Anthropological similarities as a tool for survival strategies: the experience of kalmyk special settlers in Alma-Ata oblast of the Kazakh SSR

Based on the available documents, it appears that he was taken under the special settlement in March 1949 due to his Kalmyk origin. Nevertheless, he strongly disagreed with this status and began tirelessly addressing various authorities, not only in the Kazakh SSR but also throughout the USSR. Starting from letters to Joseph Stalin to lodge complaints with the Prosecutor of the Kazakh SSR, urging them to examine his case. In correspondence, he asserted,

«In this particular case, I was registered solely on formal grounds, based on my Kalmyk nationality. However, indeed, neither my family nor I have resided in the former Kalmyk ASSR since 1930, and we were not undergone exiled»44.

He attached supporting documents to complaints, including testimonials from his previous place of employment. One of many testimonials stated the following: «Comrade Bodan served in the Military Prosecutor's Office starting from 1939. On May 15, 1946, he was discharged from the Soviet Army due to partial unfitness for service based on health conditions. He currently receives a pension from the Ministry of the Armed Forces of the USSR. Throughout his service, Bodan proved to be a well-rounded officer who excelled in prosecutorial work. He demonstrated correct political judgment in both international affairs and internal situations within the USSR. S. possesses political and moral stability, composure, modesty, diligence in his work, and sociability with colleagues. He maintained discipline and has no party-related charges. In recognition of his diligent service in the Soviet Army, he was awarded government honors, including the medal «For Military Merit» and the medal «For the Victory over Germany in the Great Patriotic War of 1941-- 1945». He remains devoted to the cause of the Lenin-Stalin party and the Socialist Motherland»4.

Thus, after three years of persistent efforts and facing multiple refusals at the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Kazakh SSR, he, along with his wife, one child, and mother as family members, all together were eventually granted set free from the special settlement. This outcome was achieved with the assistance of the special cases department of the USSR Prosecutor's Office QR BP QSAEAKA (Almaty), f. 9, d. 84, ll. 21. Ibid, ll. 26, 29-31, 38, 53, 73, 86, 88, 91-92; f. 9, d. 83, l. 11; f. 9, d. 147, l. 9; f. 9, d. 140, l. 10..

Another case that exemplifies how demobilized Kalmyks successfully challenged their status under the special settlement regime involves Petr Vasilievich Khomutnikov, who served as the director of the seven-year school at State Farm No. 337 in the Kegen raion of Alma-Ata Oblast.

Petr and his family were officially set free from the special settlement based on the Conclusion of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs dated July 30, 1954 The Order of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR No. 44/1-28635, issued on August 4, 1954.. Additionally, his four children were removed from the family register of the settlement. The Conclusion declared:

«Petr Khomutnikov was conscripted into the Soviet Army in 1939 and was discharged on national grounds as a Kalmyk in 1945. Following his discharge, he relocated to Alma-Ata oblast of the Kazakh SSR to reunite with his family, who had been residing there since 1945. In February 1949, he registered in the special settlement. Neither Petr Khomutnikov nor his family members have been associated with any compromising materials during their time in the special settlement.

Considering that Petr Khomutnikov is a member of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and has received government awards during the Great Patriotic War, it is recommended that he and his family be set free from the special settlement»4.

According to the contents of his personal file, which includes numerous handwritten appeals, it is evident that Petr Khomutnikov initially arrived in Alma-Ata oblast and later obtained permission to relocate to Alma-Ata oblast his family QR BP QSAEAKA (Astana), f. 9, d. 21, ll. 118-120; d. 22, ll. 17. № 52/680, dated October 1, 1945, is the permission granted by the People's Com-missariat for Internal Affairs of the USSR., including his wife, four children, and mother, from Krasnoyarsk Kray. Although his family was exiled in 1943 from the Rostov oblast to Krasnoyarsk Kray, they were not registered in special settlements until 1949 upon their arrival in the Kazakh SSR. In his appeals from 1951, he expressed his own confusion, stating,

«For reasons unknown to me, I and my family were registered as special settlers in February 1949, and to this day, I am unable to leave the raion without the commandant's permission. The second wife of my father, Ochki Kolpakovna Khomutnikova, and half-brother, Viktor Vasilyevich Khomutnikov, who are currently living in Moscow, were set free from the special settlement» QR BP QSAEAKA (Astana), f. 9, d. 21, ll. 16-18.'.

In contrast, in subsequent appeals from 1954 regarding the status of his stepmother and half-brother, he stated that they were not initially subjected to the special settlement Ibid, ll. 32-34..

Petr Khomutnikov claimed to be the legitimate son of Vasily Alekseevich Khomutnikov from his first wife, supporting his own statement with specific details from his father's passport. He further mentioned that at the time of his father's demise during the capture of Budapest in 1945, he served in the intelligence department of the division headquarters. Subsequently, he obtained permission to personally accompany his father's body to Moscow for burial.

According to this, he requested to be released from the special settlement, just like his stepmother and half-brother, as being categorized as a special settler adversely affects his emotions and challenges his dignity as an exemplary Soviet citizen.

It is worth noting that during the special settlement regime, writing petitions to set free from the settlement or requests to reconsider their cases was a common practice among demobilized Kalmyk special settlers in Alma- Ata oblast. Significantly, among these Kalmyks were esteemed recipients of the highest military honors in the USSR, such as the Red Star order and the «For Courage» medal. They composed countless statements and letters to prominent governmental and party bodies of the USSR The Central Committee of the Communist Party of the USSR, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, the Council of Ministers of the USSR, Ministry of State Security of the USSR, the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR, the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions, the Ministry of State Security of the USSR and others., explaining that as participants in the Great Patriotic War, they were mistakenly registered in special settlements despite not being exiled. They arrived in Alma-Ata oblast from the Soviet Army. However, these appeals were subsequently redirected to the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Kazakh SSR, where they were faced with refusals for release from the special settlement. The grounds for denial were consistently stated in the following manner:

«As a Kalmyk by nationality, he was registered rightly in a special settlement based on a government decision. Therefore, release from the special settlement is refused».

Subsequently, these conclusions were forwarded to the regional special commandant's offices, which, in turn, were responsible for providing an explanation of the decision's implications to the special settler. Moreover, nearly 90% of this group of Kalmyk special settlers in Alma-Ata oblast were not only holders of the highest military honors for merits during WW II but also shared common qualities such as being well-educated and highly skilled. Almost every one of them was an ideal example of a model Soviet citizen: a hard-working, pleasant background party member who wholeheartedly absorbed anything considered to be in line with the regime's values. For their unwavering devotion and invaluable services to the system, they were granted the opportunity to choose their place of settlement after demobilization from the Red Army. Rationally, they chose the Kazakh SSR and endeavored to bring their family members exiled to Siberia.

Hence, from the aforementioned perspective, these mentioned above two cases do not significantly differ from numerous other demobilized Kalmyk special settlers in Alma-Ata oblast, except for the presence of the conclusion «set free from special settlement». However, this fact is particularly intriguing and casts doubt on the notion that the Soviet regime assessed and punished individuals based on their nationality rather than as unique individuals Westren Michael H. Nations in exile: «The punished peoples» in Soviet Kazakhstan, 1941-1961. Р. 29.. It also challenges the conventional view held by scholars that individuals from punished ethnic groups were not granted freedom from settlements regardless of their exceptional merits.

Ticket to a Bright Future

The third group consists of Kalmyk special settlers who were initially deported to Kyzyl-Orda oblast but later managed to relocate their special settlement places to Amaty-Ata oblast. The relocation of these special settlers was allowed on the condition of their enrollment in higher education institutions in the capital city.

The cases of Kalmyks from Kyzyl-Orda oblast are of significant interest, similar to Kalmyk special settlers from Siberia who were allowed to relocate to Alma-Ata based on their admission to higher educational institutions in the capital of the Kazakh SSR. Until 1953, strict provisions governed the special settlements, which barred young individuals residing in the city or as special settlers from gaining admission to universities, regardless of their ethnicity or academic readiness level. Consequently, they were compelled to pursue studies in secondary professional education places, such as technical schools.

Nevertheless, despite these circumstances, some Kalmyk special settlers from Kyzyl-Orda oblast made diligent efforts to secure admission to universities in Alma-Ata. Furthermore, the specific university or field of study held little significance for them. For instance, in 1951, a Kalmyk named Nikolay For ethical considerations, the names have been altered using fictional names while maintaining the ethnic and cultural affiliations associated linked to the original names. For example, if a Kalmyk individual was initially identified by a Russian name, a different Russian name has been used as a replacement. QR BP QSAEAKA (Almaty), f. 9, d. 174, ll. 13-14. completed his Russian language schooling in the city of Aralsk and aspired to gain admission to the Kazakh Mining and Metallurgical Institute in Alma-Ata. Recognizing the restrictions on special settlers and the likelihood of refusal, he wrote a letter to the Council of Ministers of the USSR in June 1951, seeking assistance in obtaining permission to travel to Alma-Ata. In his request, he justified his desire by stating, «Since the fifth grade, I have dreamed of entering the mining and metallurgical institute»55. However, his application was rejected by the institute.

Subsequently, in July 1951, Nikolay wrote a letter to the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League (Komsomol) of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, requesting their support in obtaining permission to travel to Alma-Ata. His intention was to personally submit his documents for enrollment in a higher educational institution, specifically a technical one. In his letter, Nikolay requested the Komsomol to write a support letter to the Ministry of State Security of the USSR and the Ministry of State Security of the Kazakh SSR by stating,

«As a member of the Leninist-Stalinist Komsomol, I aim to enhance my political knowledge and literacy, as stated in the Komsomol Statutes. I eagerly desire to study at a technical higher educational institution, and I hold hope that my dream will come true, as I live in a country where everyone is equal and where the great leader of the world proletariat, I. V. Stalin, resides» QR BP QSAEAKA (Almaty), f. 9, d. 174, ll. 32-34..

However, due to the lack of permission to travel to Alma-Ata, Nikolay was unable to personally visit the city and instead sent his documents by post. In his letter to the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR dated August 25, 1951, he mentioned that he had submitted documents to the Kazakh Medical Institute named after Molotov in July of the same year, with the aim of pursuing higher education. The purpose of the letter was to express his concerns about not being able to obtain the necessary travel permission on time due to a delay in receiving the admission notice from the institute. Despite receiving confirmation of admission to the medical institute as an excellent secondary school student in September 1951, he was denied permission to change the place of special settlement to Alma-Ata. Instead, he was advised to collect his documents and apply the following year to the Karaganda Medical Institute or any other educational institution within the Kazakh SSR, except for Alma-Ata Ibid, ll. 15, 16, 19. Ibid, ll. 26, 29, 31..

Notwithstanding the recommendation to apply to any educational institution within the Kazakh SSR, except for Alma-Ata, the following year, Nikolay persisted in his efforts to enter the Kazakh State Agricultural Institute in Alma-Ata. Starting from the spring of 1952, he wrote appeals, emphasizing his Komsomol membership, and sought support in obtaining permission from the Central Committee of the Komsomol, as well as the editorial offices of the newspapers Leninskaya Smena and Komsomolskaya Pravda, stating,

«In 1951, I was denied permission to leave the city due to my parents being special settlers. This year, I intend to enroll in the Kazakh State Agricultural Institute. In order to avoid losing another academic year, I personally appeal to you for support in obtaining permission to travel to Alma-Ata and pursue my studies at the institute»5*.

Nonetheless, despite Nikolay's persistent efforts, he was once again denied permission. In May 1952, the 9th department of the Ministry of State Security of the Kazakh SSR for the Kyzyl-Orda oblast communicated to the Aral regional department of the Ministry of State Security, stating,

«Please inform the applicant that he has the right to enroll in an institute in any city within the Kazakh SSR, except for Alma-Ata» QR BP QSAEAKA (Almaty), f. 9, d. 174, l. 5..

In response, the Aralsk regional department of the Ministry of State Security submitted a petition requesting a personal permit for Nikolay's move to Alma-Ata. They justified their request by highlighting Nikolay's close relative who was a valuable agent to them and mentioned his academic excellence as a silver medal holder. Additionally, they pointed out that Nikolay's sister (cousin) was a second-year student at a medical institute in Alma-Ata, arguing that allowing him to travel to Alma-Ata would provide material relief for students. Furthermore, they emphasized the absence of another agricultural institute within the Kazakh SSR apart from the one in Alma-Ata Ibid, ll. 24, 39..

Finally, as mentioned in his autobiography, Nikolay was granted permission to pursue his desire to study at the universities in Alma-Ata. The detailed action plans and appeals, evident from the diagrams, demonstrate the meticulous approach taken by Nikolay and his family in navigating the permission process. Analysis of his personal files and those of his relatives reveals the strategic steps they undertook, indicating that his impressive Komsomol autobiography and the initial planning were just the beginning of a well- thought-out plan.

Ultimately, Nikolay was granted permission to study at the institute in Alma-Ata. The detailed action plans and constructive requests exemplify the meticulous approach adopted by Nikolay and his family in navigating the permission process. An in-depth analysis of their personal files and those of their relatives reveal the strategic measures they took, indicating that Nikolay's impressive Komsomol autobiography and initial planning were just the initial steps of a well-thought-out plan.

Furthermore, it is worth noting that in other cases of students from the Kyzyl-Orda oblast, who were granted permission to change the place of special settlements to Alma-Ata city for pursuing their studies, a common factor emerged -- a collaboration with the commandant offices played a significant role in achieving this outcome. This reveals that their families were well aware of the benefits and willingly cooperated as agents driven by their desire to secure a better future for their children.

Anthropologic similarities as survival tactics in terms of rational choice

The distinct anthropological features of the Kalmyks during their exile in Siberia set them apart from the local Europoid population, immediately signaling their identity as deportees. Consequently, these physical characteristics served as clear markers of their exiled status, triggering instant hostility and animosity towards the Kalmyk special settlers Ivanov A. «Remove as an Anti-Soviet Element...»: Kalmyks in Governmental Politics (1943-1959). Р. 54.. In contrast, in the Kazakh SSR, there were instances where Kalmyks were occasionally mistaken for Kazakhs, and sometimes even Kazakhs themselves erroneously identified Kalmyks as Kazakhs Guchinova E. Ethnic identity as stigma: Kalmyks in deportation (1943-1956). Antropologicheskij forum. 2020. № 47. Р. 162.. However, such misconceptions would quickly dissipate upon closer acquaintance, given the significant linguistic, religious, and cultural differences between Kalmyks and Kazakhs. Nevertheless, this level of similarity was adequate to prevent immediate identification as a special settler and the associated labeling as a traitor to the motherland.

Nevertheless, what united all Kalmyks in the Kazakh SSR, as well as in Alma-Ata oblast was their anthropological similarity, which proved to be an advantage for better opportunities and rational decision-making. The anthropological similarity between the Kalmyks and the local Kazakh population proved advantageous to Kalmyk special settlers, enabling them to avoid facial discrimination and access better opportunities, including employment and education. Essentially, their shared physical characteristics with locals are served as a valuable resource, allowing them to leverage their circumstances to make informed choices in their best interest. Notably, informal institutions played a significant role in this process.

Moreover, the Russian language provided an opportunity for the Kalmyks in the Kazakh SSR to rightfully claim their place, akin to the Koreans, within the emerging Russian-speaking identity, referred to as «conglomerate identity» The Russian-speaking population, which included ethnic groups such as Russians, Belarusians, Ukrainians, Jews, Germans, Koreans, and others. By positioning themselves as civilized Europeans, they sought to distinguish themselves from Muslim Kazakhs, Uzbeks, and North Caucasians (Westren MichaelH. Nations in exile: «The punished peoples» in Soviet Kazakhstan, 1941-1961. Р. 277-280).. However, it is suggested that the Kalmyks did not actively seek integration into the privileged groups of the Russian-speaking population. Instead, this particular group of Kalmyk special settlers, who voluntarily moved to Alma-Ata oblast, displayed a level of awareness regarding the evolving ethnic hierarchy in the Kazakh SSR during the special settlement period. They prioritized safeguarding their well-being amidst challenging circumstances by leveraging their own knowledge and available resources within the constraints of the special settlement regime, thereby fostering cohesion within the group. From this perspective, informal networks played a significant role in improving their living conditions, facilitating access to education, finding suitable job opportunities, and even in the arrangement of settlement places. For instance, one case study involves Oleg For ethical considerations, the names have been altered using fictional names while maintaining the ethnic and cultural affiliations associated linked to the original names. For example, if a Kalmyk individual was initially identified by a Russian name, a different Russian name has been used as a replacement., a kalmyk from Yashalta raion of the Kalmyk ASSR, born in 1927. He encountered difficulties in securing employment due to his disability in Rybinsky raion of Krasnoyarsk Kray, which was his compulsory settlement place since January 1944. Subsequently, in 1947, following the death of his sole close relative, his grandmother, Oleg sought accommodation with a distant relative's family. However, during his brief stay, Oleg was evicted from the family's apartment for stealing a portion of bread obtained through ration cards by the head of the family.

Thereafter, with an absence of permission, Oleg departed from the designated settlement raion and relocated to the Kazakh SSR, where he resided without registering with a special commandant's office until 1949. During this period, he worked as a herdsman at «Aksay» state-owned pig farm (Svin- sovkhoz) located in the Ili raion of Alma-Ata oblast.

Meanwhile, it was not until the re-registration conducted in 1949 that the authorities in the designated settlement area in Krasnoyarsk Kray discovered Oleg's absence. Consequently, an agent-search case was initiated against Oleg, resulting in his inclusion on the All-Union wanted-list, a status that persisted until the summer of 1951. In its turn, records from the regional department of MVD of the Kazakh SSR indicate that Oleg had arrived in 1944 from «Metrostroy» in the Gudauta raion of the Abkhaz ASSR QR BP QSAEAKA (Astana), f. 9, d. 3404, ll. 2, 9, 50-51..

Considering that some Kalmyks resettled from the Gudauta raion of the Abkhaz ASSR were already residing in «Aksay» svinsovkhoz Ibid, d. 3405; d. 3411; d. 3412; d. 3414; d. 3415; d. 3416; d. 3418; d. 3419; d. 3429, and others., it is plausible to speculate that they not only aided Oleg in securing employment but also potentially instructed him in constructing believable storytelling. This inference is drawn from a comprehensive analysis of other Kalmyks' case files, where it was noted that they were employed at the Aksay svinsovkhoz. It should be acknowledged that the case files contain numerous questionable nuances and gaps, making it highly improbable for a single nonliterate herdsman to conceal them all without the help and support of others.

Thus, for the Kalmyks, Alma-Ata oblast stood out as a promising destination for a better life compared to other exile locations in the USSR. The prevalent opinion, supported by reports from agents and informational materials, was that

«many Kalmyks residing in a special settlement in Alma-Ata lead a privileged lifestyle, enjoying better living conditions, and have the freedom to move around due to their resemblance to Kazakhs»61.

This viewpoint was widely held among the Kalmyks in Siberian exile.

Hence, Kalmyks made every effort to circumvent the regime regulations in order to change their place of special settlement to Alma-Ata oblast. For instance, in October 1947, a family of Kalmyk special settlers from the Omsk region obtained permission to relocate to the city of Aralsk in Kyzyl-Orda oblast. However, while en route to Aralsk, they made a stop in Alma-Ata due to their children falling ill. As a result, instead of reaching the intended destination of Kyzyl-Orda oblast, they settled in stanitsa Talgar of Ili raion within Alma-Ata oblast. Sometime later, the family, consisting of nine individuals, relocated to Kegen raion after the father changed his workplace to state farm number 337. In May 1955, they were finally set free from the special settlement as the party members and his family QR BP QSAEAKA (Almaty), f. 9, d. 551, l. 131. QR BP QSAEAKA (Astana), f. 9, d. 19, ll. 5-7, 18; f. 9, d. 20, ll. 8, 15; f. 9, d. 159, ll. 12..

Considering the special settlement regime, when a permit is issued to change the place of special settlement, both the sending and receiving sides engage in bilateral control until the receiving side confirms the arrival of the special settlers. Furthermore, if the sending side does not receive an official telegram from the receiving side within the specified period, an all-Union search process is initiated. Moreover, the route lists specify designated stopping points, and any deviation from the prescribed route renders the document invalid, subjecting its holder to apprehension. Concisely, in this particular case, numerous intricacies arise, giving rise to questions. Similarly, in other instances, including many other cases of Kalmyk special settlers who were permitted to relocate to Alma-Ata oblast despite the existing restrictions.

Conclusion

To conclude, this study underscores the importance of avoiding generalizations and recognizes the diverse categories or groups among Kalmyk special settlers in Alma-Ata oblast. It identifies three distinct groups based on the outcomes and circumstances of the Kalmyk special settlers in the oblast, namely those exiled to Siberia, demobilized Kalmyks from the Red Army, and Kalmyk deportees in Kyzyl-Orda oblast of the Kazakh SSR who later obtained permission to change their places of settlement to the oblast under consideration. Within these groups, further categorization is possible based on the reasons for permission to change their places of settlement, including factors such as job prospects, education opportunities, family reunification, as well as considerations related to the harsh climate conditions in Siberia, which often resulted in frequent illnesses that progressively worsened over time.

However, a common aspect among all Kalmyk special settlers in Alma-Ata oblast is a deliberate choice of this certain oblast as the place of special settlement, which formed part of their survival strategy. Hence, during the special settlement period, many Kalmyks sought to change their places of compulsory exile from Siberia to the Kazakh SSR, specifically Alma-Ata oblast. Their motivation was not merely a preference for a familiar climate and lifestyle environment. Instead of a simple preference for familiarity, the choice to move to the oblast was based on a calculated assessment of their chances of survival, in which anthropological similarities with the local population, the Kazakhs, played a crucial role.

The shared physical resemblance became a valuable asset in the oblast, allowing the Kalmyks to evade immediate identification as special settlers and the consequent hostility they had encountered in Siberia. Additionally, proficiency in the Russian language also proved instrumental in this context. While Kalmyk special settlers in the oblast did not actively seek integration into the so-called «conglomerate identity» of the Russian -- speaking group in the Kazakh SSR, they prioritized safeguarding their own well-being within the challenging conditions of the special settlement regime, relying on their own knowledge and leveraging available resources. As a result, Alma-Ata oblast emerged as an enticing destination for the Kalmyks in exile, offering the potential for a better life, including favorable career prospects, compared to other places of deportation within the USSR.

Moreover, the survival strategy of the Kalmyk special settlers involved adapting to changing circumstances. In this perspective, informal networks played a significant role in enhancing their living conditions, accessing education, and finding suitable job opportunities.

The exceptional nature of the Kalmyks contingent of the special settlement in Alma-Ata oblast during 1944-1953 adds an intriguing dimension to this group. They can be characterized by high levels of literacy, strong adherence to Soviet values, and notable achievements within the regime. Furthermore, the fact that some Kalmyks in Alma-Ata oblast were set free from the special settlement further highlights the exclusivity of this group. Undoubtedly, these findings offer valuable insights into the nature of the special settlement system and the deportation policies implemented by the Stalinist regime.

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