Montezon F., Esteve E., De Rhodes A., Tissanier J., Saccano M. Mission de la Cochinchine et du Tonkin avec gravure et carte geographique. P. 237-238; Launay A. Histoire de La Mission de Cochinchine, 1658-1823. T. 1. P. 26-27; T. 2. Paris, 1924. P. 496.. This event also marked the end of the period of exploration and missionary activities of the Portuguese Jesuits in Faifo as well as in other localities in Cochinchina area.