Anthropological similarities as a tool for survival strategies: the experience of kalmyk special settlers in Alma-Ata oblast of the Kazakh SSR

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Anthropological similarities as a tool for survival strategies: the experience of kalmyk special settlers in alma-ata oblast of the Kazakh SSR

Aliya Bolatkhan,

Candidate of Historical Sciences (Ph.D), a visiting scholar in The Department of History, Utah State University (Logan) United States

Алія Болатхан, к.і.н., запрошений науковець на кафедрі історії Університету штату Юта (Логан) США

АНТРОПОЛОГІЧНА ПОДІБНІСТЬ ЯК ІНСТРУМЕНТ СТРАТЕГІЇ ВИЖИВАННЯ: ДОСВІД КАЛМИЦЬКИХ СПЕЦПОСЕЛЕНЦІВ АЛМАТИНСЬКОЇ ОБЛАСТІ КАЗАХСЬКОЇ РСР

Анотація

Станом на 1953 рік на території сучасного Казахстану було зосереджено четверту частину спецпоселенців в СРСР, що значно перевершувала кількість депортованих в інших радянських республіках. Більшість з них були «покарані народи», вислані зі свого історичного місця проживання під час Другої світової війни, включаючи калмиків. Згодом ці люди стали спецпосе- ленцями, які зрештою прожили в жорстоких умовах режиму спецпоселення більш ніж десятиліття. Хоча Казахська РСР не була офіційно визначеним місцем безпосередньої депортації калмиків з території Калмицької АРСР, (за винятком Кзил-Ординської області, куди в 1944 році було відправлено один ешелон), до 1953 року калмицькі спецпоселенці розселилися по 16 областях, незважаючи на те, що їхня чисельність була меншою порівняно з іншими контингентами. Метою цього дослідження є вивчення досвіду калмицького контингенту на спецпоселеннях в Алма-Атинській області в період 1944-1953 років. Завдання полягають у проведенні комплексного аналізу, спрямованого на розуміння того, що Алма-Атинська область, незважаючи на те, що не була одним з офіційно визначених місць безпосередньої депортації калмиків з території Калмицької АРСР, стала другим за чисельністю калмицького контингенту в Казахській РСР центром розселення. Крім того, передбачається дослідити обставини, які зробили область привабливим місцем для депортованих калмиків, і з'ясувати їхні мотиви, що зумовили свідомий вибір області як бажаного місця для спецпоселення. Методологія дослідження поєднує підходи порівняльного аналізу, архівних досліджень та історіографії. Наукова новизна розвідки полягає в її новаторському характері, оскільки в ній уперше комплексно висвітлено історію калмицьких спецпоселенців в Алма-Атинській області в 1944-1953 роках, а також у Казахській РСР. Це новаторське дослідження аналізує їхній досвід у конкретному контексті регіону, пропонуючи безцінне розуміння складнощів системи спецпоселень і депортаційної політики сталінського режиму. Іншим важливим внеском є введення до наукового обігу нових архівних даних, що сприяє підвищенню точності та достовірності висновків дослідження. Висновки. Дослідження пропонує цінне розуміння виняткового характеру калмицького контингенту спецпоселенців в Алма-Атинській області Казахської РСР. Воно визнає наявність трьох окремих груп на основі результатів та обставин життя калмицьких спецпоселенців в області. Крім того, в межах цих груп подальша класифікація здійснюється на основі причин отримання дозволу на зміну місця поселення. Ці причини включають такі фактори, як перспективи працевлаштування, можливості отримання освіти, возз'єднання сім 'ї, а також вплив частих хвороб, викликаних суворими кліматичними умовами Сибіру. У дослідженні стверджується, що багато калмиків у сибірському засланні активно шукали можливості переселитися саме в Алма-Атин- ську область, керуючись оцінкою, розрахованою на стратегію виживання. У цій стратегії антропологічна схожість між калмиками і місцевим населенням, казахами, відігравала вирішальну роль. Фізична схожість між двома групами стала цінним активом, що дозволило калмикам уникнути негайної ідентифікації як спецпоселенців і пов 'язаної з цим ворожості, яку вони пережили в Сибіру.

Ключові слова: калмики, депортація, політичні репресії, покарані народи, система спецпоселень, примусові поселення, стратегія виживання, повоєнна Казахська РСР, сталінізм.

Annotation

History reveals that the territory of modern Kazakhstan housed a substantial concentration of exiles, surpassing other republics of the USSR, and constituting four-tenths of the total number of exiles by 1953. A majority of them were punished peoples who had been deported during World War II and subsequently became special settlers, ending the special settlement regime for over a decade and beyond, including the Kalmyks. Although the Kazakh SSR was not an officially designated location for the direct deportation of Kalmyks from the territory of the Kalmyk ASSR, except for Kzyl-Orda oblast where a single echelon was sent in 1944, Kalmyk special settlers dispersed across 16 oblasts by 1953, despite their smaller group size compared to other contingents. The purpose of this study is to examine the experiences of the Kalmyk contingent in special settlements within Alma-Ata oblast during the period of 1944-1953. The objectives are to provide a comprehensive analysis aimed at understanding the remarkable occurrence of Alma-Ata oblast, despite not being one of the officially designated locations for the direct deportation of Kalmyks from the territory of the Kalmyk ASSR, emerging as the second-largest population center for Kalmyk contingent in the Kazakh SSR. Additionally, to explore the circumstances that made the oblast an appealing destination for Kalmyk deportees and elucidates their motivations behind deliberately choosing the oblast as their preferred place for special settlement. The methodology combines approaches of comparative analysis, archival research, and historiography. The scientific novelty of this research lies in its groundbreaking nature, presenting the first-ever comprehensive depiction of the history of Kalmyk special settlers in Alma-Ata oblast from 1944 to 1953, as well as in the Kazakh SSR. This pioneering study analyzes their experiences within the specific context of the oblast, offering invaluable insights into the complexities of the special settlement system and the deportation policies enforced by the Stalinist regime. Another notable contribution is the introduction of new archival data into the scientific discourse, which serves to enhance the accuracy and reliability of the research findings. Conclusions. The study offers valuable insights into the exceptional nature of the Kalmyk special settlers contingent in Alma-Ata oblast of the Kazakh SSR. It recognizes the presence of three distinct groups based on the outcomes and circumstances of the Kalmyk special settlers in the oblast. Moreover, within these groups, further categorization is made based on the reasons for obtaining permission to change their places of settlement. These reasons include factors such as job prospects, educational opportunities, family reunification, and the impact of frequent illnesses caused by the harsh climate conditions in Siberia. The study argues that many Kalmyks in Siberian exile actively sought opportunities to relocate specifically to Alma-Ata oblast, driven by an assessment calculated of a survival strategy. In this strategy, anthropological similarities between the Kalmyks and the local population, the Kazakhs, played a crucial role. The physical resemblance between the two groups became a valuable asset, enabling Kalmyks to avoid immediate identification as special settlers and the resulting hostility experienced in Siberia.

Keywords: the Kalmyks, deportation, political repression, punished peoples, the special settlement system, forced settlements, survival strategy, the post-war Kazakh SSR, Stalinism.

Introduction

The history of the Soviet Union during the 1930s to 1950s is characterized as an era of the political system in which administrative-command methods were employed to manage all spheres of society through the merged party and state apparatuses. In this period, known as Stalinism, terror was a tool used to address political and social issues. Additionally, the system relied on centralized repressions that included executions, imprisonment in camps, and mass deportations.

The Soviet system of deportations included the coerced displacement of specific communities from their established residences and transferring them to unfamiliar and often hazardous regions located thousands of kilometers away. Initially, deportations were used to unload ethnic tensions, but the policy evolved over time from resettling small groups to removing entire nations. Although the archival documents related to Soviet resettlement policies did not use the term «deportation», terms such as «resettlement», «labor settlement», «special settlement», and «operation» accurately reflect the successive chain of actions that took place during these events. These operations were grouped together based on the group being deported, forming a deportation campaign occurring over many months or years Bugai N. Joseph Stalin to Lavrentiy Beria: «They must be deported...» Documents, Facts, Comments. Moscow: Druzhba Narodov, 1992. Р. 4; Kalybekova M. History of the Deported Peoples of Kazakhstan (1937-1956). Almaty: LEM, 2008. Р. 43; Pobol N., Polian P. Stalinist deportations. 1928-1953. Moscow: Mezhdunarony fond «Demokratiya», 2005. Р. 5-11..

The Soviet Union's deportation policy from the beginning involved the forced eviction of various groups. Initially, it targeted social groups and later shifted focus towards ethnic origins. The process of forced collectivization in the late 1920s and 1930s led to the eviction of several groups, including the clergy and wealthy peasants known as «kulaks». Various ethnic groups, such as Finns, Poles, Iranians, Koreans, and Kurds, were also forcibly relocated from their permanent residences under various pretexts before World War II. To strengthen state security, the Soviet regime deported nezhelatel'nyye elementy (undesirable elements) from the Baltic States, Western Ukraine, Western Belarus, and Bessarabia during the war. The policy of deportation continued during the war and was exemplified by the so-called «punished peoples». In total, ten peoples were subjected to total deportation: the Germans, Karachays, Kalmyks, Ingush, Chechens, Balkars, and Crimean Tatars, as well as the Finns, Koreans, and Meskhetian Turks. The Kalmyks were among the seven of these ten deported peoples who lost their national autonomies and relative statehood Kalybekova M., Shetkus B., Bolatkhan A. From the Baltic sea to Kazakhstan's steppes. Almaty: SDU, 2019. Р. 21; Polian P. Against Their Will: The History and Geography of Forced Migrations in the USSR. Moscow: Memorial, 2001. Р. 46..

The Stalin regime branded the Kalmyks as a criminal nation deserving severe punishment, and according to the Soviet leaders, the Kalmyks had sided with Nazi Germany in a war of annihilation against the Soviet Union, resulting in Moscow decreeing in late December 1943 that the entire Kalmyk population must be exiled The Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR issued Decree № 115/144 on December 27, 1943, «On the Liquidation of the Kalmyk ASSR and the founding of the Astrakhan Oblast as a component of the RSFSR»; The Council of People's Commissars of the USSR issued Decree № 1432/425cc on December 28, 1943, «On the Resettlement of all Kalmyks living in the territory of the Kalmyk ASSR» (History of Stalin's Gulag. The end of the 1920s -- the first half of the 1950s: Collection of documents. In 7 vols. Vol. 5: Special settlers in the USSR. Rev. ed. and comp. T. V. Tsarevskaya-Dyakina. Moscow: «Russian Political Encyclopedia», 2004. Р. 478-480).. These allegations stemmed from the summer of 1942 when German troops occupied several uluses The term «ulus» refers to the large administrative divisions of the Kalmyk khanate and later the Kalmyk Steppe, as well as the divisions of the Kalmyk ASSR (Guchinova E. Deportation of the Kalmyks (1943-1956): Stigmatized Ethnicity. In U. Tomohiko. (Ed.), Empire, Islam, and Politics in Central Eurasia. (Slavic Eurasian Studies. № 14). Sapporo: Slavic Research Center, Hokkaido University, 2007. Р. 187)., including the Kalmyk ASSR's capital, Elista, causing around 25% of the population to flee with their livestock Polian P. Against Their Will: The History and Geography of Forced Migrations in the USSR. Р. 120..

Hence, it is suggested that the entire Kalmyk population was believed to be based on punishment, as the Soviet leadership considered them infected with the virus of banditry and believed that their social environment needed to be treated. The exile of this «suspicious» ethnic group was intended to eliminate banditry within their population, which the Stalinist state believed would save all of Soviet society from the threat of its spread. Some scholars also attribute this «punishment» of the Kalmyks primarily to the geopolitical objectives of the Soviet Union, noting that forced migration during the war was based on territorial-ethnic considerations and that the Kalmyk exile was part of mass deportations carried out in pursuit of a strategic agenda Sarnova V. Forced Migration of the USSR Population to Western Siberia during the Second World War. Candidate dissertation (Russian lang.). Novosibirsk, 2005. Р. 251..

While punishment was certainly a factor in the decision to deport the Kalmyks, the underlying reasons for the deportation were more complex and multifaceted than simply punishing the population. Other opinions suggest that the deportation The Kalmyk deportation campaign was carried out in several stages, and during the first stage, a total of 93,139, from the end of December 1943 to May 1944, the number of deportees in Kalmyks was 102,355 (Maksimov K. Kalmykia in the Soviet Era: Politics and Realities. Elista: Gerel, 2013. Р. 319). was aimed at shifting responsibility from the Soviet leaders for wartime failures and the resulting significant losses of human and material resources among national minorities Maksimov K. Kalmykia in Russia's Past and Present National Policies and Admi-nistrative System. Budapest-New-York: Central European University Press, 2008. Р. 308.. Furthermore, some argue that the reasons behind the deportation of the Kalmyks should be sought in genocidal intent, as it was an unprecedented criminal act against an entire people. Supporters of this view assert that the grounds for the deportation of the Kalmyks were utterly far-fetched, and the deportees were deliberately sent to regions that were entirely unsuitable for physical survival. Additionally, a cruel administrative regime was established in the places of resettlement, where fundamental human rights were consistently violated Ubushaev K. Deportation and Legal Rehabilitation of the Kalmyk People: Historical and Legal Aspects (1943-1991). Candidate dissertation. Stavropol, 2003. Р. 166..

In framing the Soviet deportations as either genocide or ethnic cleansing, some scholars on this topic suggest that there are a number of problems, even on the surface level of comparison. One of the key distinctions between the case of «the punished peoples» and other cases explored is that the targeted Soviet ethnic groups were not expelled from the boundaries of the state or removed through industrial killing but rather deported internally, where the regime continued to engage with them Westren Michael H. Nations in exile: «The punished peoples» in Soviet Kazakhstan, 1941-1961. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago, 2012. Р. 15.. Additionally, some authors argue that the special measures taken against the Kalmyks were not seen as repression Ivanov A. «Remove as an Anti-Soviet Element...»: Kalmyks in Governmental Politics (1943-1959). Moscow: The Scientific Council at the Presidium of the Russian Academy of Sciences on Problems of Military History, 2014. Р. 180. by the state since the deportees, with some exceptions, were subject to the same rights and obligations as other Soviet citizens.

However, the Kalmyks were among the most severely punished peoples in the Soviet Union, both in terms of the geographic extent of their settlements and the dispersion of their new settlements. These settlements were isolated from each other and spread across 130 raions in seven oblasts Novosibirsk Oblast, Omsk Oblast, Tomsk Oblast, Tyumen Oblast, Sverdlovsk Oblast, Altai Kray, Krasnoyarsk Kray. within the RSFSR and the Kazakh SSR, where the Kalmyks were subjected to a «special settlements regime» for the next thirteen years. This regime resulted in significant human losses, with a mortality rate exceeding 11% by December 1944. In August of that year, 101,298 Kalmyks were registered in special settlements, but by December, the number had decreased to 90,021 Pobol N., Polian P. Stalinist deportations. 1928-1953. Р. 411; Maksimov K. Kalmykia in the Soviet Era: Politics and Realities. Р. 291-293, 300, 319.. Notably, Ubushaev V. pointed out that the Kalmyks had the highest mortality rate among the repressed peoples Ubushaev V. The Approach of Russian Historiography to the Rehabilitation of Repres-sed Peoples of the USSR. Kalmyk State University Bulletin. 2019. № 1 (41). Р. 71.. This demographic shift was also evident in the 1959 census, which showed a marked decline in the number of children aged 10 to 20 Avliev V. Kalmyk Population at the End of the 19th -- 20th Centuries: A Historical and Demographic Study. Candidate dissertation (Russian lang.). Volgograd. 2004, conclusion part..

The high mortality rate among the Kalmyks in the special settlement during the first year of their resettlement can be attributed to harsh weather conditions, limited food supplies, inadequate housing and clothing, and restricted access to medical care. However, the primary reason for the high mortality rate among the Kalmyk settlers was the lack of funds released by the central authorities to provide for them. The food subsequently allocated free distribution only covered the expenses incurred by the regions from accepting a new «contingent» to supply them. Consequently, local authorities and economic organizations, lacking sufficient resources of their own, delayed the process of accepting special settler families for centralized supply Ivanov A. «Remove as an Anti-Soviet Element...»: Kalmyks in Governmental Politics (1943-1959). Р. 181.. Thus, the state policy towards the deportees can be held responsible for the high mortality rate suffered by the Kalmyks during the period under study. In addition, the Kalmyks in Siberian exile, where the majority of Kalmyk deportees were assigned, faced a language barrier and cultural differences, which hindered communication with the local population. Moreover, rumours of cannibalism proliferated, engendering fear and unease among the Siberian locals The Kalmyks were settled among the ordinary population, which meant a complete rejection of the township principle of settlement (poselkovyy printcip rasseleniya). and contributing to the process of dehumanization towards the Kalmyks. As a result, the Kalmyk people experienced significant discrimination and hardship during the special settlement years, with their ethnic identity viewed as problematic and shameful Guchinova E. Deportation of the Kalmyks (1943-1956): Stigmatized Ethnicity. Р. 194-196..

Sources

The study found that published collections of administrative documents from the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR and the Kazakh SSR relating to this topic proved to be valuable sources. Additionally, to gain a comprehensive understanding of the history of Kalmyk deportees, it is essential to consult the works of Western Amir Weiner, J. Otto Pohl, Michael H. Westren, Michaela Pohl, Norman Naimark, Terry Martin, etc. and Post-Soviet countries' scholars Bugai, N., Zemskov, V., Polian, N., Berdinsky, V., Kalybekova, M., etc., along with local historians of the Urals and Siberia, have contributed to the literature on this topic. who have extensively studied the history of forced migrations during the Stalinist period and punished peoples. Moreover, studies of Kalmyk researchers on the topic provide valuable context for analyzing specifics of Kalmyk people's experience. While these works have focused on the issues in Siberian exile and, and are mainly written in the social history context Guchinova, E., Ivanov, A., Maksimov, K., Ubushaev, K., Ubushaev V., etc.. Despite the fact that Kazakhstan was one of the first places where the Soviet regime deported the Kalmyks, the history of their special settlements in the Kazakh SSR remains largely unexplored in academic literature.

Although the study drew on a range of sources, the primary materials for this comprehensive analysis came from holdings of the Archive of the Office of the Committee on Legal Statistics and Special Accounts of the General Prosecutor's Office of the Republic of Kazakhstan. Specifically, the study examined the recently declassified 736 personal files from the «Collection of Control and Surveillance Files Directed at the Special Settlement» The analysed historical documents were declassified in November 2021 and are currently held in two archives: Archive of the President of Kazakhstan and partially in Archive of the Committee on Legal Statistics and Special Accounts of the General Prosecutor's Office of Kazakhstan in Astana., which was managed by the 4th Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Kazakh SSR The department responsible for managing the special settlements underwent several name and structural changes: 1944-1950 -- the Department of Special Settlements; 1950- 1953 -- the 9th Department; 1953-1954 -- the Department «Р» (П); 1954-1959 -- the 4th Special Department of MVD., and was responsible for supervising the special settlement regime.

The materials pertain to the Kalmyk contingent and provide valuable information, including profiles with detailed descriptions and photos, protocols, intelligence reports, intercepted personal letters, requests for exemption from the special settlement, autobiographies written by the special settlers themselves, character references from their places of work or study, orders for arrest or fines for violating the special settlement regime and its explanatory, criminal records (if any), and other data about their fate from the moment of birth until their release or death.

Thus, these sources offer valuable insights and context on the complex nature of the history of special Kalmyk settlers in the Kazakh SSR from 19441953. Specifically, they allow for the exploration of the unique features of their settlement in Alma-Ata Oblast, which was administered by the city of Alma- Ata during the study period.

kalmyk settler anthropological

Kalmyk special settlers in the Kazakh SSR

Kazakhstan had the largest number of exiles among all individual territories of the USSR, comprising approximately 36% of the total number of exiles As of the beginning of 1953, there were 2,753,356 special settlers across the entire USSR, with approximately 50% of them located in Russia, 7% in Uzbekistan, and 5% in Kyrgyzstan. Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Ukraine, and the Karelian-Finnish SSR collectively accounted for about 2% of the total number of special settlers. In contrast, Belarus, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Moldova, Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan did not have any special settlers during this period.. According to reports from the NKVD of the Kazakh SSR in July 1944, there were 801,903 people registered in special settlements. This number increased to 815,926 by the end of the year. At the beginning of 1949, there were 820,165 special settlers registered in Kazakhstan, and as of January 1, 1953, the number had grown to 988,373, resettled in all parts of the Kazakh SSR except for the West Kazakhstan oblast Kalybekova M. History of the Deported Peoples of Kazakhstan (1937-1956). Р. 85; Zemskov V. Special settlers in USSR. 1930-1960. Doctoral dissertation (Russian lang.). Moscow, 2005, pp. 21, 229, 284, 308..

According to available records, the first echelon exiled precisely 2,268 Kalmyk to the Kzyl-Orda region in 1944, where there was a high demand for skilled fishermen. While information on the number of Kalmyks in the special settlement over time is limited, records suggest that their population may have fluctuated slightly. As of 1953, the number of Kalmyk special settlers in

oblasts The number of Kalmyk special settlers in the oblasts of the Kazakh SSR were as follows: Kyzyl-Orda -- 2,006, Alma-Ata -- 143, Karaganda -- 73, Taldy-Kurgan -- 50, Dzhambul -- 31, Kustanai -- 28, Semipalatinsk -- 27, South Kazakhstan -- 25, Pavlodar -- 22, Aktobe -- 20, Guryev -- 15, North Kazakhstan -- 11, Akmola -- 10, Kokchetav -- 8, West Kazakhstan -- 2, East Kazakhstan -- 1. of the Kazakh SSR increased to 2,472 In 1944, there were 2,268 Kalmyks; in 1945, 2.541; in 1949, 2.042; in 1950, 2.365; in 1952, 2.507; in 1953, 2.472 (Maksimov K. Kalmykia in the Soviet Era: Politics and Realities. Р. 319, 358, 367; KalybekovaM. History of the Deported Peoples of Kazakhstan (1937-1956). Р. 66; Kukanova V., Ochirov U. The Vanishing History of «Thirteen Years and Thirteen Days»: Problems of Searching and Preserving Archival Materials on Repressed Kalmyks in Siberia. Part 1. Mongolian Studies, 2021. № 4. Р. 752; Zemskov V. Special settlers in USSR. 1930-1960. Р. 284).. It appears that the largest numbers of Kalmyks were settled in the Kyzyl-Orda and Alma-Ata oblasts.

According to available sources, the number of Kalmyk special settlers in the Kazakh SSR increased due to several reasons. First, demobilized Kalmyks from the Red Army who were given permission to settle in the Kazakh SSR were registered during 1944-1945. Second, children who had reached the age of 16 and Kalmyks who were forcefully deported from their place of residence in the 1930s due to Dekulakization were personally registered at their place of residence in 1948. Third, Order no. 00165 of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs, issued on February 14, 1949, led to the identification and reregistration of a significant number of Kalmyks according to their places of living. Fourth, former operational officers of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (until 1946 NKVD) and their families were resettled from some Siberian oblasts to the special settlements at the end of 1949 Maksimov K. Kalmykia in the Soviet Era: Politics and Realities. Р. 347; Ivanov A. Hierarchy of a Special Settlement (1940-1950). Tomsk State University Bulletin. History. 2018. № 51. Р. 49.. This was because former MVD employees had access to secret operational information about the structure of the special settlements, including information about the agents among the deportees who had settled in the regions During the early phase of the special resettlement regime, Kalmyks who had experience in the NKVD were deregistered from the special settlements and allowed to work in its structural departments. However, as the regime became more stringent, ethnic «contingents» were gradually rejected, and from the end of 1949 onwards, they were enrolled in the special settlements once again.. Thus, to prevent the disclosure of this sensitive information, the former NKVD employees were resettled to other regions of the USSR.

Based on extensive archival evidence, including numerous requests to change their place of special settlement and records of escape attempts, it can be inferred that the Kazakh SSR was a preferred location for Kalmyk special settlers. Despite the severe consequences of criminal liability, including years of katorga works for escapees and 5 years for those who aided or harbored them According to the Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR from November 26, 1948 «On criminal liability for escapes from places of compulsory and permanent settlement of persons deported to remote regions of the USSR during the Patriotic War»., many Kalmyks attempted to move to the Kazakh SSR from their places of compulsory settlement in Siberia. This is evident in the archival records of escape attempts and requests to change the place of special settlements. Some scholars have attributed this preference to the Kalmyks' desire for a more familiar natural and lifestyle environment Kukanova V., Ochirov U. The Vanishing History of «Thirteen Years and Thirteen Days»... Part 1. Р. 755.. While favorable climatic conditions may have played a contributing role, the primary motivation behind their choice was rational decision-making and a survival strategy. Further discussion of this position will be presented later in the paper.

Furthermore, on the brink of the abolition of the special settlement regime, the authorities were concerned about the massive outflow of Kalmyks from Siberia to Central Asian republics Maksimov K. Kalmykia in the Soviet Era: Politics and Realities. Р. 374., including the Kazakh SSR, which was reasonable. Right after the softening of the regime in 1953, opportunities to change the place of special resettlement became available, leading to a significant increase in the number of Kalmyk special settlers in the Kazakh SSR. For instance, by the second half of the 1950s, the number of Kalmyk special settlers in the Guryev region had increased sharply, with 371 individuals recorded, compared to only 15 in 1953. According to the list of archival registration cards for repressed persons in Guryev region, the majority of these settlers had relocated from the Omsk region.

Issues related to the peculiarities of the adaptation period in a special settlement and the human losses from the Kalmyks «contingent» in the Kazakh SSR remain poorly studied. Michaela Pohl states that, according to an MVD report, 20.7% of Kalmyk deportees died soon after arriving in the Kazakh SSR between 1944 and 1949 Pohl M. The Virgin Land between memory and forgetting: people and transformation in the Soviet Union, 1954-1960. Ph.D. dissertation. Indiana University, 1999. Р. 29..

I believe that the percentage of deaths reported pertains to a specific group of Kalmyk deportees who were exiled to the Kyzyl-Orda oblast in December 1943 by a single echelon. This particular echelon was composed of 2,268 Kalmyks who forcefully deported directly to the Kazakh SSR after the liquidation of the Kalmyk ASSR and were subsequently registered under a special settlement regime.

In contrast, Alma-Ata oblast, along with other oblasts, was not a location where Kalmyks from the territory of the Kalmyk ASSR were directly deported. Instead, many Kalmyks attempted to resettle there under a special regime after being displaced from their homes in other regions. Alma-Ata oblast housed the second-largest population of Kalmyk special settlers, which suggests that it was a preferred destination due to favorable factors such as better living conditions. The low death rate in Alma-Ata oblast during the entire period of special resettlement, with only two deaths reported, can be attributed to these factors. The first recorded death was that of Pavel Mudrenovich Dzhimbinov, born in 1890, who relocated to the city of Alma-Ata in 1950 with his family from the Achinsk district of the Krasnoyarsk Kray. They moved there based on a petition for reunification with his niece. Dzhimbinov passed away in the village of Kaskelen, Kaskelen district of Alma-Ata oblast, due to complications from an illness, as stated in Death Certificate No. 176376 (FYu) dated March 1, 1952 Qazaqstan Respwblikasi Bas prokwratwrasinin quqiqtiq stati'stika jane arnayi esepke alw jonindegi komi'tetinin Arkhivi, Astana (Archive of the Committee on Legal Statistics and Special Accounts of the General Prosecutor's Office of Kazakhstan). QR BP QSAEAKA (Astana), f. fond 9, d. delo 3470, ll. 10, 16.. The second recorded death pertains to Reserve Major Badma Mukhlaevich Mukhlaev, who voluntarily joined the Red Army in 1941 and served as the commander of an operational dressing platoon, a medical unit in the Soviet Army during World War II. After demobilization from the Turkestan military district of the Soviet Army in 1946, he settled in the city of Alma-Ata. Between 1946 and 1949, he was not registered as a special settler. However, in 1949, he and his family were registered on a special settlement regime in Alma-Ata as Kalmyks. Reserve Major Mukhlaev was a recipient of the Orders of the Red Star and the Order of the Patriotic War II degree, as well as the medals for Military Merit and for Victory over Germany. He was disabled during the 2nd group of the Patriotic War and passed away in Alma- Ata in 1953 QR BP QSAEAKA (Almaty), f. 9, d. 197, ll. 9-11, 39, 55..

Kalmyk special settlers in Alma-Ata oblast

In Due to their intended purpose as a labor force, special settlers were primarily located in remote industrial and agricultural areas within the country. In contrast, Alma-Ata, as the capital of the Kazakh SSR, was not designated for mass special settlement. Children of punished peoples who were in special settlements in other oblasts of the Kazakh SSR were not permitted to attend educational institutions in the capital. However, special settlers who were granted permission to live in the city, along with their families, were likely considered highly useful to the Soviet government or possessed the specific qualifications required by certain enterprises located within the city.

The concentration of Kalmyks in this part of the Kazakh SSR is of significant interest. It is worth noting that although the data considered for Alma-Ata oblast, the analysis of personal files revealed that the majority of Kalmyk special settlers in this oblast were primarily located in the city of Alma-Ata. The remaining Kalmyks were sparsely distributed in small numbers across four districts adjacent to the city, namely Ili raion, Kegen raion, Zhambyl raion, and Kaskelen raion.

Thus, according to the Soviet government's policy to relocate certain special settlers based on their perceived usefulness as laborers, Alma-Ata and its adjacent districts were not designated areas for Kalmyk deportees. Despite this, the concentration of Kalmyk special settlers in Alma-Ata and its adjacent areas was high. This fact raises the question: Does this indicate that the Kalmyks were highly valued by the System only due to their skills, which were in demand by the enterprises and sovkhozes located within the oblast?

Undoubtedly, one of the main factors that allowed Kalmyk special settlers to relocate to Alma-Ata oblast was their distinguished records of accomplishment and merits to the motherland or the party, which they often emphasized in their appeals to change their place of special settlement. However, the study indicates that generalizing the answer based solely on these factors is not entirely correct, given the diverse categories of Kalmyk special settlers present in the region, each of which requires separate analysis.

It is essential to recognize the significance of paying attention to the various groups within the Kalmyk contingent in a particular place, including those who shared the regime's goals and collaborated for privileges, as well as those who held different ideas regarding rational choice. By examining these groups, we can gain a more nuanced understanding of their history and the factors that influenced their behavior. This approach can also help prevent us from making generalizations about the experiences of the Kalmyk special settlers as a whole and enable us to recognize the diversity and agency of individual members. In addition, it is crucial to examine the power dynamics and interests within the regime, which is often mistakenly considered perceived as a homogenous entity. By doing so, we can gain insight into the development and implementation of policies, and how various actors at different levels and locations within the USSR, may have affected the treatment of the particular ethnic group in exile. Such an analysis is necessary to provide valuable context for comprehending the experiences of subgroups within the Kalmyk special settlers in specific places and to understand the broader historical and political contexts in which they occurred.

Based on the available data extracted from the personal files of the special settlers, it is evident that the Kalmyks residing in Alma-Ata oblast originated from specific geographical regions. These regions include the border raions of the Kalmyk ASSR, as well as oblasts within the RSFSR, namely Stavropol Kray, Rostov Oblast, Stalingrad Oblast, and the city of Astrakhan. Additionally, a small number of Kalmyks from the city of Elista, who had relocated there in the 1920s from Orenburg and Chelyabinsk oblasts, can also be identified among the population.

In addition to their regional origins, another noteworthy observation is the widespread adoption of Russian names and surnames among this group of Kalmyks. This practice indicates that over the course of three generations, for them it was inherent to give their children Russian names. Therefore, the combination of their adoption of Russian naming practices and their origins from neighboring areas points to a significant level of fluency in the Russian language within Kalmyk special settlers in the oblast.

Hence, the Kalmyks were not subject to deportation to the Kazakh SSR, except for the Kyzyl-Orda oblast. However, it is interesting to observe that Alma-Ata oblast had the second-highest concentration of special settlers of this contingent. Moreover, the Kalmyks in the special settlements located in the oblast can be categorized into three distinct groups based on their pre-Alma- Ata oblast location: Kalmyks exiled to Siberia, demobilized Kalmyks from the Red Army, and Kalmyks deported to the Kyzyl-Orda oblast. It should be noted that some Kalmyk special settlers in Alma-Ata oblast may exhibit characteristics that belong to multiple categories. For instance, certain demobilized Kalmyks initially settled in Siberia but later relocated to the Kazakh SSR as students. In such cases, the author considers them as Siberian exiles.

From Siberian Exile

The first group consists of Kalmyk special settlers from Siberia who were initially deported to eastern regions of the USSR but later managed to transfer their special settlement places to the Kazakh SSR. The relocation of these special settlers was permitted based on various reasons. These reasons included reunification with family members residing in Alma-Ata at that time, enrollment in higher education institutions in the capital city, and suitable job prospects aligned with their qualifications. Additionally, a very small number of Kalmyks were granted permission to relocate due to the challenging climate in Siberia, which resulted in frequent illnesses that worsened over time. In turn, this group can be further categorized into subgroups based on their occupational status.

A significant proportion, approximately 30%, of the Kalmyk special settlers in Alma-Ata oblast were engaged in intellectual labor. This subgroup included individuals employed in regional departments of various sectors such as healthcare, agriculture, education, culture, and science. According to the written grounds for changing places of special settlement from Siberia to the

Kazakh SSR, their motivation was to secure employment that matched their qualifications. In their requests, the most common reason expressed was the inability to find suitable employment aligned with their qualifications. They argued that they did not want to waste their potential, which could be better utilized in serving the intended purpose of the Soviet people. This sentiment was particularly evident among scholars, who constituted less than 5% of the total Kalmyk contingent in Alma-Ata oblast (see Figure 1). The remaining majority is composed of Kalmyks with intermediate-level qualifications, such as teachers, doctors, economists, accountants, and others. Consequently, Kalmyks frequently resorted to presenting unverifiable facts and reasons to strengthen their case for obtaining permission to change their place of special settlement. They claimed proficiency in the Kazakh language, emphasizing that it would enhance their chances of finding suitable professional positions in the Kazakh SSR compared to Russian-speaking Siberia. For instance, a 44-year- old woman included the following statements in her written request in November 1950 to reunite with her 26-year-old brother who resided in a special settlement in Alma-Ata at that time,

«Regardless of my earnest efforts, I have been unable to find employment in my field, despite having 20 years of experience in accounting. However, I am confident that I will be able to find suitable employment in my field in Alma-Ata, as I am fluent in the KAZAKH LANGUAGE [highlighted capital letters].

Please take into consideration my exceptionally challenging financial situation and my sense of loneliness, and grant me the opportunity to reunite with my brother» QR BP QSAEAKA (Almaty), f. 9, d. 549, ll.16..

It is important to note that from 1943 until the time of her appeal, she had been residing with her parents and a 30-year-old adult brother in the same apartment located in Novosibirsk Oblast. Additionally, agent information reports involved in the case indicated that she had temporarily worked as the deputy chief accountant at a city Khlebokombinat (bread bakery factory) four months prior to submitting her application. When acquaintances suggested exploring certain opportunities for employment, she expressed her lack of interest in pursuing such options Ibid, ll.17--19, 25.

Thus, the presence of inconsistent facts in her multiple justifications within the written request raises doubts about the severity of her portrayed situation. These inconsistencies prompt inquiries and indicate the possibility that she may have exaggerated her circumstances in order to improve her chances of obtaining permission to change the place of her special settlement, specifically to Alma-Ata city. This is further supported by her father's expressed intentions to relocate the family to Alma-Ata. He believed that the city offered better opportunities compared to Siberia, as the attitude towards special settlers was more favorable and conducive to quicker career advancement QR BP QSAEAKA (Almaty), f. 9, d. 550, ll. 14..

The working people constitute 12.4% of the Kalmyk contingent of special settlers in Alma-Ata oblast. These individuals were primarily located in raions neighboring the city of Alma-Ata and were employed in specific places within the oblast. Some of the notable work locations for the Kalmyk contingent included: Stanitsa Talgar in Ili raion, sovkhoz No. 337 and Stud farm No. 50 named after Stalin in Kegen raion, Uzun-Agach village in Zhambyl raion and Kaskelen village Kaskelen raion.

It is worth noting that all of the state-owned farms mentioned above were highly advanced and exemplary in the Kazakh SSR. Therefore, the subgroup mentioned specifically pertains to a distinct segment of Kalmyk special settlers residing in Alma-Ata oblast. These individuals were employed by sovkhozes and kolkozes in the neighboring raions of the capital city. Furthermore, this subgroup consists of Kalmyks who successfully relocated their special settlement areas from Siberian exile. Their motivation for relocation primarily stemmed from the desire to reunite with family members and the adverse climate conditions prevalent in Siberia, which resulted in frequent and worsening illnesses over time. Additionally, a small number of Kalmyks in this subgroup were demobilized from the Red Army.

The other subgroup, 14.3% of the Kalmyk contingent in the oblast under consideration obtained permission to change their place of special settlement from Siberia to the Kazakh SSR based on their admission to particular universities and institutions in Alma-Ata city.

The special settlement regime itself was a punishment that involved restricting movements due to special settlers were not allowed to leave places of settlement. Consequently, these cases of admissions to higher institutions in Alma-Ata city of exiled to Siberia Kalmyks were an exception to the general rule that prohibited special settlers, from choosing their places of study or work outside their designated special settlement areas. Bering in mind that the tightening of special settlement regulations in 1948 further limited the rights of Kalmyk special settlers, along with other punished peoples Maksimov K. Kalmykia in the Soviet Era: Politics and Realities. Р. 346.. According to exiled to Siberia Kalmyks supposed to be were not allowed to choose places of study or work outside their special settlement in the oblast of the RSFSR, let alone in other republics of the USSR. This is supported by official refusals in many other cases, which hold the same fond, where Kalmyks in Siberian exile were strictly recommended to apply to regional educational institutions within their special settlement oblast. Furthermore, it was quite common to be rejected when requesting to move within the same oblast territory despite enrolling in particular institutions because special settlers were not allowed to leave places of special settlement. In most cases, it could be raions or villages.

Through the analysis of cases involving Kalmyk special settlers in Alma- Ata oblast between 1944 and 1953, it becomes evident that these decisions were not random or sporadic. In its turn, these challenges the notion that the special settlement regime rules were universally applied and non-exclusive. Furthermore, it suggests that the implementation of special settlement policies varied on the specific groups and places of settlement for the Kalmyk. In conclusion, it is believed that these findings provide insights into the nature of inequality within the special settlement regime.

Inequality Uncovered: demobilized Kalmyks in Alma-Ata oblast

The second group is composed of demobilized Kalmyks and their family members. On July 23, 1945, the demobilization of soldiers from the Red Army commenced, as per the decree of the MVD of the USSR. The analysis of personal files shows that it was common for demobilized Kalmyks to be allowed to choose places of special resettlement for their services in the Great Patriotic War. Although the exact number of demobilized Kalmyks in the Kazakh SSR is unknown, they accounted for 14.3% of Kalmyk special settlers in Alma-Ata oblast, with their relatives accounting for 21.9%. Together, they constituted the second-largest group of Kalmyks in the special settlement in 1953. The majority of these demobilized Kalmyks chose to reside in the city of Alma-Ata, which is noteworthy as it is supposed that this deliberate choice indicates their active preference for staying in the city. For instance, a Kalmyk named Nominkhan For ethical considerations, the names have been altered using fictional names., a senior lieutenant honored with several government awards. After demobilization from the Soviet Army in 1946, he was assigned to the Ministry of Education Ministerstvo prosveshcheniya. of the Kazakh SSR to utilize his expertise effectively. Although initially assigned to one of the districts within the Alma- Ata oblast for party work, he managed to secure employment in the Department of State Archives of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Kazakh SSR, enabling him to stay in the city. According to special reports and information found in the personal files, his wife expressed unwillingness to live in raions QR BP QSAEAKA (Almaty), f. 9, d. 213, ll. 25-27, 37; f. 9, d. 138, ll. 2; f. 9, d. 87,

⁴³ For ethical considerations, the names have been altered using fictional names.

⁴⁴ QR BP QSAEAKA (Almaty), f. 9, d. 84, ll. 18.

An interesting fact is that until 1949, it was commonplace for demobilized Kalmyks to live as full-fledged Soviet citizens without any special restrictions in the city of Alma-Ata. Only after the process of re-registration of special settlers by local authorities in accordance with the instructions of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs in February 1949 were they registered in the special commandant's offices. Their numerous petitions about the erroneousness of this decision and the request for consideration of their cases revealed their sincere belief and confidence that their services to the motherland and the system were suitable for the full status of a Soviet citizen. Remarkably, some Kalmyks successfully secured a decision to be set free from the special settlement regime themselves, as well as their family members. For instance, the lawyer employed by the Presidium of Alma-Ata Oblast Bar Association, which was affiliated with the Ministry of Justice of the Kazakh SSR. Based on the conclusion approved by P. Kondakov, the Deputy Minister of State Security of the USSR, on March 26, 1952, he was set free from the special settlement.

According to his autobiography dated April 11, 1950, Bodan43 was born in 1910 as the son of an impoverished Kalmyk peasant in the Stalingrad oblast. He became a member of the CPSU (b) in 1931 and studied at the Military Law Academy of the Soviet Army in Moscow. After graduating in 1939, he served as an assistant military prosecutor in various locations across the Soviet Union, including Alma-Ata since 1944. Due to health reasons, he was demobilized from military service in May 1946 and subsequently assumed a position as a senior lecturer at Alma-Ata State Law Institute. However, in 1949, he was relieved of his duties due to the absence of an academic degree. Nonetheless, his complaint addressed to the Minister of Internal Affairs of the Kazakh SSR on January 20, 1950, indicates that he had been dismissed from this position at the Law Institute in connection with the special settlement regime.